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J.  B.  BURY,  M.A.,  F.B.A. 
S.  A.  COOK,  LITT.D. 
tf.  E.  ADCOCK,  M.A. 



TO    C.  -IOOO  B.C. 



Pint  Edition  i924 

Reprinted,  with  corrections  1926 
Reprinted  1931 

"  /'  if ' ;  *  i  vn 

AccuNa;  ...".r1! ;u4** 




I  $?*>>* 



IN  volume  i  the  history  of  the  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  civiliza- 
tions was  brought  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury B.C.,  and  in  both  cases  the  story  ended  in  a  dark  and  disturbed 
period.  We  left  Egypt  occupied  by  the  Hyksos  and  Babylonia  by 
the  Kassites,  Obscure  as  the  early  centuries  of  the  second  millen- 
nium are,  enough  is  known  of  the  Hyksos  and  Kassite  episodes 
and  of  still  obscurer  vicissitudes  in  the  Levant  to  warn  us  that 
some  important  movements  which  we  cannot  yet  clearly  trace 
were  then  progressing.  With  the  sixteenth  century  we  enter 
upon  a  period  which  is  more  highly  illuminated.,  and  which  in 
some  sense  has  always  been  familiar  ground.  The  six  centuries 
included  in  the  present  volume  cover  events  well-known  from 
the  Old  Testament  (the  "exodus"  and  conquests  of  the  Israelites, 
and  the  rise  of  their  monarchy)  and  from  classical  tradition  (the 
thalassocracy  of  Minos,  the  Trojan  War,  the  Dorian  invasions). 

But  these  traditions  have  now  a  very  different  aspect  from 
that  which  they  bore  for  historians  of  antiquity  sixty  years  ago 
who  attempted  to  interpret  them  and  restore  the  historical  setting* 
The  archaeological  discoveries  that  have  been  made  since  then 
furnish  a  new  background  which  had  hardly  been  suspected,  and 
disclose  a  multitude  of  new  facts  derived  from  one  of  the  best 
kinds  of  historical  sources,  contemporary  official  documents.  The 
discovery  of  the  "Amarna  letters"  in  1887  was  followed  about 
twenty  years  later  by  the  discovery  of  the  archives  of  the  old 
Hittite  Empire  at  its  capital,  Boghaz  Keui.  The  power  and  extent 
of  the  Hittite  Empire  is  the  most  conspicuous  fact  in  the  history 
of  the  second  millennium  that  has  emerged  from  the  research  of 
the  last  half  century.  This  Empire,  of  which  Rawlinson  did  not 
suspect  the  existence,  has  now  taken  an  important  place  in  the 
list  of  the  great  Oriental  Monarchies. 

We  know  little  enough  about  the  Hittites  yet,  but  we  are 
able  to  form  a  definite  idea  of  their  political  importance,  and  we 
know  that  we  shall  presently  know  much  more,  Relatively  few 
of  the  thousands  of  Boghaz  Keui  documents  have  yet  been 
published,  but  so  unexpected  has  been  their  contribution  to  the 
history  of  this  mysterious  people  that  what  may  ultimately  be 
found  lies  beyond  the  limit  of  speculation.  Time  must  elapse 
before  the  harvest  of  the  Hittite  archives  can  be  fully  gathered  in 
and  the  chaff  separated  from  the  wheat;  new  texts  have  to  be 


properly  edited,  and  it  often  requires  the  co-operation  of  experts 
in  different  fields  before  their  true  significance  can  be  safely- 
determined.  It  would  be  hazardous  and  inexpedient  to  register 
here  every  new  preliminary  announcement  before  there  has  been 
an  opportunity  of  checking  it,  and  experience  suggests  that  it  is 
safer  to  say  too  little  than  what  may  afterwards  prove  to  have  been 
too  much.  It  is  well  to  remember  that  the  classical  edition  of  the 
Amarna  letters  by  the  Danish  scholar,  the  late  Dr  J,  A.  Knudtzon 
(with  the  co-operation  of  well-known  German^Assyriologists), 
was  not  completed  until  1915,  and  that  since  then  a  few  more  of 
the  same  collection,  some  of  importance,  have  been  published1. 

Discoveries  which  appeal  most  vividly  to  the  eye  and  the 
imagination  are  not  always  those  which  contribute  most  to  the 
reconstruction  of  ancient  history.  While  the  eyes  of  the  world  have 
been  fixed  on  the  excavations  at  Luxor,  the  achievement  of  the 
late  Lord  Carnarvon  and  Mr  Howard  Carter,,  $o  important  for  our 
knowledge  of  Egyptian  art,  other  discoveries  have  been  made,, 
from  Mesopotamia  to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  which 
are  more  important  for  our  knowledge  of  ancient  history  in  its 
wider  aspects.  The  archaeological  and  documentary  material  has 
been  steadily,  and  in  later  years  rapidly,  accumulating;  but  there 
are  still  many  dark  places,  many  unresolved  problems,  and  many 
sharp  conflicts  of  opinion.  The  chronological  questions,  though 
not  so  large  and  serious  as  those  which  met  us  in  volume  I,  are 
such  as  to  preclude  complete  unanimity.  Divergent  spellings  and 
transliterations  of  hieroglyphic  and  cuneiform  names  still  cause 
many  difficulties.  Many  places  arc  of  uncertain  identification 
and  are  often  differently  located  by  different  authorities.  Incon- 
sistencies,, in  a  work  of  collaboration  like  thhy  are  unavoidable, 
and  the  reader  should  understand  that  they  arc  typical  of  the 
lack  of  finality  incidental  to  the  nature  of  the  evidence  ami  its 
interpretation.  He  should  realize,  for  instance*  that  so  out- 
standing a  figure  as  Ikhnaton  can  be  viewed  from  different 
angles,  that  on  the  problems  of  Philistines,  Dorians,  lonians, 
there  is  no  entire  agreement  of  opinion,,  that  the  value  of  the 
biblical  narratives  for  this  period,  and  that  of  the  Homeric 
poems  can  be  very  variously  appraised.  The  aim  has  been  to 
present^  the  facts  as  they  appear  to  the  several  contributors,  and 
the  Editors  have  deliberately  refrained  from  the  effort  to  make 
the  work  represent  any  one  particular  school  or  tendency. 

1  Unfortunately  they  appeared  after  chapter  xui  was  in  type  and  could 
not  be  fully  utilized  (see  pp.  313,  315).  The  same  has  to  be  said  also  of 
the  archaeological  discoveries  at  Byblus,  Beth~shean,  and  elsewhere. 


But  in  spite  of  all  the  uncertainties  we  have  now  an  impressive 
body  of  ascertained  fact,  a  solid  structure  of  knowledge;  a  general 
agreement  has  been  reached  over  certain  broad  questions  and 
also  in  regard  to  the  spirit  and  method  of  enquiry.  The  dis- 
coveries of  the  last  hundred,  and  especially — we  may  perhaps  say 
— the  last  forty,  years  have  wrought  a  revolution  and  replaced 
once  and  for  all  an  old  long-familiar  picture  by  a  new  one,  and 
one  which,  so  far  as  all  indications  suggest,  will  only  be  filled 
out  and  corrected  by  future  research,  not  replaced  by  yet  another. 

During  the  period  surveyed  in  this  volume  peoples  of  south- 
western Asia,  Egypt  and  south-eastern  Europe  were  brought 
into  close  contact.  Asia  Minor,  as  the  bridge  between  Asia  and 
Europe,  now  assumes  a  particular  importance  on  this  account,  as 
well  as  on  account  of  the  Hittites  and  the  problems  which  their 
state  raises.  The  volume  therefore  opens  with  two  chapters  on 
the  peoples  of  Asia*  Minor  and  of  Europe  by  Dr  Giles,  designed 
to  introduce  the  reader  to  the  general  ethnical  and  linguistic  facts. 

Egypt  is  again,  as  in  vol.  i,  the  country  whose  history  is  most 
fully  known  to  us.  Dr  James  Breasted,  in  six  chapters,  relates 
the  internal  and  external  events,  and  Professor  Peet  (chapter  ix), 
continuing  (from  vol.  i,  chapter  ix)  his  survey  of  life  and  thought, 
deals  with  the  religion,  law,  science  and  literature  of  this  period 
of  Egyptian  civilization.  Of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  relatively  little 
is  known,  but  such  were  the  relations  between  these  countries 
and  the  Egyptian  and  Hittite  Empires  that  some  lucky  discovery 
or  the  excavation  of  some  Kassite  town  may  at  any  time  supply 
valuable  new  material.  The  scanty  knowledge  we  have  is  sum- 
marized by  Mr  Campbell  Thompson  (chapter  x),  continuing  his 
chapter  in  vol.  i  on  the  Kassite  conquest. 

The  Hittites  of  Asia  Minor  are  introduced  to  the  reader  by 
Dr  Hogarth  (chapter  xi),  and  the  principal  problems  are  specified; 
while  the  history  of  the  later  Hittites,  when  the  scene  has  shifted 
to  Syria,  is  reserved  for  the  following  volume.  Levantine  ques- 
tions, relating  to  the  Keftians,  Philistines  and  other  peoples  of  the 
east  Mediterranean  coasts,  are  discussed  (chapter  xu)  by  Dr 
Hall,  and  to  him  is  also  due  a  chapter  which  carries  on  the  story 
of  art  in  the  near  east  (chapter  xv,  compare  vol.  i,  chapter  xvi). 

As  regards  the  history  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  the  Old  Testa- 
ment itself  gives  the  history  of  Israel,  But  scholars,  however 
conservative  they  may  be,  find  themselves  obliged  to  attempt 
some  sort  of  reconstruction*  The  plan  here  adopted  by  Dr  Cook 
has  been  to  give  first  (chapter  xm)  an  account  of  those  lands, 
based  on  the  external  and  contemporary  evidence  (principally  the 



Amarna  letters)  and  Independent  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
then  (chapter  xiv)  an  analysis  of  the  biblical  narrative,  in  order  to 
define  the  data  on  which  a  reconstruction  must  be  founded. 

Mr  Wace,  continuing  (chapter  xvi)  his  account  of  the  Aegean 
(see  vol.  i,  chapter  xvii),  describes  the  civilization  of  Crete  in  the 
sixteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  at  the  culmination  of  its  power 
and' influence,  and  that  of  the  "Mycenaean  Empire"  which,  after 
the  fall  of  Cnossus,  succeeded  to  the  dominating  position  of  Crete 
in  the  Aegean.  This  chapter  has  a  central  importance,  which  is 
enhanced  by  the  writer's  long  experience  of  excavations  in  the 
Aegean  area. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  we  are  in  a  period  to  which  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  Greeks  reach  back.  Archaeology  enables  us,  as  Mr 
Wace  explains,  to  fix  the  approximate  times  of  the  fall  of  Cnossxis, 
the  building  of  the  latest  palaces  at  Mycenae  and  Tiryns,  the 
/orefratofTrlomeric  Troy;  but  the  exploration  of  the  Aegean  lands 
has  not  yielded  to  our  curiosity  decipherable  archives,  1 1  once, 
although  during  the  last  fifty  years  we  have  been  gaining  an 
ever-growing  knowledge  of  the  civilization  of  the  heroic  age  of 
Greece  which  confirms  and  fills  in  the  picture  in  Homer,  we  have 
no  documents  like  those  of  Amarna  or  Boghaz  Iveui,  giving*  in- 
formation about  political  events  and  enabling  us  to  cheek  or 
explain  or  illustrate  the  traditions.  Hence  we  are  still,  for  the 
Achaean  period,  very  largely  dependent  on  those  traditions,  and 
there  is  room  for  widely  diverging  views.  For  the  last  hundred 
years  it  has  been  so  usual  to  treat  the  traditions  with  disrespect  and 
scepticism  that  the  treatment  of  the  Achaean  period  by  Professor 
Bury  (chapter  xvn)  may  seem  indecently  radical  just  because  it  is 
exceptionally  conservative1.  As  our  view  of  the  heroic  age  depends 
mainly  on  our  view  of  the  Homeric  poems,  a  chapter  (xvin)  hits 
been  added  by  the  same  writer  on  the  Homeric  controversy,  in 
which  the  Unitarian  doctrine  is  adopted.  The  reader  will,  however, 
notice  that  elsewhere  in  the  volume  other  contributors  state  or 
imply  a  different  view  of  the  Homeric  poems. 

After  the  Trojan  War  and  the  coming  of  the  Iron  Age  we 
enter  on  a  period  of  Aegean  history  on  which,  always  notoriously 
obscure,  but  few  and  dim  lights  have  been  cast  by  archaeology* 

1  As  we  go  to  press  news  reaches  UK  of  the  possibility  that  new  light  on 
the  Achaeans  may  presently  be  forthcoming  from  Boghaz  Kern,  and  perhaps 
a  confirmation  or  the  results  of  the  Eratosthenic  chronology.  See  Dr  Giles 
in  the  Cambridge  University  Reporter  for  March,,  1924,  p.  685,  and 
Dr  Ferrer's  preliminary  announcement  iu  the  Qrietitttlistische  Litenttur- 
^  March,  col,  113  $qq. 



The  two  main  movements,  which  were  to  set  the  stage  for  classical 
Greek  history,  were  the  Dorian  invasions  and  the  settlements  of 
Hellenic  peoples  on  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor.  The  first  is  dis- 
cussed by  Mr  Wade-Gery  (chapter  xix) ;  no  definite  narrative 
is  possible,  critical  discussion  is  the  only  way  in  which  the  subject 
can  be  usefully  treated.  The  course  of  the  formation  of  an  Asiatic 
Greece,  through  the  series  of  movements  so  important  for  the 
future  of  the  Hellenic  race  (commonly  known  as  the  Aeolic  and 
Ionic  migrations),  is  traced  by  Dr  Hogarth  (chapter  xx). 

A  chapter  (xxi)  by  Professor  Peet,  Dr  Ashby  and  Mr  Thurlow 
Leeds,  describes  the  archaeological  results  of  exploration  in  the 
area  of  the  western  Mediterranean  and  the  extreme  western 
countries  of  Europe,  It  takes  up  such  questions  as  the  westward 
extension  of  Cretan  and  Mycenaean  influences,  the  journeys  of  the 
Phoenicians,  and  the  identity  of  the  megalith-builders,  and  forms 
a  link  between  die  introductory  chapters  by  Professor  Myres  in 
vol.  i,  and  the  hisfory  that  will  begin  in  the  volumes  that  follow. 

Finally,  in  chapter  xxu  Professor  Halliday  treats  of  the 
difficult  subject  of  the  religion  of  the  Greeks,  its  origins  and 
characteristic  features,  and  the  structure  of  their  mythology  which 
remained  so  important  a  factor  in  the  history  of  Greek  life  and 

The  Editors  have  to  repeat  their  regret  that  it  has  not  been 
possible  to  provide  illustrations  without  adding  very  considerably 
to  the  cost  of  the  volume.  They  are,  however,  glad  to  be  able  to 
announce  that  the  Syndics  of  the  Press  have  agreed  to  a  separate 
volume  of  plates  which,  it  is  hop.ed,  may  be  published  in  1925'. 

Prof.  Halliday  desires  to  tender  his  thanks  to  Dr  L.  R.  Farnell 
for  reading  the  first  draft  of  his  chapter.  To  Sir  Arthur  Evans 
Mr  Wace  also  wishes  to  express  his  acknowledgments.  Dr  Cook 
desires  to  thank  Prof.  Bevan,  and  especially  Prof*  Kennett,  and 
the  Rev.  W.  A.  L.  Elmslie  of  Westminster  College,  Cambridge, 
for  valuable  criticisms  and  suggestions;  but  for  the  views  ex- 
pressed in  his  chapters  he  himself  is  solely  responsible. 

It  is  again  the  pleasant  duty  of  the  Editors  to  express  their 
indebtedness  to  the  contributors  for  the  preparation  of  the  biblio- 
graphies, for  their  advice  on  difficult  questions  which  arose  from 
time  to  time,  and  for  their  cordial  co-operation  in  many  ways. 
Special  thanks  are  due  to  Mr  Godfrey  Driver,  of  Magdalen 
College,  Oxford,  for  translations  of  the  Amarna  letters  cited  in 
chapter  xm ;  and  to  him  and  to  Mr  Campbell  Thompson  for  general 
Assyriological  assistance,  and  to  the  latter  for  Map  4,  and  the 


chronological  and  other  matter  in  the  Appendix  (pp.  696-701), 
Thanks  are  due  also  to  Dr  Hall  and  Prof.  Peet  for  their  advice 
and  assistance  in  matters  Egyptological. 

They  are  indebted  to  Dr  Ashby  and  Prof.  Peet  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  Maps  14  and  15,  and  to  both  gentlemen  and  also  Mr 
Thurlow  Leeds  and  Dr  Giles  for  Map  13;  to  Dr  Hogarth  for 
Map  5;  to  Prof.  Breasted  for  the  plan  of  Kadesh  (p.  69),  and 
to  him  and  to  Messrs  Scribner's  Sons  for  Maps  1  and  2;  to 
Mr  Nelson  and  the  University  of  Chicago  for  the  plan  of 
Megiddo  (p.  145) ;  to  Messrs  Bartholomew  for  Map  6 ;  to  Messrs 
A.  and  C.  Black  for  Map  3 ;  to  Messrs  Macmillan  for  the  plan 
of  the  plain  of  Troy,  from  Professor  Leaf's  Troy\  to  the 
publishers  of  the  Encyclopedia  Eritannica  for  the  plan  of 
Mycenae.  The  plans  of  the  palaces  of  Cnossus  and  Tiryns  are 
from  the  Cambridge  Companion  to  Greek  Studies.  The  general 
and  biblical  indexes  have  been  made  by  Mr  W,  E.  C,  Browne, 
M.A.,,  former  scholar  of  Emmanuel  College.  * 

The  design  on  the  outside  cover  represents  the  fine  limestone 
portrait  of  Ikhnaton,  found  by  the  German  expedition  at  Tell 

A  list  of  the  more  important  corrections  and  additions  which 
have  been  made  in  the  second  edition  of  voL  I  will  be  found 
on  a  separate  leaflet. 

f.  B.  B. 
S.  A.  C. 

E  E.  A, 




Reader  in  Comparative  Philology,  Master  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge 




Climate .  3 

Rivers 4 

Ethnology      ..........  5 


Peoples  of  the  Sea   .........  8 

Lycians,  Carians      .........  9 

Leleges,  Lydians ro 

Etruria  ...........  ir 

III.  INDO-EUROPEANS;  CONTACT  WITH  EUROPE         .         .         .         .         .  12 

Phrygians,  Paphlagonians          .         .         .         .        .        .        .  14. 

Medes 15 

Linguistic  evidence .        .         .        .        -        .         *         .         .  1 6 

Later  invaders         .........  17 

The  Celts  of  Asia  Minor .         .        .        .        »        .        .        .  18 




Prehistoric  Europe       .*.«»»»«««2O 

European  types 22 

Italy,  Sicily,  Albania 24 

The  Balkan  peninsula 27 

Cretans      * 28 

Home  of  the  Indo-Europeans        .......*  29 

Greece,  Macedonia,  Thrace *        .        •  30 

Scythians,  Sarmatians,  Celts  .                  .                  32 

Red  and  Black  Celts,  Gaktians 34 

Italic  peoples * 36 

German  peoples  ...•....••*  37 

C.A.H.II  * 




By  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED,  PH.D.,  LL.D.,  HON.  D.Lrrr.  (Oxow.) 
Professor  of  Egyptology  and  Oriental  History  in  the  University  of  Chicago 



Expulsion  of  the  Hylcsos  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  41 

New  military  organization          .......  42 

Character  of  the  administration  .          .          .          .          *          .          .  45 

Duties  of  the  vizier .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  46 

Social  divisions         .          .          .          .          .          .          .          »          .  48 

Growth  of  the  priesthood.          .......  50 

The  Valley  of  the  Kings' Tombs 52 

II.  THE  EXPANSION  OF  THE  EMPIRE  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  FLvrSHKPStiT        .              .  53 

Thutmose  I  in  Nubia  and  Asia .          .          .          .          »          .          .  54 

Conditions  in  south-western  Asia         .          .          .          .          .          »  56 

The  Levant 58 

Conquests  in  northern  Syria       .          .          .          .          „          .          ,  59 

Predominance  of  Hatshepstit     .......  60 

Hatshepsut's  expedition  to  Punt           .»...»  63 

Her  building  enterprises  .•»«,*»»  64 




The  invasion  of  Palestine .          .          .          .          „          .          .          ,  6B 

The  battle  of  Mogiddo  69 

The  Egyptian  victory        .          .          .          .          .          .          .          „  j  i 

Thutmosc's  second  Asiatic  campaign  j^ 

Third  to  sixth  campaigns .          .          .          ,          .          .          ,          .  ^4 

Campaign  against  Mitanni         .....,„  76 

II.  THE  EMPIRE  OF  THUTMOSH  III.         -.*...»  78 

Thutmose's  monuments    ..,,„.,.„  79 

Internal  conditions  in  Egypt      „         .          .         -          4         .          .  Ho 

Ninth  to  thirteenth  campaigns   „          .          „          .          .          .          m  82 

Egyptian  sovereignty  in  south-west  Ania       .         ,          .         ,          .  84 

Thutmose's  character  86 






I.  EGYPT  MISTRESS  OF"*THE  EAST      .          .          .          .          „          .          .          „          88 

Revolts  in  Asia          .........  89 

Work  of  Amenhotep  II    .          .          .          „          .          .          .          .  91 

Thutmose  IV.          .........  92 

Amenhotep  III         .........  93 

Sovereignty  in  Syria  ........  94 

Letters  from  Mitanni        .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  95 

Trade  and  intercourse       .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  96 

Relations  with  Crete  .  .          .  .  .  .  .          .  97 

II.  CIVILIZATION  AND  THI?NEW  AGE  UNDER  AMENHOTEP  III       .          .          .  98 

Art  and  architecture  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .100 

Sculpture         .          .          .          „          .          .          „          .          .          .103 
Craftsmanship  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .104 

Queen  Tiy      ..........        105 

Scarabs  of  Tiy          .........        106 

Troubles  in  Syria    .          .          .          .          „          „          .         .         .107 



I.  IKHNATON'S  RELIGIOUS  MOVEMENT         .          *          .          .          .         .  .109 

Pre-existing  monotheistic  tendencies    .          .          .         .          .  .no 

Ikhnaton*s  zeal  and  icoaoclasm .          .          .          .          .          .  .112 

Akhetaton;  Tell  el-Amarna        »          .          .          .          .          ,  .114 

The  Aton  cult 116 

Hymns  to  Aton        .         .          *         .         .         .         .         ,  .117 

Ikhnaton's  ideas  and  art    »          .          .          .          .          .          .  .120 

II.  THE  FOREIGN  SITUATION  AND  THE  FALL  OF  IK1INATON       .             .              ,  .           121 

The  Hittite  advance  on  Syria     .          ,          .          .          .          .  ,122 

Unrest  irx  Mitanni  and  Syria     .         „         .         .         .         .  .123 

TheHabiru 124 

Opposition  to  Ikhnaton  in  Egypt         »          .          .          .          .  .126 

Failure  of  his  reform         .          .         *         .          .         ,         .  1 27 

The  el-Amarna  letters       .          .          .         .          .          *          ,  .128 

Tutenkhamon          .         .          .          .          .          .          .          .  .129 

Decay  of  the  dynasty        ,         .         *         *         .         .         *  .130 

xiv  CJUJN  1  J^JN  1  b 





I.  THE  PREDECESSORS  OF  RAMSES     .          .          „          .  .  .  -  .13 

The  reforms  of  Harmhab           .           .           .  -  .  -  .13 

His  long  and  peaceful  reign        .           .          .  .  .  .  ,13, 

Seti  I  invades  Palestine      .           .          .          .                  f  .  ,  .13 

Eg/pt  recovers  Syria          .          .          .          .  .  -  -                   i  tV 

Achievements  of  Seti  T  in  Egypt          ,          .  .  .  ,  .13? 

II.  THE  WARS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  OF   RAMSES   If.  .  ,  .  ,             I  $< 

The  Hittite  league  against  Egypt          *           .  .  .  .  .141 

Egyptian  advance  upon  Kadcsh           .          .  .  .  .                   i-jj 

The  battle  of  Kadesh         .          .          .          .  -  -  .                   T,JJ 

The  Egyptian  victory        .          .          .          .  .  -  -  ,14*'; 

The  results -  .                   i  .|  8 

Treaty  between  Egypt  and  the  Hittites         .....         1 49 

Marriage  alliance     .          .           .          .           .  .  .  .  ,1^0 

III.  THE  CIVILIZATION  OF  THE  AGE  OF  I<AMSF.S   II  .  -  .  .            I  ^T 

Building  enterprises.          .          .          .          -  .  -  .                   i^z 

Foreign  intercourse.          .          .          ,          .  .  .  .                   1*53 

Syrian  influence  in  Egypt.          .          .           .  .  ,  .  .155 

Internal  conditions  .          .           .          .           .  .  .  .                    1 56 

Ethics  and  religion  .          .          .          .          .  .  .  .                   rq;H 

Personal  religion  and  morality   ......  1 60 

A  new  threat  to  Egypt       .          •          »          .  .  *  ,162 





Unrest  in  the  Levant         .          .          .          .  ,  .  .  .        iY>  $ 

The  great  Libyan  invasion         .  »        166 

Merneptah's  victory          .          .          .          .  »  ,  .                   r68 

The 'Israel' stele tf>q 

Internal  unrest  and  anarchy        .          .          ,  .  »  ,  .        1 70 

Fresh  Levantine  attacks     .          .          .          *  .  .  .  .173 

Fighting  on  land  and  sea  .          .          .          .  .  .  ,  .174 

The  victories  of  Ramses  J  IT       .          .          .  .  .  .  .171; 

Decline  of  Egyptian  and  Hittite  power        ,  »  .  .                  176 

IL  THE  INTERNAL  DECAY  OF  THE  EMPIEE          .         .  *  »  *  .177 

State  of  the  Empire  tinder  Ramses  II I         .  *  ,  *  ,178 

Decay  of  art   .          .          *          «          .          .  .  *  .                  jHo 

Growth  of  priestly  power,          ,          .          .  ,  ,  .  .        i  S  i 

Increased  wealth  of  the  temples.          .          .  ,  .  ,  .182 

Internal  crises.          ,          .          .          .          .  .  ,  .                   1 84 

The  great  harem  conspiracy       „          *          „  „  »  „                   i  H6 




The  priest  Amenhotep      .          .          .          0          .          .  .  .189 

The  independence  of  die  Delta.                    .          „          .  .  .        101 

The  story  of  Wenamon    .          .          .          .          .          .  .  .192 

Loss  of  Egyptian  prestige  in  Phoenicia         ,          .          .  .  .194 

The  supremacy  of  the  priesthood        .          .          .          .  ,  195 


BY  T.  ERIC  PEET,  M.A. 
Professor  of  Egyptology,  Liverpool  University 

I.  RELIGION;  IKHNATON'S  REFORM    ,          .          .          .          .          .          .          .196 

Comparison  with  the  Middle  Kingdom       .          .          .          .  197 

The  Boole  of  the  Dead 198 

Spells     .          . «  .          .          .          .          ,          .          .  199 

Magic  and  morals    .          .          .          .          <          .          .          ,          .201 

Prelude  to  Ikhnaton's  reform     .          .          .          .         .          .          .203 

Nature  of  the  reform         .          „          .          .          .          .          .          .205 

Causes  of  Its  failure .........        207 

Personal  piety  ,.......,        208 

General  decay  of  religion.          .......       209 

II.  LAW      .         .         .         .         .          .         .         ,         .         .         .         .210 

Criminal  law  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .211 

Civil  law         .  .  *  .  .  .  .  ,  .  .212 

Civil  actions    .  .  „  .  ,  .  .  .  .  .214 

III.  THE  SCIENCES         .  „  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .215 

Mathematics  .          .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ,  .216 

Astronomy      .          .  .  .  .  ,  .  .  .  ,218 

Medicine  and  magic  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .219 

Diagnosis        •          .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .220 

IV.  LITERATURE.          .          .  .  .  .  .  *  .  ,  .221 

Comparison  with  the  Middle  Kingdom  .  .  .  .  .222 

Stories  and  romance          .         .         .  .  .  .  .  .223 

Hymns,  letters  and  satires.         .          .  .  .  .  .  .224 

Love  songs      .         .         .         .         .  «  .  „  .  .225 


Fellow  of  Merlon  College,  Oxford 

I.  Tl!E  STRX7CGLR  FOR  THE  MEDITERRANEAN  COAST  LANDS     .  .  .  .          227 

The  horse       .          .         -          -          .         -          .          .         .          .228 
The  Kassites  .  *         ....       229 

Mitanni  .........       230 




Decline  of  Haiti  and  Egypt ,320 

V.  RELATIONS  WITH  EGYPT   .         .          .         .          -          -          •          -          •        3  - r 

The  Egyptian  administration  .  .  .  -  -  •  .322 

Semitic  officials  in  the  Egyptian  service  .....        323 

Messenger  service    .          .  .  •  •  -  -  *  3 2  ^ 

Satire  of  a  scribe      .          .  .  -  -  -  -  •  .326 

Intercourse  with.  Egypt     .  .  .  .  •  -  -  ,328 

Material  culture  in  Syria  .  .  ,  .  .  -  •  •        329 

VI.  LANGUAGE  AND  WRITING.         .  .  .  -  -  *  33° 

Current  languages    .          .          .  «  •  •  -  •  3  3 * 

Knowledge  of  Babylonian          .  .  .  .  .  .  -        333 

Use  of  the  cuneiform  script        .  .  .  .  -  •  334 

Records  of  letters,  messengers,  etc.  .  .  .  .  .  3  3  $ 

VII.  STYLE  AND  IDEAS  .          .         .         .  .  .  -  »  -  -33^ 

Style  of  theAmarna  letters 337 

Parallels  in  the  O.T 33 H 

The  Pharaoh  and  the  gods 34° 

Religious  and  related  ideas         .          .          .          ...          .          ,343 


Native  gods  of  Palestine    .  .  .  .  -  -  -  .347 

Astarte,  Addu,  Baal,  Yahweh  »  -  *  -  -  .  34^ 

Tendencies  to  monolatry  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .3^0 

Absence  of  Yaliweh-worsliip  .  *  -  -  -  •  3  5 l 


BY  S.  A*  COOK 

L  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  NARRATIVE       *         .         ,  .  #  .         * 

The  Biblical  history          .         *          .         „  „  .  , 

Its  general  character          .         ,         .         .  .  .  ,          « 

Scanty  external  confirmation      .         .          „  .  .  .          .356 

II.  THE  ACCOUNT  OP  THE  EXODUS  AND  THE  CON^UKST  .  ,  ,                          3^8 

The  patriarchs  as  settlers  .         .         „         .  .  ,  .          •        3  *>0 
Variant  traditions  of  Exodus  and  Conquest                                                 3  ( *o 

Moses  and  Aaron    .         .         „         .         .  .  .  .          *       362 

The  Kadesh  traditions      .         .          .          ,  m  .  .          , 

Edomite  and  Israelite  interrelations     .         .  *  .  . 


The  prelude  to  its  rise       .         .          .          .  .  .  „          *        370 

Conflicting  traditions         .         .          .          .  .  ,  .          ,371 

Traditions  of  Saul  and  David    .         .         .  *  .  .         »        372 

Complexity  of  the  traditions .374 


Pre-Mitannian  period       .         „          .         .  ,  .  m         «        377 

Rise  of  Phoenicia     .          .         ,          .          .  4  M  t         ,^78 

Significance  of  Philistia     .         .         .         «  .  ,  „         -379 


V.  ISRAEL,  JUDAH  AND  KING  SAUL  .          .          .          .          .          *          .          .381 

Tendencies  of  the  Biblical  history       .          .  .  .  .  .383 

Archaeology  and  criticism           .          .          .  .  „  .  .        3  84 

The  age  of  the 'Judges' 386 

Importance  of  Shechem    .          .          .          .  .  .  .  -38? 

Saul  and  his  wars  on  the  south  .          .          „  .  .  .  .389 

Relations  between  central  and  south  Palestine  .  .  .  .390 

VI.  DAVID  AND  SOLOMON        .          „          .          .          .  .  .  .  .392 

Judah  and  Edom     .........        393 

The  Davidip  idea     .........        394 

David,  Solomon  and  Jerusalem .          .          .          .          .          .          .396 

VII.  SOME  CONTEMPORARY  IDEAS       ........  397 

Ideas  of c righteousness*     .......?       398 

Ikhnaton's  reform  and  Palestine          .          .          .          .          .          .399 

Ideas  of  Right  and  Order.          .......       400 

Significance  of  the  ideas  of  the  period  .  402 

The  rise  of  Yahwism        ......          0          .       404 

Truth  of  idea  rather  than  of  fact         ......       406 



BY  H.  R.  HALL 

Relation  between  the  New  and  the  Middle  Empire  .  .  .  409 

Sculpture  of  the  XVlIIth  Dynasty 410 

Portraiture  and  caricature,  .  .  ,  .  .  .  .412 
Funerary  art :  ushabtis  and  scarabs  *  «  .  .  .  .414 

IL  SMALL  ART,  COSTUME,  POTTERY,  ETC.  .         .         .         .         .         .         .415 

Scarabs,  inlays          .          .          .          .          ,          .          *          .          .416 

Glazes,  glass  ..........       417 

Carved  ivory  and  wood    *          .          .          .          .          .          .          .419 

Costume  and  toilet  .........       420 

Textiles  and  leather- work.  .  .  »  *  .  .  .423 
Woodwork,  pottery.  ........  424 

III.  SYRIA  AND  THE  EAST       .........       426 

Art  in  Syria,  Cilicia  and  Cyprus          ......       427 

Hittite  and  Assyrian  art  ,  .  .  .  *  •  .  .428 
Later  Assyrian  art  .  ,  .  .  .  ,  ,  .  ,430 



BY  A.  J.  B.  WAGE,  M.A. 

Deputy  Keeper  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert  Museum;  sometime  Director  of  the  British 
School  of  Archaeology  at  Aihcnsj  formerly  Fellow  of  Pembroke  College,  Cambridge 

I.  CRETE:  LATE  MINOAN  I  *  *  .  •  .  .  *  .  .431 
Palaces  of  Cnossus  and  Phacstus  .  ,  *  .  .  .432 
Minoan  art  ..........  434 



MInoan  costume      .....,-..        436 

Extent  of  Minoan  influence       .          .          .          .          *          .          *        437 
Crete  and  Egypt '  43  8 

II.  CRETE:  LATE  MINOAN  II.          ........        439 

Character  of  the  culture    ........        440 


Cause  of  Cretan  supremacy        .          .          ,          .          .          .          .44-3 

Fall  of  Minoan  power      .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .443 

Character  of  the  culture    ........        4.4,4 

Transition  to  the  Iron  Age         .          .          .          .  .  4  46 


Relations  with  Crete          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .449 

V.  THE- GREEK  MAINLAND:  MYCENAE     .          .          .          ,  .          .  .4^0 

Cretan  influence       .          .          .          .          ,          „          .          .  4  <;  r 

Shaft-graves  of  Mycenae  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .4^2 

Bee-hive  tombs         ,         .          .          .          .          „          ,          .          .        4  ^ 

VI.  THE  SUPREMACY  OF  MYCENAE  .         ..„.,..       4^6 

The  palace  and  citadel  of  Mycenae    .          „          .          .          .          .457 

The  palace  and  citadel  of  Tiiyns        .          -          .  ,       .          „  4^$ 

Spread  of  Mycenaean  culture    .          .          .          .          .          .  .|  59 

Mycenaean  life        .......,,        4,60 

Pottery  of  the  period         ........       464 

Religion  and  burial .          .          .          .          „          ,          .          .  ,|  6 «; 

Decay  of  Mycenae  .          ........       466 

The  Dorian  invasion         ........       467 

VII.  THESSALY,  MACEDONIA  AND  TROY   .          .          .          .          .          .          .468 

Problems  of  Thessalian  pottery ....,,.        4  /><) 
Local  culture  .         .         .          ,          .          ,          .          .          .          .470 

Troy     ^ 471 

The  coming  of  the  Iron  Age     .          .          •          *          »          .  4,72 



By  J.  B.  BURY,  M.A.,  F.B.A, 
Regius  Professor  of  Modern  History  in  the  University  of  Camhrkfj^ 

L  ACHAEAN  GREECE     .......... 

Theory  of  invasion  from  the  north  ......       4,74 

Spread  of  the  Achaeans     „         .  ,          .          .          ,          .          *       47$ 

The  Pelasgians         .          .         »  ,          «          .          .          .          .476 

Wars  of  Argos  and  Thebes        .  .         .         .          ,         „          ,477 

The  heroic  age        .          .          .  .          »          .          .          %          ,478 

The  Homeric  catalogue    *         ,  .         .          .          .          ,          ,479 

Supremacy  of  Mycenae    -         .  .          .          .          .          „         .       48  2 

Political  organization         ,         .  .         .         .          ,         „         .4,83 

Character  of  society.          .         .  *         ,          „          .          ,          ,484 

Minstrelsy,  language,  religion    .  .         .         ,          .         ,         , 




The  Dardanians       .          .          .          .          .          .          .          „          .488 

The  fortress  of  Troy         ........       4.89 

Resources  of  Trojan  kings          .          .          .          .          »          .          .491 

Causes  of  Trojan  war       „          *          .          .          .          .          .          .492 

Criticism  of  the  story         ........       494 

Historical  elements  .          .          .         .         .          .         .         „         .495 

Sequel  to  the  fall  of  Troy.          .......        496 

Pelopids  and  Perseids;  the  Trojan  era          .          .          .          *          .497 


BY  J.  B.  BURY 

I.  THE  HOMERIC  POEMS        .........       498 

Plot  of  the  Iliad      .........        499 

The  Epic  cycla        ,         .         ,         *         .        •  .         .         .         .        500 

II.  THE  HOMERIC  CONTROVERSY     ........       502 

D'Aubignac  and  Wolf      .         .  .  .  .  .  .  503 

Theories  of  Expansion:  Grote  .  .  .  .  .  .  .504 

U.  von  Wilamowitz-Mollendorff  .  .  .  .  .  505 

The  postulates  underlying  the  theories  .  .  .  .  .506 

The  date  of  Homer.         .         .  .  .  .  .  .  .507 

Antiquity  of  writing          .          .  .  .  .  .  .  .508 

Language  of  the  Epics      .          .  .  .  .  .  .  .509 

III.  HISTORICAL  TRADITIONS  IN  THE  Iliad  .  .  .  .  .  .510 

Historical  reality  of  the  heroes  .         .         .         .         .         .         .511 

Consistent  archaism  in  Homer  .         .         .         .         .         .         .513 

Homer's  material     .         .         .         .         .         .         .          ,          .514 

The  Olympian  machinery          .         .         .         .         .          -          .515 

The  role  of  the  gods 517 


BY  H.  T.  WADR-GBRY,  M.A.,  M.C 
Fellow  and  Tutor,  Wadham  College,  Oxford 

I.  THE  TRADITIONS:  LINGUISTIC  EVIDENCE        .         .         .         .         ,         ,518 

The  evidence  of  the  dialects       .         .         .          .         .          .         .519 

II.  A  TRANSITIONAL  PERIOD      .  .  .  .  .  *  ,  .  .520 

Geometric  art          .         .         .  .  .  .  .  ,  .521 

From  Mycenaean  to  Geometric  .  .  „  .  ,  .522 

Evidence  of  iron,  etc.       *         ,  .  .  .  .  «  .524 

IIL  THE  DORIAN  TRIBES       , 525 

The  story  of  Aegimius      ,         .  .  .  .  .  .  .526 

Aegimius  in  Thessaly       *         .  .  .  .  .  .  .527 

Dorians  in  Crete  and  Rhodes     .  *  .  .  .  .  .528 

Origin  of  the  Dorians       *         „  „  .  .  .  .  530 



IV.  THE  CONQUEST      ......          .          -         -  s3T 

4  The  Return  of  the  Heraclids'  .......  533 

Corinth,  Megara      .          .          .          .          -          -          -          •  534 

Aegina,  Sparta         .         .         .         •         •          -          -         •  *>  3  5 

Arcadia  .......          ....  ^30 

Arcadian  and  Dorian  colonization       .          .          .          .          .          •  s  3  7 

V.SPARTA  ............ 

Capture  of  Amycke          .....          •          - 

Perioikoi  and  Helots         .         .          -          •          -          -          •          . 

Pylos,  Messenia       .         .....         '•         •  54* 



I.  THE  MAIN  TRADITIONS  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  -  .  ^.f,2 

Several  stages  of  settlement         .          .          *          .    •  *          •  *»>{.? 

Different  social  phases       ........  ^44 

The  Ionian  Migration      *          .          .          ,          •          .          .  vH 

The  dates        ..........  54  C> 

Mallus  and  Troy     .........  547 


Early  Anatolian  monarchies       ,          .  .  ,  .  .  .1549 

Asiatic  origin  of  Humanism       .          .  ,  .  .  .  «j^o 

Pre-  Ionian  civilization      *         .          .  .  *  .  .  ^  I 

Early  colonies.         .          .         .          ,  .  .  .  .  *        $$& 


Archaeological  evidence  .  .  ,  ,  .  .  . 

Leleges  and  Carians  »  .  .  *  .  .  .          . 

Phoenician  influence  .  .  .  .  .  *  „ 

IV*  THE  PROCESS  OF  SETTLEMENT  ,  .  .  *  .  .  » 

Secondary  colonization  *  .  .  .  .  .  ,         *        ^9 

Milesian  colonies     .  .  ,  .  „  .  .  „                 i;6rt 

Motive  of  colonization  .  .  ,  .  .  ,  *                 561 



BY  PROFESSOR  PEET,  DR  THOMAS  ASHHY,  D.Lrrr,,   F»S*A,,   and    K.   THURIXIW 
LEEDS,  M.A,,  F.S.A.,  Assistant  Keeper  of  tlic  Doparlrnent  of  Aiilltjuitir-s  Ar.liiuolfau 

Museum^  Oxford  l 

I.  ITALY  AND  SICILY      ...» 
Early  tr«ices  of  man  ,         . 

Sergi's  'Mediterranean  Race'    * 
Neolilliic  civilization         .         , 

1  Professor  Peet  is  mainly  responsible  for  Sections  I  and  V?  Dr  Ashby  for  Sc<'titm«  II 
and  HI,  both  for  Section  VI,  and  Mr  Leeds  for  Section  IV. 

CONTENTS  xxiii 


Copper  Age    .  .          .          .          .          .          .          .         m       566 

Bronze  Age;  new  influences       .......        567 

TJhie  Terremare         .........        568 

Bronze  Age  in  Sicily         ........        570 

Transition  to  Early  Iron  Age     .          .          .          .          .          .          .571 

Etruscan  civilization          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          -        573 

The  Latian  tombs    .........        574 

II.  THE  MALTESE  ISLANDS  AND  NORTH  AFRICA          .          .          ,          .          -575 

Prehistoric  Malta     .          .          .          .          .          .  ,  .  -575 

Neolithic  period,  Hal-Tarxien  .          .          .  .  .  576 

Hal-Saflieni    ..........        577 

Bronze  Age  in  Malta        .          .          .          .          .  .  .  578 

North  Africa,  connections  with  West  Mediterranean  .  .  .        579 

Physical  types          .          .          .          .          .          .  .  .  .580 

III.  SARDINIA,  CORSICA  AND  THE  BALEARIC  ISLANDS    «          .  ,  .  .581 

The  megaliths  of  Sardinia  .  .  .  .  .  .  .581 

The  nuraghi   .          .          .  .  .  .  .  .  .  -5^3 

Bronze  and  Minoan  Ages  .  .  .  .  .  „  .584 

IV.  THE  IBERIAN  PENmsuLA          .  .  .  .  .  ,  .  •        5&5 

Lower  palaeolithic  and  Capsian  periods  .  .  .  .  ,585 

Iberian  influence  on  neolithic  culture  .  .  ,  .  .586 

Transition  to  Bronze  Age           .          .  .  .  ,  .  .587 

The  megaliths  and  their  distribution  .  .  .  .  .  .588 

Doubtful  relations  with  the  Levant     .  .  .  .  .  .590 

V.  FRANCE  AND  THE  BRITISH  ISLES            *          .  .  .  .  .  .591 

Neolithic  period  in  France          .          .          .          .          .          ,          .591 

Megaliths  of  Brittany 592 

The  La  Tcne  culture 593 

Neolithic  and  early  Bronze  Ages  in  England         .          .          .          .594 
Origin  of  the  physical  types        .         .         .          .         ,         *         -595 

VI.  THE  MEGALITH-BUILDERS        .          .         .         .          .         .         *         ,597 

Origin  of  west  European  megaliths     ......       597 

The  'migration*  and  other  theories     .          „          .          .          .          ,598 
Theory  of  Iberian  origin  ........       600 


Rathbone  Professor  of  Ancient  History  in  the  University  of  Liverpool 


Multiplicity  of  gods*         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .603 

Homer  and  Hesiod          ..*••..•       604 

Combined  influence  of  poetry  and  art          .....       606 

II.  GREEK  MYTHS  AND  THE  WORSHIP  OF  POWERS  OF  NATURE          .         *         .       607 

Interpretations  of  mythology  .  •  *  .  .  .  *  608 
Slight  personification  of  powers  of  nature  .  „  .  .  .610 
Earth-cult 611 


PAc ,  K 

III.  AEGEAN  AND  INDO-EUROPEAN  ELEMENTS  IN  GREEK  RELIGION.          .          .       613 

Aegean  religion  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .613 

Cretan  cults ••<>  r  4 

Orgiastic  cults  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  6 1 1 

Aegean  survivals  .  .  .  .  *  •  .  -  .616 

The  goddesses  .  .  .  .  .  .  •  .  .617 

Lycaean  Zeus  .  .  .  .  .  -  -  -  .618 

IV.  PRIMITITE  SURVIVALS  .  .  .  .  •  •  -  -  .619 

Human  sacrifice  .  .  -  .  .  •  -  -  .620 

Its  mitigation  .  .  ,  .  .  .  .  .  .641 

Cult  of  animals  .  .  .  .  .  .  •  .  .622 

Theriomorphism  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .623 

V.  HOMERIC  RELIGION  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .624 

Ethical  characteristics  .  ,  .  .  ,  .  .  62  <> 

The  priests  and  sacrifice  .....,.,  626 
Eschatology  .  ,  .  .  .  *  .  .  .  627 

Cults  of  the  dead .  .628 

VI*  THE  OLYMPIAN  GODS       .          .          .          *          .          .          .          «  629 

Zeus      ...........          .        631.3 

Hera,  Poseidon        .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  63 1 

Apollo   ...........       632 

Artemis.         ..........       634 

Athena  .          .         .          .         *          .          .          *          -          ,          .63$ 

Demeter          .          .         .          .          *          .          .          .          »          ,636 

Hermes,  Hephaestus         .         .         .         .         .          .         «  637 

Ares,  Aphrodite  .  .  ,  .  ,  „  .  .  .638 

VII.  POLITICAL  ASPECTS  OF  GREEK  RELIGION     -         .         .         *         .  639 

City  and  other  communal  cults  .         .         .         -         .         »         .640 
Religious  policy  of  the  Tyrants .          .          .          .          .          .          ,641 

Persistence  of  the  old  religion  .  .  *  *  .  *  .642 

LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS   ........       643 



CHAPTER  II         ..... 


CHAPTER  IX        ........         . 

CHAPTER  X          . tri/ 

CHAPTER  XI        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .          .          ,         ,6^9 

CHAPTER  XII       ...„„,..  66 1 

CHAPTER  XIII     .......          ^          ...       664 

CHAPTER  XIV  r  ...........       667 

CHAPTER  XV      .         .         .         .         .         *         .         .          ,          t         ,671 

CHAPTER  XVI     .*.....„..,       676 

CHAPTER  XVII   ........  ^77 

CHAPTER  XVIII .         !       678 

CHAPTER  XIX .,.680 

CHAPTER  XX [       ()%* 

CHAPTER  XXI *       68s; 

CHAPTER  XXII I         I         I       6go 




SYNCHRONISTIC  TABLE      ......        a        .  692 





TO  THE  COMPUTATION  OF  ERATOSTHENES        .        .  704 





1.  Map  of  Egypt  and  the  Ancient  World     ....        FACING  80 

2.  The  Asiatic  Empire^of  Egypt          .....            „  96 

3.  Egypt  after  the  Egyptian  Monuments  of  the  1 5th~i  3th  cent. 

B.C.   Syria  and  the  Amarna  Letters     ....            „  144 

4.  Assyria  and  Babylonia  .         .         .         .         .         .         .            „  250 

5.  Sketch  Map  of  the  Hittite  Area „  272 

6.  Upper  Egypt,  Sinai  and  South  Palestine .         .         .         .            „  352 

7.  Palestine:  The  Israelite  Tribes „  368 

8.  Physical  Map  of  Palestine „  406 

9.  Achaean  Greece  and  its  Neighbours        .         .         .         .            „  474 

10.  The  Peloponnesus  c*  r 200  B.C *            „  478 

11.  Central  and  Northern  Greece „  480 

12.  Asia  Minor „  544 

13.  The  Mediterranean  Basin      ......            „  562 

14.  Italy  (and  Sicily)  from  the  Palaeolithic  to  the  Early  Iron 

Age ,»  574 

15.  Malta,  Gozo „  578 

Plans;  The  battle  of  Megiddo       .                  69 

The  battle  of  Kadesh         f         .......  145 

Cnossus PACING  450 

T.  iryns    „.*,««...            y,  99 

Mycenae         ,.««..».            „  „ 

Plain  of  Troy  «.*•*•*.           n  49^ 


IN  the  period  upon  which  we  are  about  to  enter,  the  peoples  of 
south-west  Asia,  Egypt  and  south-east  Europe  were  brought 
Into  very  close  contact  one  with  another.  Peaceful  trading-journeys, 
ambitious  wars  by  land  and  by  sea,  and  some  sweeping  ethnical 
movements,  which  had  the  profoundest  consequences  for  history, 
made  the  area  virtually  one  inter-connected  whole.  The  history 
of  no  portion  of  this  whole  can  properly  be  viewed  quite  apart 
from  the  rest,  although  naturally  it  will  be  necessary  to  treat 
each  part  by  itself,  and  with  reference  to  its  own  peculiar  develop- 
ment and  problems.  The  available  sources,  moreover,  although 
by  no  means  inconsiderable  in  quantity,  vary  greatly  as  regards 
quality;  both  the  archaeological  and  the  written  materials  are 
often  difficult  to  interpret,  or  are  susceptible  of  different  inter- 
pretations, and  may  be  treated  from  different  points  of  view. 
Further,  the  far-reaching  political  and  other  changes  which 
mark  this  period  can  be  best  understood  only  by  taking  a  wider 
survey  of  the  interrelations  between  Asia,  Africa  and  Europe 
which  illumine  the  particular  vicissitudes  now  to  be  described. 
To  a  certain  extent  this  has  already  been  done  in  volume  i  (see 
especially  chapters  i,  n  and  v).  Accordingly,  the  chapters  in  this 
volume  are  drawn  up  so  as  to  assist  the  reader  to  grasp  the  period 
and  the  area  as  a  whole,  and  also  in  their  various  parts  and  aspects, 
though  at  the  unavoidable  cost  of  some  repetition  and  overlapping. 
Once  more  (see  voL  i,  p.  181)  the  history  of  Egypt  holds  the 
premier  position,  owing  mainly  to  its  relations  with  south-west 
Asia  and  the  peoples  of  the  East  Mediterranean.  But  Asia 
Minor  now  assumes  a  unique  significance,  partly  because,  as  the 
bridge  between  Europe  and  Asia,  it  was  the  centre  of  the  most 
intricate  developments  of  the  period,  and  partly  also  because 
the  rich  store  of  cuneiform  tablets  discovered  at  Boghaz  Keui, 
and  the  problems  of  the  'Hittitcs/  and  all  their  ramifications 
are  proving  to  be  of  more  fundamental  importance  than  could 
ever  have  been  suspected.  Accordingly,  chapters  on  the  peoples 
of  Asia  Minor  and  of  Europe  form  an  appropriate  introduction, 
and  deal  with  ^linguistic  problems,  and  with  certain  important 

C.A.K.  II  X 



It  is  still  too  early  to  claim  that  the  history  of  the  peoples  of 
Asia  Minor  may  be  written  with  certainty.  Rarely  crossed  by 
European  travellers  since  the  Turkish  conquest  till  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  still  more  rarely  by  scholars  desirous  to  learn  its 
distant  past  and  competent  to  judge  of  what  they  saw,  it  may  be 
said  that  Asia  Minor  was  first  revealed  to  the  woi  Id  by  the  I<Yench 
traveller  Texier,  and  by  the  British  geologist  W*  J.  I  lamilton, 
who  started  on  his  memorable  expedition  in  1835-  Since  then, 
French,  German  and  English  scholars  have  been  diligent  in  the 
study  of  its  geographical  features  and  of  its  antiquities.  But  the 
excavation  of  the  site  of  Troy  was  the  first  attempt  on  a  lanuje 
scale  to  widen  our  knowledge  with  the  help  of  the  spade.  To 
America  by  the  excavation  in  recent  times  of  Sardes  and  to  ( Jer- 
many  by  the  unearthing  of  the  records  of  the  ancient  Anatolian 
Empire  at  Boghaz  Keui  has  fallen  the  glory  of  revealing  its 
history  in  days  when  Greek  commerce  and  Greek  language  hud 
not  yet  conquered  the  vast  area  that  lies  between  the  Black  Sea 
and  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta,  between  the  Aegean  and  the 
mountains  of  Anti-Taurus  and  Armenia. 

To  the  ancients  indeed  the  bounds  of  the  peninsula  towards 
the  east  were  vague  and  uncertain.  Strabo  proposed  to  draw  a 
line  from,  the  eastern  end  of  the  plain  of  Tarsus  to  Sinope  or 
Amisus  (Samsun)  on  the  Black  Sea1-.  Such  a  line  would  form  no 
proper  geographical  boundary  5  though  at  ait  earlier  period  such 
a  division  might  have  commended  itself  to  the  Greeks,  who  felt 
that  with  the  winding  Halys  ended  even  vague  knowledge  of  I  he 
interior  of  the  peninsula. 

Geographically  Asia  Minor  is  a  curious  land*  Tf  one  may  tine 
a  homely  Image,  the  peninsula  may  be  compared  to  a  gigantic 
inverted  pie-dish,  the  bottom  of  which  is  surrounded  by  a  Vaised 
foot.  The  narrow  lip  of  the  inverted  vessel  is  raised  but  little  above 
sea-level.  Behind  rises  the  body  of  the  dish  to  an  average  height 
of  3000  to  3500  feet,  and  surrounding  this  is  the  foot  formed  on 
the  south  by  the  great  Taurus  range,  and  continued  to  the  north-cast 
by  Anti-Taurus,  This  mighty  rampart  the  invader  has  generally 
found  invincible*  The  Cilician  Gates  above  Tarsus  arc  an  entrance 
and  an  exit  made  by  human  hands,  and,,  being  unapproachable  by  a 
host  in  days  before  artillery,  were  not  difficult  to  hold  by  a  small 

1  Strabo,  xiv.,  p.  664, 


but  determined  force.  A  slight  change  of  ground  for  the  defenders 
still  leaves  the  pass  impregnable.  The  last  invaders  of  the  penin- 
sul^who  have  made  good  its  possession — the  Turks — came  in  to 
it  by  the  mountains  of  Armenia  far  to  the  east.  The  range  of 
Amanus  which  forms  the  dividing  line  between  the  plain  of 
Tarsus  in  Cilicia  and  Syria  is  less  formidable.  Access  also  from 
Mesopotamia  is  not  difficult,  and  the  powerful  states  of  that 
region  at  an  early  period  availed  themselves  of  this  route  to  the 
metal-working  mreas  near  the  Black  Sea. 

On  the  north  side,  though  the  interior  is  cut  off  from  the  sea 
by  similar  though  lower  ranges  of  mountains,  the  foot  is  neither 
so  continuous  nor  so  difficult  of  access.  On  the  north-west  and  the 
west  the  peninsula  is  more  vulnerable.  From  the  plain  of  Troy  or 
along  the  valleys  of  the  Hermus  and  the  Maeander  lay  the  routes 
for  trade  and  for  war.  The  Crusaders  with  Godfrey  gathered  at 
Dorylaeum  (Eski-Shehr);  Cyrus  the  younger  started  from  Sardes 
on  the  Hermus  for  his  expedition  to  distant  Babylon  against 
his  brother  Artaxerxes;  and  at  Celaenae,  the  later  Apamea, 
Alexander's  forces  converged  when  they  were  to  set  out  upon  the 
conquest  of  the  Persian  Empire  to  its  farthest  eastern  bounds. 

The  climatic  conditions  of  the  great  central  plateau  of  Asia 
Minor  are  very  different  from  those  of  its  coast  lands.  Its  rivers 
descending  from  the  lofty  heights  of  the  table-land  bring  down 
with  them  great  quantities  of  solid  matter^  which  in  the  course  of 
ages  have  extended  the  coast  line  far  out  to  sea,  and  produced  a 
low-lying,  marshy,  and  malarious  area  at  the  foot  of  the  steep 
slopes  which  ascend  to  the  central  plain.  The  island  of  Lade,  off 
which  the  Greeks  and  Persians  fought  a  battle  in  494  B.C., 
is  now  a  hill  some  miles  inland.  The  central  plain  is  to  a  large 
extent  treeless  and  better  suited  for  pasture  than  for  agriculture. 
The  climate  of  this  area  is  continental;  the  summers  are  hot  and 
the  winters  severe.  The  slopes  which  border  the  southern  side  of 
the  Black  Sea.,  on  the  other  hand,  form  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
countries  in  the  world,  rich  in  forest.,  in  fruit  trees  and  in  flowering 
plants.  East  of  Trebizond  the  rhododendron  and  the  azalea,  here 
upon  their  native  soil,  blossom  in  the  greatest  profusion.  The 
alluvial  soil  of  the  western  shores  is  deep  and  rich,  a  land  fit  for 
the  growth  and  maintenance  of  great  cities  which  could  draw  to 
themselves  the  wealth  in  corn  and  wool  of  the  hinterland,  and 
well  provided  with  harbours  from  which  daring  mariners  might 
carry  to  north  and  south  and  west  the  rich  products  which  had 
accumulated  in  their  towns.  On  the  south  the  plain  of  Cilicia  was 
probably  always  unwholesome  from  its  malarious  marshes,  but  it 

i — a 


was  important  as  connecting  Asia  Minor  with  its  southern  neigh- 
bours, Syria  and  Palestine. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  the  rivers  of  Asia  "Minor  we  the 
Halys  (now  the  Kizil  Irrnak  or  Red  River),  which,,  rising  in  the 
mountains  of  the  lesser  Armenia,  runs  for  some  distance  in  a 
westerly  direction,  almost  parallel  to  the  Euphrates,  and  having 
made  a  tremendous  curve  to  the  south-west  turns  gradually 
northwards  and  finds  its  way  to  the  Black  Sea  some  thirty  en- 
forty  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Samsun.  Of  lesn  importance  are 
other  northward-flowing  rivers,  the  Iris,  east:  of  the  I  !:ilys,  formed 
by  the  junction  of  the  ancient  Scylax  and  I^ycus  and,  murh 
farther  to  the  west,  the  Sangarius  which,  emptying  itself  into  the 
Black  Sea  some  sixty  or  seventy  miles  east  of  the  Bosporus  seems 
to  make  the  eastern  boundary  of  Homer's  knowledge.  l<Yom  its 
banks  Priam  of  Troy  brought  Hecuba  to  be  his  bruit*  and  there 
he  fought  against  the  mysterious  women  warriors,  the  Am;r/ons, 
whose  legend  in  the  lands  east  of  the  Halys  is  not  even  now  extinct. 

Apart  from  the  Halys  the  most  important  of  Anatolian  rivers 
are  those  which  flow  westwards.  The  Simois  and  Scamumlrr  of 
Troy  would  have  had  no  importance  in  the  world  hud  it  not  been 
that  the  Homeric  epic  of  the  tale  of  Troy  centred  on  their  bunks. 
The  Ca'icus  flowing  south-westwards  not  far  from  the  later  Per- 
gamum;  the  Hermus  traversing  a  comparatively  narrow  valley 
on  the  southern  slope  of  which  stood  Sardes  the  capital  of  the 
Lydian  Empire  and  Magnesia  near  Mount  Sipylus,  and  entering 
a  bay  on  the  southern  side  of  which  stood  Smyrna;  the  Cayster 
through  marshes  famed  for  water-fowl  reaching  the  sea  at  Kphesus; 
the  Maeander  pouring  through  a  broad  valley  studded  on  either 
side  by  famous  cities — all  these  play  an  important  part  in  (ircek 
history  and  legend.  In  the  mountainous  country  of  Lyda  the 
rivers  are  naturally  shorter  and  less  important*  Through  pic- 
turesque gorges  the  Sarus  (Seihun)  and  the  Pyrnmus  (jihtin) 
break  out  into  the  Cilician  plain  which  owes  its  extent  to* them* 
though  they  are  too  swift  to  be  of  use  for  the  exploitation  of  the 
mountainous  country  inland* 

In  this  mountainous  country  volcanic  rocks,  through  which 
run  veins  of  valuable  metals,  rise  here  and  there  amid  the  prevalent 
limestone  of  the  peninsula.  Probably  the  earliest  inroads  into  Asia 
which  history  as  yet  records  are  those  of  enterprising  traders 
from  Mesopotamia,  who  have  left  behind  them  evidence  in 
pottery  and  inscriptions  of  their  presence  more  than  twenty 
centuries  before  Christ,  At  Kiiltepe,  south  of  the  great  bend  of 
the  Halys  near  Caesarea  Mazaca,  there  seems  to  have  been  an 


emporium  for  the  iron  forged  by  the  Chalybes  far  to  the  north  on 
the  slopes  nearer  to  the  Black  Sea  between  Samsun  and  Trebizond, 
a  mysterious  people  living  in  dens  and  caves  of  the  earth, 
giving  rise  to  legends  of  mysterious  dwarfs,  and  supplying  the 
Greeks  with  a  name  for  steel,  which  seems  to  have  become  known 
to  them  first  from  this  area.  This  country  is  rich  in  minerals. 
Strabo  speculates  on  the  relation  between  the  name  of  the 
Chalybes  and  Alybe,  whence  according  to  Homer  was  the  origin 
of  silver1.  It  is^possible  in  the  case  of  foreign  names  that  the 
phonetic  laws  of  Greek  did  not  hold  and  that  some  connection 
did  exist.  In  modern  times  a  relation  has  been  seen  between  Alybe 
and  the  word  silver,  and  the  existence  according  to  Pliny  of  a 
river  Sidenum  and  a  tribe  of  Sideni,  to  which  Strabo  adds  a  town 
Side,  suggests  that  here  also  may  be  the  origin  of  Siderosy  the 
Greek  word  for  iron,  the  etymology  of  which  is  unknown2. 

It  is  probable  that,  from  the  earliest  times,  on  the  central  plains 
at  least  and  extending  down  into  the  mountainous  country  to  the 
south-west  was  a  population  with  a  striking  physiognomy  which 
is  still  common  amongst  the  Armenian  population  of  to-day.  Of 
this  population  the  special  characteristics  are  a  prominent  nose 
in  line  with  a  forehead  receding  and  rising  to  an  unusual  height. 
How  far  this  strange  configuration  of  head  is  natural  and  how 
far  increased  by  the  practice  of  mothers  to  tie  very  tightly  round 
the  heads  of  their  babies  a  towel,  which  when  soaked  in  water 
exercises  great  pressure  upon  the  tender  bones  of  infancy,  is  still 
a  matter  of  dispute  amongst  experts.  Probably  art  has  only  in- 
creased the  sloping  forehead  given  by  nature,  and  the  Hittite 
warriors  of  the  fourteenth  century  B.C.  and  the  Armenians  of  to-day 
have  the  same  characteristic  profile.  It  may  be  fairly  assumed  that 
the  rich  coast-lands  drew  from  very  early  times  invaders  to 
establish  themselves,  and  throughout  history  we  find  on  the  sea- 
level  a  population  differing  from  that  which  holds  the  gi'cat 
central  plain,  much  as  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adriatic 
the  coast  population  has  generally  differed  from  that  of  the  inland 
country  high  above  it.  The  pastoral  people  of  the  plateau,  how- 
ever, must  in  early  times  have  been  to  some  extent  migratory 
because  of  the  difficulty  of  keeping  their  flocks  alive  during  the 
stress  of  winter.  Just  as  to  this  day  the  sheep  of  the  highlands  of 
Scotland  migrate  to  the  lowlands  in  winter  where  food  is  more 
plentiful  and  accessible,  so  in  Asia  Minor  the  primitive  Anatolian 

1  Strabo,  xn,  p.  549;  J//W,  n,  857. 

2  Pliny,  N.fL  vi,  n»  Strabo,  xn,  p.  548.    Sayce  (C,R.  1922,  p.   19) 
suggests  that  ^aX/eov  may  be  derived  from  Khalki  whence  copper  came. 


shepherd  must  have  moved  towards  the  coast  in  t  he  winter  season. 
Geographical  conditions  tend  to  produce  the  same  results  in 
distant  ages,  and  the  migratory  Yiiriiks  of  modern  times,  thcjgh 
nominally  of  an  alien  stock,  really  only  reproduce  the  pjractice  of 
the  primitive  age.  In  both  periods  the  development  of  a  strong 
people  along  the  coast  was  bound  to  hamper  and  ultimately  to 
limit  in  a  great  degree  the  ancient  summer  and  \\iafer  migrations 

of  the  flocks. 




This  country  of  Asia  Minor,  ever  since  history  begun,  h;in  been 
a  country  of  passage  between  East  and  West,  and  its  whole  history 
is  a  record  of  migrations  to  and  fro  across  it  from  Central  Asia  to 
Europe  or  from^Europe  to  Central  Asia,  Afghanistan  ami  India* 
Out  of  the  aboriginal  people  seems  to  have, grown  the  mighty 
empire  of  the  Hittites,  who,  though  known  to  us  from  the  O.T. 
as  settled  in  Palestine,  were  only,  as  we  now  learn,  immigrants 
into  that  area  and  had  their  home  much  farther  to  the  north.  In 
the  area  where  we  find  them  prominent  in  the  earliest  times  there 
was  a  people  known  to  the  Greeks  of  the  Roman  period  as  the 
White  Syrians  (AeuKocrtrpot).  The  epithet  White  was  apparently 
given  to  them  to  distinguish  them  from  the  Phoenicians  or  Rrd 
Syrians^  and  it  is  noticeable  that  in  Kj'yptian  art  the  I  !!t  tiles  are 
represented  as  of  a  paler  colour  than  the  red  Phoenicians. 

The  ethnological  and  philological  relations  of  this  sfm'k  are  still 
uncertain.  The  kings  of  Babylon,  according  to  legend,  were  in  touch 
with  them  nearly  3000  years  before  Christ.  From  Tel!  el-Amanm 
and  from  Assyria  come  two  fragments  which  relate  the  story  of 
the  campaign  made  by  Sargon  I  into  Cappadocia  in  the  third  year 
of  his  reigiij  in  order  to  relieve  the  Baby  Ionian  colony  of  traders 
at  Ganesh  (Kanes)  from  the  attacks  of  the  king  of  Burushkhamla. 
In  Ganesh  we  recognize  the  modern  Ktlltepc,  a  colony  whirh  htul 
been  founded  by  the  city  of  Kish  in  southern  Babylonia.  Harmon's 
date  is  fixed  about  2850  B.C,  Some  600  years  later  are  tinted  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions  found  at  Kultepc,  which  wen*  the  recouU 
of  a  business  house  in  the  colony.  From  about  iHoo  iut\  the 
Hittites  come  more  fully  into  the  light  of  history* 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  archaeological  exploration  of  Asia 
Minor^  stone  carvings  of  a  very  characteristic  kind  have  been 
found  in^  various  parts.  Some  are  obviously  tinder  the  influence 
of  Assyrian  art  but  others  bear  a  distinctive  character  of  their 
own.  One  of  the  largest  known  and  one  of  the  most  striking 


though  also  probably  one  of  the  latest  in  date,  is  the  famous  rock 
carving  of  Ivriz,  in  a  gorge  ascending  from  the  Lycaonian  plain 
not^many  miles  from  EreglL  There  is  represented  a  scene  of  a 
king  clothed  in  an  embroidered  robe  and  a  mantle,  in  an  attitude 
of  supplication  before  a  larger  and  sturdier  figure,  which  obviously 
represents  a  deity  of  vegetation,  for  In  his  right  hand  he  holds  a 
vine  branch  with  three  great  clusters  of  grapes,  and  in  his  left  he 
grasps  a  handful  of  ears  of  corn.  On  the  rock  between  the  face  of 
the  deity  and  th«  upheld  corn  ears  is  an  inscription  in  the  peculiar 
hieroglyphics  which  we  now  know  to  be  of  the  Hittites.  The 
dress  of  the  god  is  simpler  than  that  of  his  worshipper,  being  a 
tunic  with  a  downward  curving  hem  making  a  point  in  front. 
Round  his  waist  he  wears  an  ornamental  girdle.  Both  figures 
have  thick  curly  hair  reaching  to  the  nape  of  the  neck  and  curly 
beards.  Experts  assign  these  figures  to  the  eighth  century  B.C. 
To  a  much  earlier  period  belong  some  figures  of  the  Sun-god 
Teshub,  with  a  curly  beard  well  known  in  Assyrian  sculpture,  but 
with  his  hair  in  a  long  queue  under  a  bell-shaped  cap.  He  too 
wears  a  tunic  with  a  belt  in  which  is  thrust  a  sword.  Round  the 
tunic  runs  an  ornamental  hem  and  on  his  feet  he  has  shoes  with 
upturned  toes.  In  his  right  hand  the  god  wields  a  battle-axe  and 
in  his  left  he  holds  the  symbol  of  the  lightning,  which  might  be 
compared  to  a  scourge  with  three  thongs. 

For  the  history  of  the  Hittites  before  the  fifteenth  century  B.C. 
our  information  is  very  scanty,  but  it  would  seem  that  gradually 
they  pushed  down  into  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  on  the  one 
side,  and  into  western  Syria  and  Palestine  on  the  other.  The  later 
Assyrians  have  indeed  been  well  described  as  Hittites  who  had 
adopted  the  civiliy/ation  of  Babylon.  Their  pressure  along  the 
Mediterranean  coast  brought  them  in  time  into  contact  with 
Egypt,  whose  conquests  were  spreading  upwards  from  the  south. 
From  the  annals  of  Thutmose  III  we  learn  that  he  more  than 
once  received  presents  from  the  princes  of  K beta  and  we  can  still 
see  the  representations  of  envoys  bringing  gifts  and  of  subject 
princes  of  Kcftiu  and  Kheta,  The  details  belong  to  the  history  of 
Kgypt,  see  pp.  77,  82,  In  later  centuries  a  llhtite  kingdom 
existed  with  its  centre  at  Carchemish,  but  its  importance  was 
secondary  and  in  717  B,C.  it  succumbed  finally  to  the  Assyrians. 

Ramses  II  is  said  to  have  subdued  the  c Peoples  of  the  Sea'?  a 
vague  title  which  it  is  hardly  possible  as  yet  to  define  with 
accuracy.  It  is  clear  that  these  people  were  not  merely  raiding 
brigands,  but  migrated  from  land  to  land  with  all  their  belongings, 
their  wives  and  children,  much  as  the  Gauls  of  a  later  date  attacked 


and  occupied,  for  a  time  at  least,  various  parts  of  Kurope  and 
even  of  Asia  (see  chap.  xn).  Their  name  survives  in  the  mysterious 
peoples  whom  the  Greeks  called  Pelasgoi  (IleXaoryor).  The  term  is 
a  quite  regular  derivative  from  the  stem  of  TreAayos;  the  sea,  and 
the  ending  -icos,  frequently  employed  in  tribal  names.  To  the 
Greeks  themselves  these  peoples  were.  In  later  times,  nothing  hut 
a  name.  They  identified  them  on  the  coast  of  Thrace,  in  Lemnos, 
in  Attica  at  the  very  foot  of  the  Acropolis.,  in  north-west  <  Greece, 
in  Crete,  in  Italy  and  other  places.  But  what  tongue  they  spoke, 
whence  they  came,  or  whither  they  went,  they  were  entirely 
unable  to  tell.  In  the  time  of  Herodotus  the  Pelagians  were  still 
to  be  found  in  Thrace  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Hellespont* 
Their  language  Herodotus  regarded  as  non-Greek.  In  the  Athen- 
ians and  lonians  he  saw  a  Pelasgian  people  who  had  become 
Hellenized1.  In  truth  it  was  not  unnatural  that  the  ancients  should 
not  be  able  to  define  the  race  or  the  language^of  the  IVlasjvians, 
for  like  other  rovers  of  ancient  and  modern  times  they  were 
probably  neither  of  one  race  nor  of  one  speech.  Thus  they  art*  no 
doubt  accurately  described  in  the  Great  Karnak  inscription  hy 
the  Egyptians  as  'northerners  coming  from  all  lands'4/ 

In  the  letters  from  Tell  cl-Amarna  before  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century  B,C,  mention  is  made  of  certain  tribes^  iXuuma, 
Shardina,  Shakalsha,  which  with  greater  or  less  certainty  have 
been  identified  with  Greek  Danai,  men  of  Sanies  CM-  of  Sardinia, 
and  men  of  Sagalassus,  north  of  Pisidm.  In  the  reign  of  Ramses  II 
(about  1290  B.C.)  they  have  become  very  formidable  and  in  com- 
bination with  the  Hittitcs  and  other  foes  are  a  serious  danirer  to 
Egypt*  The  identifications,  in  the  imperfect  Kgyptian  method  of 
writing  the  names,  are  again  necessarily  uncertain*  But  with,  fair 
probability  there  may  be  distinguished  I.yoisins,  CilidanJS  Dar- 
dani  presumably  from  Troy-land,  and  more  doubtfully  men  from 
Mysia  and  Pedasus.  Ramses  II  was  successful  in  stavinu  off  the 
evil  day  when  Egyptian  decadence  must  submit  to  foreign  con- 
quest. Before  many  years  had  passed,  his  son  king;  Mernepfah  found 
he  had  a  still  more  formidable  coalition  of  foreign  foes  to  moot. 
For  some  time  Libyan  tribes  had  been  occupying  the  western  Delta. 
Now  they  are  backed  by  a  strong  alliance  in  which  the  I  Avians 
appear  as  before.  The  Shardina,  to  be  identified  with  Sardinians, 
who  had  been  mercenaries  of  Ramses  II,  are  now  opposed  to  the 
Egyptians,  and  with  them  come  Tursha,  who  are  held  to  he 
Etruscans,  and  Akaiwasha,  Greek  Achaeans.  If  the  Shakalshu 
of  the  fourteenth  century  were  men  of  SagaUissus,  unless  there 

1  Herod,  i>  56.  a  Breasted,  jfncient  Records  of  Kgypt,  nr,  p*  241. 

I,  n]  THE  PEOPLES  OF  THE  SEA  9 

had  meantime  been  some  western  migration,  it  is  difficult  to 
identify  them  with  the  Sikels  of  Sicily.  See  further,  chap.  xn. 

T«p  the  incursions  of  these  mysterious  sea-folk  we  probably 
owe  it  that  some  of  the  names  of  peoples  which  are  known  to  us 
in  early  times  have  in  later  days  ceased  to  be  familiar.  In  the 
mountainous  country  of  soxith-west  Asia  Minor  it  would  not  be 
surprising  if  there  were  relics  of  several  races  which  had  suc- 
ceeded one  another,  each  newcomer  in  turn  subdued  by  a  later. 
The  name  however  of  Lycia  is  old,  and  Egyptian  scholars  argue 
that  in  the  Ruku  of  Egyptian  monuments  are  to  be  found  the 
ancient  Lycians  who?  along  with  other  sea-folk,  had  fought  against 
the  Egyptians  and  been  taken  captive.  But  even  so,  Herodotus 
recognized  a  still  more  ancient  name  of  the  country  in  Milyas, 
and  earlier  inhabitants  m  the  Solymi  and  Termilai  or  Tremilai1. 
These  tribes  were  regarded  as  being  extremely  ancient,  for  to 
Bellerophon  was  ascribed  the  change  of  the  name  of  Tremilai 
into  Lycians.  Yet  even  in  the  time  of  Herodotus  the  name  Termilai 
was  still  familiar.  In  the  later  population  scholars  are  inclined  to 
see  a  stock  that  had  migrated  from  the  island  of  Crete,  which  the 
poet  of  the  Odyssey,  or  his  interpolator,  recognized  as  a  land  of 
ninety  cities  in  which  were  many  peoples  and  among  them 
the  Pelasgoi2.  Wild  as  this  corner  of  Asia  is,  it  has  preserved  more 
records,  in  the  form  of  non-Greek  inscriptions,  than  any  other 
district  as  yet  of  the  western  littoral  of  Asia  Minor.  But  though 
the  inscriptions  are  numerous,  it  cannot  be  said  that  they  throw 
light  upon  the  origins  of  the  language,  which,  after  discussions 
protracted  over  many  years,  cannot  certainly  be  referred  to  any 
of  the  known  families  of  language.  In  many  respects  the  Lycian 
customs  resembled  those  of  the  Carians,  but  in  one  they  were  con- 
spicuously different.  The  Lycians  counted  kin  through  the  mother, 
legitimatized  the  offspring  of  the  union  between  a  woman  who  was 
a  citizen  and  a  slave,  and  deprived  of  rights  the  children  of  a 
male  citizen  and  a  slave  wom:m!J. 

Their  next  neighbours,  the  Girians,  were  somewhat  more  for- 
tunate, for  in  them  were  recognized  by  the  ancients — and  their 
statement  is  not  disputed  by  the  moderns — a  population  extending 
over  many  of  the  islands  which  in  later  times  were  Greek,  and 
believed  at  one  time  to  have  occupied  the  mainland  of  Greece 
itself.  In  the  days  of  Thucydidcs  graves  opened  by  the  Athenians 
for  the  purification  of  the  island  of  Deles  showed,  according  to 
the  historian,  skeletons  of  which  more  than  half  were  recognized 
by  the  armour  buried  with  them  and  by  the  form  of  burial  as 

1  1,  1 73;  cf.  p.  282  below.         2   Odyssey,  xzx,  175  sqq.        3  Herod,  i,  1 73. 


being  Carians1.  Whatever  Its  origin,  this  also  was  a  fighting  stock 
which  supplied  mercenaries  to  Asiatic  and  Egyptian  potentates, 
and  most  of  the  little  that  we  know  of  the  Cnrian  lan^iwg-c  is 
drawn  from  the  names  scratched  in  an  idle  hour  upon  monuments 
on  the  banks  of  the  upper  Nile.  In  Cam  also  there  seems  to  have 
been  a  mixture  of  populations.  The  people  of  Caxmus,  in  the  eyes 
of  Herodotus,  were  natives  of  the  soil,  while,  according  to  him, 
the  Carians  came  to  the  mainland  from  the  iskmls^There,  in  the 
time  of  Minos,  they  were  called  Ivcleges  and  lived  free  of  tribute,, 
having  no  duty  but  to  man  his  ships  when  Minos  called  upon 
them  so  to  do2.  The  people  of  Caunus  also  claimed,  like  the 
Lycians3  that  they  came  from  Crete.  But  this  is  hardly  likely  if, 
as  says  the  historian,  who  himself  came  from  the  Curian  coast, 
their  customs  differed  from  those  of  every  other  people*. 

The  relation  between  Lelcges  and  Carians  is  no  less  difficult 
(see  below,  p.  27),  According  to  Herodotus,  JLeleges  was  hut  an 
old  name  of  the  Carians  by  which  they  were  called  when  they 
occupied  the  islands3.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
Philip  of  Theangela,,  himself  a  native  of  Curia,  was  ri-hf  in 
declaring  that  the  Leleges  stood  in  the  same  relation  to  the 
Carians  as  the  Helots  to  their  Lacedaemonian  masters  and  the 
Penestae  to  their  Thessalian  overlords4*  In  spite  of  the  lateness  of 
the  authority,  it  seems  not  at  all  unlikely  that  in  Curia  as  in  <  f recce 
there  was  an  early  population  reduced  to  serfdom  by  later  in- 
comers. With  the  Carians  Herodotus  classes  the  Lydians  and 
Mysians?  assuring  us  that  they  had  a  common  worship  at  the 
temple  of  the  Girian  Zeus  at  Mylasa  in  Caria;  l,ydus  and  Mystify 
the  eponymoixs  heroes  of  the  Lydians  and  the  Mysiuns,  being 
brothers  of  Car,  the  founder  of  the  Carians,  Kven'Strabo,  who 
agrees  with  Herodotus  that  the  Carians,,  when  they  were  subjerts 
of  Minos  in  the  islands,  were  called  Lcleges,  admits,  that  when 
they  occupied  the  mainland  of  Asia  they  took  from  Leleges  and 
Pelasgoi  mainly  the  lands  which  they  held  henceforth*. 

More  important  for  the  part  they  played  in  the  seventh  and 
sixth  centuries  B.C.  were  the  LycHnns.  In  IIr>mei%  howevet^  the 
name  of  the  Lydians  is  entirely  unknown,  their  place  beinj*  taken 
by  the  Maeonians6.  Homer  links  Maeonia  with  Phrytjiu  and  in  a 
simile  of  the  Iliad  speaks  of  the  Maeonian  or  Ciirian  woman 
staining  ivory  with  red  to  he  the  cheek-piece  of  a  bridle7.  In 
the  tenth  book  of  the  Iliad  Lycians,  Mysians,  Phrygians  and 

1  Thuc.  x,  85  i.  a  Herod  T,  171. 

8  Herod  i,  171.  «  Athcnaeus,  vi,  27 fh  (FJL(L  i^  475). 

5  Strabo,  xiv,  27,  p.  661.  «  7//W,  in,  401.  7   ///W,  iv,  14?.,' 


Maeonians  are  encamped  together1.  Unfortunately  the  results  of 
the  American  excavations  at  Sardes,  so  far  as  yet  published,  have 
not  thrown  so  much  light  as  was  expected  upon  the  history  of  the 
Lydians.  But  here,  as  elsewhere  on  this  coast,  it  may  be  con- 
jectured that  the  Maeonians  were  an  earlier  people  subdued  and 
ultimately  assimilated  by  the  Lydians.  Some  IVtaeonians,  however, 
were  still  important  enough  to  be  distinguished  in  Xerxes'  army 
from  the  Lydians.  Their  military  equipment  was  like  that  of  the 
Cilicians.  Pliny  says  that  there  were  still  Maeonians  at  the  foot 
of  Tmolus  on  the  river  Cogamus  at  no  great  distance  from  Sardes, 
which  was  their  legal  centre2.  Whence  the  Lydians  may  have 
come  cannot  as  yet  be  determined.  The  country  was  one  to  tempt 
the  invader,  for,  besides  the  richness  of  the  long  river  valley, 
gold  dust  was  obtained  from  Mount  Tmolus.  Herodotus  could 
discover  little  in  the  customs  of  the  people  to  distinguish  them 
from  the  Greeks,  except  for  one  curious  practice  of  the  common 
people,  among  whom  daughters  earned  their  own  dowries  as 
courtesans.  He  regards  the  people  as  extremely  enterprising, 
the  first  to  coin  gold  and  silver  and  the  first  to  engage  in  mer- 
chandised They  were  of  an  inventive  turn  of  mind,  for  to  them 
Herodotus  assigns  the  discovery  of  all  games  except  draughts. 

Most  important  of  all  his  statements  regarding  them  is  his 
circumstantial  account  of  their  colonization  of  Etruria.  No  state- 
ment in  Herodotus  has  been  perhaps  more  hotly  disputed.  But 
after  long  discussion  no  other  view,  to  say  the  least,  appears  more 
plausible*  From  the  inscriptions  already  published  from  Sardes 
it  is  impossible  to  say  that  Lydian  and  Etruscan  are  very  closely 
related,  though  they  have  undoubtedly  a  sxiperficial  resemblance. 
Here  we  must  wait:  for  further  information.  But  there  is  one  point 
of  resemblance  which  has  been  but  little  noticed.  The  Lydians, 
it  is  well  known,  had  a  great  passion  for  jewellery.  From  the 
plates  in  the  British  Museum  Catalogue  of  Ancient  Jewellery  it 
is  very  clear  that  there  was  an  intimate  relation  between  the 
jewellery  of  Ionia,  influenced  by  Lydia,  and  the  jewellery  of 
Etruria.  Both  are  characterized  by  figures  of  lions  and  a  lion- 
taming  goddess  and  the  frequent  use  of  the  Sphinx  and  of  female 
heads  probably  representing  a  goddess4,  A  further  item  is  added 
to  the  complexity  of  the  problem  by  the  bas-relief  found  in  Lemnos 
and  first  published  in  i886?  which  shows  a  striking  bust  of  a 

*  Iliad)  x?  430  sq. 

a  Herod*  vii,  74,  775  PHny,  NJ-L  v»  1 1 1>  where  they  are  called  Maconii, 
not  Macones.  s  Herod  I,  93^. 

4  See  P.  H.  Marshall,  Introduction  to  B.JIf.  Catalogue,  p.  xxv  sq. 


warrior  holding  a  spear  with  a  leaf-shaped  head.  Two  inscriptions 
in  an  unknown  tongue  are  written  alongside  in  an  archaic  form 
of  the  Greek  alphabet.  Here,  again,  the  language,,  though  imkmnvn, 
has  a  still  more  striking  resemblance  to  Etruscan,  Till  more  light 
can  be  obtained  upon  this  perplexing  problem  we  may  adhere  to 
the  belief  that  the  Lydians,  the  Etruscans,  and  the  authors  of 
these  remarkable  Lemnian  inscriptions  were  part  of  the  'Peoples 
of  the  Sea'  whom  the  Greeks  vaguely  called  Pelasiroi,  and  we  may 
believe  that  in  Lydia  and  in  Etruria  they  established  themselves 
on  great  mainland  territories,  possibly  from  an  island  home,  The 
detailed  investigation  of  these  facts  is  a  matter  rather  for  Com- 
parative Philology  than  for  History,  and  till  greater  agreement 
among  authorities  is  attained  it  would  be  idle  to  draw  serious 
historical  conclusions  from  them.  See  also  p.  282. 

The  most  northerly  position  amongst  the  peoples  of  the  western 
littoral  of  Asia  Minor  was  occupied  by  the  My,sian.s  who,  accord- 
ing to  the  ancient  writers,  were  of  Thracian  descent,  and  were 
connected  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  on  the  south  of  the 
Danube  known  in  later  times  as  Moesia1,  Here,  however^  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  there  was  an  earlier  substratum  of  popula- 
tion and  possibly  more  than  one.  To  this  earlier  population 
must  be  ascribed  the  worship  which  was  common  to  Mysians, 
Lydians  and  Carians2.  In  Mysia  was  the  Troad>  the  most  famous 
area  in  the  earliest  literature  of  Europe,  with  its  renowned  city  of 
Ilios  and  its  two  famous  sieges,  the  second  of  which  attained  to 
greater  lustre  possibly  merely  from  the  fact  that  it  was  the  theme 
of  one  of  the  greatest  of  poets. 

With  the  access  to  the  Dardanelles  we  pass  into  a  new  area  the 
connections  of  which  are  more  with  Europe  than  with  Asia,  for 
across  this  narrow  strait  of  the  Hellespont,  even  more  than  by  the 
waters  .of  the  Golden  Horn,  the  teeming  populations  of  111  race 
passed  into  Asia  from  Europe.  Not  once  nor  twice  but  many 
times  a  succession  of  waves  of  population  flowed  over  this  northern 
land.  The  mountain  ranges  are  parallel  to  the  sea  coast,  and  by  a 
long  valley  which  runs  up  through  Paphlagonia  to  the  Haiys  have 
passed  through  all  ages  the  armies  which  have  made  or  marred 
the  fate  of  Asiatic  empires.  We  must  think  of  these  waves  as 
following  one  another,  each  helping  to  propel  still  farther  east- 
wards the  wave  that  preceded  it.  Oneof  the  earliest,  though  probably 
not  the  first,  of  these  waves  has  only  lately  become  known  to  us, 
1  Strabo,  xn,  566,  542.  »  Hercxi 


In  1907  were  first  published  from  the  German  discoveries  at 
Boghaz  Keui  the  names  of  the  Indian  deities  Mitra,  Varuna, 
Ind^a  and  the  heavenly  twins,  the  Nasatyas.  The  records  belong 
to  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  B.C.,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  difficulties  of  the  cuneiform  syllabary,  there  could  be  no 
doubt  that  here  were  names  well  known  in  Indian  mythology, 
though  at  a  distance  of  some  two  thousand  five  hundred  miles 
from  the  nearest  point  of  India.  Since  then  numerals  and  other 
words  have  beem  discovered  of  the  same  origin.  It  is  noticeable 
that  the  words  are  not,  as  might  be  expected,  in  the  Iranian  forms, 
which  in  later  times  are  distinguished  from  the  Indian  forms  by 
well-marked  phonetic  differences1.  There  is  no  probability  that 
we  have  at  this  early  date  the  records  of  Indian  princes  carrying 
their  conquests  so  far  afield.  The  only  feasible  conclusion  is  that 
here  we  have,  in  the  fourteenth  century  B.C.,  the  records  of  the 
Aryan  people  not  yet  differentiated  into  Iranians  and  Indians,  who 
at  a  later  period  formed  these  two  important  Indo-European  stocks. 
Much  is  still  uncertain  with  regard  to  many  of  the  records  dis- 
covered at  Boghaz  Keui,  but  this  at  all  events  is  beyond  dispute, 
that,  amongst  the  peoples  who  for  a  time  centred  around  this 
ancient  Hittite  capital,  were  some  speaking  languages  containing  a 
strong  Tndo-Kuropean  element  in  their  vocabulary,  the  surest  proof 
that  Indo-European  and  other  peoples  had  been  in  close  contact. 
The  course  of  their  wanderings  we  do  not  know  as  yet,  but  close 
upon  them  must  have  followed  the  people  now  known  to  us  as  the 
Armenians,  who,  in  the  time  of  Herodotus,  as  now,  were  seated 
upon  the  upper  waters  of  the  Euphrates,  and  were  the  subject 
population  of  an  alien  empire  even  as  they  are  to-day,  although 
the  alien  empire  in  the  fifth  century  B,C,  was  that  of  the  great 
Darius  of  Persia.  To  Herodotus  the  Armenians  are  an  off-shoot 
from  the  Phrygians, 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  of  Herodotus  that 
the  Phrygians  were  an  .European  stock  which  had  passed  into 
Asia  from  the  Macedonian  area  in  which  they  had  been  known 
to  their  neighbours  as  Briges2.  In  the  ancient  Phrygian  language 
we  have  two  series  of  inscriptions:  the  earlier  dating  from  about 

1  This  fact  is  well  illustrated  by  the  numerals  discovered;  the  form  for  i 
is  &ika~  in  a  compound,  for  7  $att#~*  .For  these  the  Iranian  forms  are  aiva-  in 
Old  Persian,,  aiva-  in  the  Avcst%  but  the  Sanskrit  is  ik*-\in  Iranian  hapta^ 

in  Sanskrit  sapta^  satta  only  In  the  later  descendants  of  Sanskrit  like  Pali 
These  Hittite  forms  are  given  by  P.  Jensen  in  *S»B*  d$r  prmsiischm 
Akademk,  1919,  pp.  3674^,5  E,  Forrer,  Z&.M.G.  1922,  pp.  254*;??. 
Sec  below*  pp.  25 3>  259,  3  Herod  vxx,  73* 


the  sixth  century  B.C.;  the  later  and  more  numerous  Jx-ing  the 
tomb-inscriptions  of  the  Roman  period.  From  Armenia  comes  a 
rich  literature  beginning  in  the  fifth  century  A.D.  The  language, 
long  supposed  to^be  an  off-shoot  of  Iranian,  was  demonstrated  in 
1875  to  be  an  independent  branch  of  the  Indo-European  stock1. 
To  one  and  the  same  section  belong  all  the  peoples  of  this  family 
which  have  been  already  mentioned.  They  are  distinguished  from 
the  stocks  of  the  same  origin  in  western  Europe  by  their  treatment 
of  certain  original  guttural  consonants  which  thtrts  languages  con- 
vert into  some  form  of  sibilant,  while  in  Europe  they  remain  guttural 
sounds.  The  Phrygian  invasion  of  Asia  must  have  been  a  very 
important  one,  and  Phrygia  in  the  hey-day  of  its  power  occupied  a 
large  part  of  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor,  including  that  which  in  his- 
torical times  was  ultimately  occupied  by  Gauls  and  named  ( ialatia, 
Of  the  Paphlagonians,  the  peoples  situated  to  the  north  of 
Phrygia,  we  know  little.  Their  name  was  familiar  to  the  (Greeks 
from  Homer  downwards.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  ships  we  arc 
told  that  'they  were  led  by  the  shaggy  heart  of  Pylaeniom'S  from 
the  Enetoi,  whence  is  the  race  of  wild  mules.*  They  were  famous 
for  their  horses  and  horse-breeding,  but  the  most  interesting 
point  is  the  reference  to  the  name  of  the  Knetoi,  to  which  the 
ancients  found  a  counterpart  in  the  Vencti  on  the  banks  of  the 
Po  in  northern  Italy.  By  Strabo's  time  the  iinetoi  in  Asia  had 
entirely  disappeared,  though  even  this  was  disputed*  and  Zcno* 
dotus  identified  Enete,  which  he  read  m  the  text  of  I  lomcr,  with 
the  town  of  Amisus  (Samsun),  Others  accounted  for  their  dis- 
appearance as  due  to  the  loss  of  Pylaemcncs  in  the  Trojan  war» 
which  led  to  their  migration  to  Thrace  after  the  destruction  of 
Troy  and  to  their  further  migration  to  the  north  of  Italy2-  Among 
Athenians  the  Paphlagonians  had  an  ill  reputation  as  slaves.  This 
character  is  probably  to  be  interpreted  as  arising  from  the  attitude 
of  men  who  did  not  bow  easily  to  the  yoke-  According  to  Strabo 
their  eastern  boundary  was  the  Halys,  and  they  appear  to  be 
distinct  from  the  "White  Syrians*  or  Hittites  who  lived  beyond 
it.  To  the  west  of  them  were  situated  tribes,  the  Cauconcs  and 
the  Mariandyni,  who  were  soon  absorbed  by  their  neighbours. 
In  the  Persian  army  the  Mariandyni  were  armed  like  the  Paphlft- 
gonians,  as  were  also  the  Ligyes  (otherwise  unknown  here)  and  the 
Matieni,  Though  Herodotus  more  than  once  describes  the  Matieni 
as  lying  beyond  the  Armenians  who  border  on  Cnppadocia,  their 
historical  existence  has  long  been  a  puzzle. 

1  H,  Htlbschrnamij  Z.  /.  <t?grg/«  Spr&chf&rschung^  xxxu>  5-49. 
a  Strabo,  xii,  p.  543;  vii,  p-  318- 

I,  in]  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  MEDES  15 

Regarding  the  earlier  history  of  the  Matieni,  however,  the 
documents  of  Boghaz  Keui  apparently  afford  a  clue.  Amongst  the 
eigfot  peoples  of  whom  the  records  are  found  in  the  great  library 
unearthed  at  Boghaz  Keui  between  1905  and  1907,  there  appears 
one  named  Manda1,  which  is  identified  with  the  people  of  the 
same  name  who  had  come  into  notice  as  early  as  the  time  of 
NarSm-Sin  (2750—2700  B.C.);  seven  hundred  years  later  as  Mada; 
in  the  second  millennium  B.C.  the  name  appears  several  times  as 
Manda;  in  Assyrian  inscriptions  of  the  first  millennium  B.C.  first 
and  rarely  as  Amadai  and  Matai  and  then  frequently  as  Madai, 
At  the  beginning  of  the  first  millennium  B.C.  a  branch  of  the  same 
people,  as  we  learn  from  the  Assyrian  documents,  is  found  settled 
near  Lake  Urmia.  The  oldest  form  of  the  name  in  Greek  is  pre- 
served in  the  Cyprian  MadoL  In  the  Boghaz  Keui  documents  we 
are  told  that  one  branch  of  this  people  had  neither  tilled  nor 
reaped  their  land,  but  that  a  king  of  the  Hatti  (Hittites)  had  made 
of  them  vassals  ancl  compelled  them  to  be  tillers  of  the  soil,  thus 
converting  shepherds  into  husbandmen.  From  this  we  may  con- 
clude that  the  Medes,  as  they  are  shown  to  be,  must  have  been 
one  of  the  earliest  waves  of  the  Indo-European  speaking  peoples 
or  Wires  who  crossed  into  Asia  (see  pp.  23,  2  8),  The  fact  that  they 
came  into  Mesopotamia  from  the  north  is  no  proof  that  they  did 
not  cross  Asia  Minor  in  the  first  instance  as  so  many  of  their 
successors  did.  It  is  not  improbable  that  this  was  the  source  from 
which  the  mixed  languages  found  at  Boghaz  Keui  obtained  their 
Indo-European  elements. 

The  boundaries  of  Cappadocia  seem  to  have  varied  greatly  at 
different  times.  The  wave  of  Phrygian  invasion,  which  must  have 
been  one  of  the  largest,  cut  off  Cappadocia  from  western  Asia 
Minor;  but  through  Cataonia  and  Lycaonia  it  was  able  to  maintain 
its  connection  with  Cilicia2.  Though  the  most  famous  Hittite  sites, 
Euyuk  and  Boghaz  Keui,  were  within  the  bend  of  the  Halys, 
Hittite  remains  are  more  numerous  between  the  Halys  and  the 
Taurus.  An  important  road  led  from  their  capital  at  Boghaz  Keui 
to  Caesarea  Mazaca,  whence  a  branch  passed  through  Tyana  and 
the  Cilician  Gates  to  Tarsus  and  the  sea.  The  population  of  the 
mountainous  part  of  Cilicia  seems  to  have  been  originally  of  the 
same  stock  as  the  Hittites.  In  this  area,  about  1200  B.C.,  de- 
veloped the  second  Hittite  empire  with  Tyana  as  its  capital, 

1  E.  Forrer,  Z.D.M.G.  1922,  pp.  248  sqq. 

a  The  language  of  Lycaonia  is  still  obscure;  Calder,  J.H.S.  1911,  p. 
1 88  sq,  $  Ramsay,  The  Bearing  of  Recent  Discoveries  on  the  Trustworthiness  of 
the  New  Testament  (1915),  chap.  v. 


when  the  ancient  power  at  Boghaz  Kcui  had  hern  overthrown 
by  a  confederation  of  tribes  who  carried  their  conquest  hi  to  Syria 
and  even  threatened  Egypt1.  When  the  Hittlte  empire  f'iiled,  the 
Phrygian  power,  represented  to  the  modern  world  hy  the  legend 
and  the  monument  of  Midas,  took  its  plaice  as  the^  controlling 
force  in  the  centre  of  Asia  Minor,  until  in  its  turn  jit  was  over- 
thrown by  the  kings  of  Lydia,  the  last  of  whom,  Croesus,  suc- 
cumbed to  the  Persians  under  Cyrus  in  546  iui\ 

As  the  Hittite  stock  seems  to  represent  the  wnttve  population 
of  Asia,  as  distinguished  from  the  'Peoples  of  the  Sea/  and  other 
later  incomers,  it  is  probable  that  the  original  population  of  the 
mountainous  districts  of  Isauria,  Pisidia  and  possibly  Milyas  in 
Lycia  (whose  inhabitants  were  identified  with  the  Solymi)  repre- 
sent the  same  stock.  The  territory  lying  between  the  se;i  and 
Pisidia  was,  as  its  name  Pamphylia  implies,  tenanted  by  a  mixture 
of  peoples  who,  as  on  all  the  low-lying  coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  had 
pushed  their  way  in  from  outside.  Unlike  most  areas  upon  the 
Asiatic  coast,  Paraphylia  was  unable  to  maintain  Greek  with  any 
purity;  consequently  of  all  Greek  dialects  Pamphylian  is  the  most 
modified  by  its  surroundings.  If,  however,,  there  is  any  truth  in 
the  theory  that  the  endings  in  -ssos  and  -nda  ate  Gtnan,  since  they 
have  been  found  on  European  as  well  as  Asiatic  territory*  there 
must  have  been  a  great  influx  of  Carians  into  Pisidta,  for  of  the 
thirteen  towns  given  by  Strabo  as  Fisidian  six  have  the  ending 
-ssos,  the  most  important  being-  Sugalassos  and  Termessos  (sec* 
also  pp.  282,  556).  Simla  represents  the  other  endim^  and  Atlathi, 
Tymbriada  and  Amblada  may  also  be  akin*  Struho  himself 
recognizes  implicitly  such  a  possibility  when  he  states  that  they 
bordered  on  Phrygians,  Lydians  and  Carians,  who,  he  quaintly 
says,  are  'all  peaceful  peoples  though  exposed  to  the  north  wimij* 
while  the  Romans  discovered^  to  their  cost,  that  the  Isauriuns  and 
Pisidians  were  much  otherwise,  and  the  Pamphyliann,  having  a 
great  share  of  Cilician  blood  amongst  them?  found  it  difficult*  to 
relinquish  piracy2.  Here  once  more  appear  the  Lrlcf^es,  *  wan- 
derers,* says  Strabo,  *and  remaining  here  through  similarity  of 

In  the  Odyssey  the  poet  has  heard  of  a  mysterious  people  called 
the  Cimmerians,  who  live  on  the  threshold  of  the  underworld 
wrapt  in  mist  and  clouds,  and  the  sun  never  looks  down  upon 
them  with  his  rays  either  at  morn  or  eventide,  but  deadly  night 

1  Sayce,  J.R.^.S*  1922,  pp.  569^.   Sec  below,  pp«  174^ 
*  Strabo,  xii,  p.  570. 


is  over  all1.  The  people  whose  name  was  thus  first  made  known 
to  literature  lived  on  the  north  side  of  the  Black  Sea  in  and  about 
the  ^Crimean  peninsula.  At  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  B.C.  or 
the  beginning  of  the  seventh  these  Cimmerians  were  driven  from 
their  ancient  seats  by  an  invasion  of  the  Skolot-Scythians,  who 
seem  to  have  been  mainly  of  Iranian  stock.  As  a  result,  the  Cim- 
merians moved  first  to  the  eastward  and  then  found  their  way 
through  the  central  pass  of  the  Caucasus.  The  Scythians  followed 
in  their  wake,,  but  at  the  Caucasus  they  seem  to  have  missed 
them;  going  farther  eastwards,  and  passing  through  the  Caspian 
Gates,  they  arrived  in  Azerbaijan  and  Media,  The  events  that 
followed  will  be  treated  in  the  chapter  on  the  Scythians  in  vol.  in. 

It  is  often  dangerous  to  rely  upon  similarity  of  name;  but  the 
number  of  identical  forms  in  Asia  Minor  and  in  the  Balkan 
peninsula  is  too  great  to  be  the  product  of  mere  accident,  and  in 
some  cases,  as  that  of  the  Enetoi  and  the  Veneti,  the  ancients 
themselves  were  concerned  to  explain  the  coincidence.  But  besides 
that  instance,  and  the  case  of  the  Mysians  in  the  Troad  and  the 
Moesians  on  the  Danube,  there  were  also  the  Dardania  in  Mysia 
from  which  Priam  drew  many  of  his  forces,  and  Dardania  at  the 
western  end  of  Mount  Haemus.  The  name  has  been  related  by 
some  authorities  to  the  Albanian  word  for  farmer,  dardhan^  which 
is  itself  a  derivative  from  dardhe^  the  pear  tree.  The  tradition  of 
the  arrival  of  the  Paeonians  in  Asia  is  recorded  by  Herodotus  in 
one  of  his  most  picturesque  passages  and  their  return  to  Europe 
in  another  not  less  so2. 

The  contact  with  Thrace  had  begun  early,  for  Homer  repre- 
sents Priam  as  the  head  of  an  alliance  of  tribes  combined  in 
defence  of  Troy  but  drawn  from  Europe  as  well  as  from  Asia. 
The  later  settlement  of  the  Thynoi  and  Bithynoi,  whether  it  arose 
in  connection  with  the  Treres  or  not,  was  but  the  continuation  of 
an  older  practice.  These  tribes  were  able  to  remain  between  the 
river  Parthenius  and  the  sea  of  Marmara  because  the  course  of 
the  invasion  of  Asia  Minor  now  took  another  turn. 

Two  peoples  who  played  a  large  part  in  Asia  came  in  last,  the 
Greeks  and  much  later  the  Gauls.  It  is  clear  that  the  coming  of 
the  Greeks  into  Asia  did  not  take  place  along  the  whole  of  the 
western  coast  of  Asia  at  the  same  period.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  the  earliest  stage  was  the  migration  of  the  Aeolians  of 
northern  Greece.  Here  legend  seems  to  correspond  well  with 
what  might  be  expected  to  be  fact.  From  lolcus  went  forth  the 
expedition  of  Jason,  which  in  itself  was  nothing  at  all  surprising, 
*  xi?  14.  *  Herod,  v,  12,  165  r,  98. 

C.A.H.H  % 



and  Is  merely  the  story  of  early  adventurers  at  sea,  garnished  with 
the  myths  of  the  Clashing  Islands  (Symplegades),  and  of  the 
Golden  Fleece,  and  the  magic  of  Medea  in  Colchis.  From  the 
northern  area  also  came  some  of  the  most  important  chiefs  ot  the 
two  expeditions  at  Troy,  Peleus  against  Laomedon,  Achilles 
against  Priam.  The  Pagasaean  Gulf  is  a  natural  starting-point 
for  sea-rovers,  and  by  Scyros,  Imbros  and  Lemnos  if  was  easy  to 
descend  upon  the  Asiatic  coast.  Later  came  the  invasion  of  the 
lonians  of  Attica,  and  especially  of  the  Peloponnf  se,  into  the  parts 
about  Miletus  and  Ephesus.  Much  earlier  than  these,  it  may  he 
conjectured,  while  the  Arcadian  stock  had  easy  access  to  the  stu> 
a  colony  set  forth  to  Cyprus  which  continued,  down  even  to  the 
fourth  century  B»C.,  to  write  Greek  in  an  Astatic  syllabary  (vol.  i, 
p.  144).  This  island,  far  to  the  cast,  clearly  lost  touch,  to  a  large 
extent,  with  the  homeland  of  Greece  and,  surrounded  by  an 
indigenous  and  also  a  Phoenician  population,  preserved  its 
language,  as  such  colonies  do,  in  a  more  prinfitive  form  than  sur- 
vived in  its  native  country.  Later  still  came  the  J  )orians  into  Crete 
and  into  the  south-western  corner  of  the  Asiatic  coast  (see  chap*  xix), 

The  most  energetic  of  those  peoples  were  the  lonians  of 
Miletus.  Their  colonies,  established  solely  in  the  interest  of  their 
trade,  extended  on  the  one  side  into  the  Black  Sea  and  on  the 
other  into  the  Delta  of  the  Nile,  Their  influence  spread  north  and 
south  over  their  neighbours,  so  that  Smyrna  ceased  to  he  Aeolian 
and  Halicarnassus  ceased  to  be  Dorian*  The  ( * reeks  have  always 
been  a  seafaring  and  not  an  inland  people,  and  hence  il  came  about 
that  the  area  occupied  by  Greeks  at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury A*D*  was  much  the  same  as  they  were  occupying  in  the  eighth 
century  B»C. 

The  Gaulish  tribes  repeat  in  the  full  light  of  history  what  many 
other  tribes  must  have  clone  before  history  begins.  Their  earlier 
connections  are  set  forth  in  the  following  chapter,  They  did  not 
reach  Asia  till  278  B.C.  Their  opportunity  arose  from  family 
disputes  amongst  the  princes  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  I  lellespont 
and  the  Bosporus.  They  were  in  three  divisions,  the  Tolistoboftti, 
the^  Trocmi  and  the  Tectosngcs1.  The  princes  of  Asia  regarded 
their  raids  with  awe  and  horror,  but  every  one  of  them  was  pre* 
pared  to  employ  Gaulish  mercenaries  as  fighters  against  some 
town  or  tribe  which  had  incurred  his  enmity*  After  wandering  to 
and  fro  forborne  time  as  raiders^  these  Gauls  firmly  established 
themselves  in  part  of  the  great  area  which  had  once  been  Phrygk, 
They  very  soon  adopted  the  worship  of  the  Earth  goddess,  the 

XXXVHJC,  1 6. 

I,  m]  THE  CELTS  OF  ASIA  MINOR  19 

most  characteristic  cult  of  Asia  Minor,  a  fetish  stone  of  which 
was  brought  from  Pessinus  to  Rome  in  204  B.C,  With  the  cult 
they* adopted  the  foul  rites  which  belonged  to  it,  so  that  to  later 
times  the  emasculated  priests  of  the  Great  Mother  were  known 
as  Gauls  (Galli). 

With  the  kings  of  Pergamum  the  Gauls  were  never  at  peace, 
because  the  kings  of  Pergamum  were  not  strong  enough  by  them- 
selves to  reduce  them  to  order.  In  the  early  part  of  the  second 
century  B.C,  the«Romans  came  into  Asia  and  with  their  coming 
the  doom  of  the  Galatae  was  sealed. 



/GEOGRAPHICALLY  Europe  Is  hut  a  hr^e  peninsula  of 

VJT  Asia,  Its  features  in  all  respects  arc  on  a  smaller  scale  than 
those  of  the  great  continent  to  which  it  is  attached.  There  is  no 
clear  boundary  line  between  Europe  and  Asia*  As  we  have  already 
seen,  the  Greek  islands  are  but  stepping  stones  forming  an  easy 
passage  across  the  Aegean,  The  Dardanelles  and  the  Bosporus 
are  channels  in  which  a  rapid  current  flows,  but  which  are  ex- 
ceeded in  breadth  by  many  river  estuaries.  Tfye  Ural  Mountains, 
which,  manuals  of  geography  tell  us,  are  the  main  boundary  be- 
tween the  two  continents,  are  of  comparatively  small  elevation  and 
have  never  been  an  effectual  boundary  preventing  passage  to  and 
fro  between  Asia  and  Europe,  The  most  formidable  barrier  is 
formed  by  the  great  wall  of  the  Caucasus  between  the  Black  Sea 
and  the  Caspian,  through  which  the  pass  of  Dune!  alone  supplies 
a  passage  between  Europe  and  Asia  other  than  that  supplied  by 
the  shore  of  the  Caspian. 

The  greatest  variations  in  recent  geological  times  on  the  eastern 
side  of  Europe  are  the  elevation  of  the  Ural  Mountains,  the  con- 
traction in  area  of  the  Caspian,  the  sinking  of  the  region  now 
covered  by  the  northern  Aegean^  so  that  the  islands  are  all  that 
remain  of  its  ancient  hill  tops,  and  the  river  which  once  flowed 
into  the  sea  near  the  island  of  Andres  has  been  curtailed  to  form 
the  Bosporus,  the  Sea  of  Marmara  and  the  Dardanelles.  To  the 
same  period  of  geological  time  belongs  the  gradual  filling  up  of 
the  wide  estuary  of  the  Po  by  the  silt  brought  down  by  its  own 
waters  from  the  Alps. 

The  greatest  line  of  division  in  Europe  is  that  formed  by  the 
mountain  chains  which  run  across  it  in  an  irregular  line  from 
west  to  east,  the  Pyrenees*  the  Cevennes,  the  Jura,  the  Alps  and 
the  Carpathians,  of  which  the  latter,,  like  a  great  point  of  interro- 
gation, form  a  boundary  between  the  plains  of  I  f  angary  and  the 
wide  expanses  of  Thrace  and  the  steppes  of  Russia  that  lie 
beyond.  To  the  south-east  of  the  main  range  of  the  Alps  rims  the 
long  line  formed  by  the  Julian  Alps,  the'Dinaric  Alps  and  the 
Balkans,  continued  in  rough  and  mountainous  country  to  the 


three  peninsulas  in  which  the  kingdom  of  Greece  ends  to  the 
southward*  To  the  north  of  the  Alps  runs  north-west  and  south- 
east the  Bohemian  Forest,  at  right  angles  to  which  stretch  the 
Erz-Gebirge.  With  this  range  are  connected  the  Riesen-Gebirge 
running  south-eastwards  and  separated  only  from  the  Tatra,  the 
northern  heights  of  the  Carpathians,  by  the  wide  pass  known  as 
the  Moravian  Gate,  In  the  far  north  is  the  Scandinavian  peninsula 
with  much  the  greatest  part  of  its  extent  extremely  mountainous. 
Mountains  of  considerable  height  are  found  also  in  the  north  of 
Scotland;  but  through  England,  northern  France,  northern  Ger- 
many and  Russia  there  runs  a  great  plain  which  continues  un- 
broken to  the  Ural  Mountains. 

As  has  been  shown  more  fully  in  vol.  i,  chaps,  i  and  n,  a  very 
long  record  of  human  habitation  is  perpetuated  before  history 
begins.  The  roughest  of  chipped  stone  weapons  (eoliths),  so 
rough  that  it  has  been  demonstrated  that  similar  products  could 
also  be  created  by  natural  causes,  are  assigned  to  the  action  of  the 
earliest  men;  and  others,  somewhat  more  advanced,  are  undoubt- 
edly the  handiwork  of  men  who  take  their  name  from  these 
weapons  as  palaeolithic  men,  or  men  of  the  palaeolithic  age.  To 
men  from  the  end  of  this  period  are  assigned  various  attempts  at 
representing  the  forms  of  animals  and  also  human  beings,  which 
are  found  in  many  places,  but  particularly  in  the  south  of  France 
and  In  Spain  and  Portugal.  The  men  of  that  age  were  good 
draughtsmen,  as  these  extant  figures  show.  They  had  also  con- 
siderable skill  in  carving,  as  is  proved  by  their  carvings,  mainly 
on  bone  and  ivory  of  such  animals  as  the  mammoth,  the  bison  and 
the  horse.  After  them  there  came  for  northern  Europe  the  change 
of  climate  which  produced  the  'Great  Ice  Age/  in  which  more 
than  once  the  severity  of  the  climate  seems  to  have  lessened  and 
the  ice  to  have  retreated.  At  the  last  period  of  its  greatest  extent 
southwards  the  ice  stopped  short  of  the  Thames  in  Britain  and 
extended  to  about  the  latitude  of  Berlin  on  the  Continent,  After 
a  period  of  unknown  length  the  Ice  gradually  retreated  to  its 
present  limits,  but  a  long  time  must  have  elapsed  before  a  numerous 
population  could  have  maintained  itself  upon  the  lands  which  had 
been  left  bare  by  the  retreating  Ice,  See  more  particularly,  vol.  i, 
p.  45  sg. 

The  conditions  of  northern  Europe  must  for  long  have  been 
somewhat  like  those  of  northern  Siberia  now.  The  first  stage  of 
vegetation  would  be  marked  by  the  growth  of  grass  and  shallow- 
rooting  plants,  followed  by  water-loving  trees,  like  the  willow, 
the  alder  and  the  birch*  But  for  a  long  period  deep-rooting  shrubs 

and  trees  would  not  have  been  able  to  maintain  themselves, 
because,  long  after  the  ice  on  the  surface  had  disappeared,  the 
ground  would  have  remained  frozen  at  a  considerable  dqpth. 
With  the  gradual  disappearance  of  this  underground  ice  and  the 
increase  of  vegetation  came  also  a  variety  of  birds  and  quadrupeds 
as  well  as  many  lower  forms  of  animal  life.  What  elements  of  the 
ancient  palaeolithic  population  followed  the  ice  northwards  need 
not  be  discussed.  The  new  men  developed  gradually  much  greater 
skill  in  the  manufacture  of  stone  axes,  chisels  ^iul  arrowheads; 
but  they  had  not  the  same  artistic  powers  in  draughtsmanship  and 

Anthropologists  classify  the  types  of  man  which  have  existed 
in  Europe  since  neolithic  times  in  three  great  classes  it"  we  dis- 
regard the  more  detailed  subdivisions.  These  are:  (i)  *  Nordic* 
man,  the  dolichocephalic,  tall,  fair-skinned,  fair-haired  ami  blue 
or  grey-eyed  inhabitant  of  the  north.  (2)  *  Mediterrnnenn*  man, 
also  dolichocephalic,  but  differing  from  the  Nordic  by  darker  hair, 
eyes  and  skin,  and  shorter  and  slighter  figure.  On  the  western  side 
of  Europe  the  Nordic  and  the  Mediterranean  race  touch  and 
overlap,  Mediterranean  man  is  found*  as  the  name  implies, 
mainly  along  the  Mediterranean,  but  reaching  northwards  into 
Switzerland  and  south  Germany,  and  to  some  extent  into  England 
and  extending  eastwards  through  southern  Russia  towards  the 
Black  Sea.  (3)  *  Alpine'  man,  brachyccphulic,  the  cranium  ristnj* 
high  above  the  cars,  with  a  broad  face,,  eyes  often  grc}%  and  hair 
brown,,  generally  of  medium  height  and  stoutly  built,  This  type 
is  found  through  the  greater  part  of  central  Europe,  from  Russia 
to  the  Atlantic* 

From  a  very  early  period  all  kinds  of  mixtures  have  taken  place 
among  these  types,  and  in  many  parts  of  Europe  they  are  inex- 
tricably intermingled.  Of  the  peoples  of  Kuropc  we  really  learn 
most  from  the  linguistic  records  which  have  been  preserved  from 
the  ninth  century  B.C.  downwards.  From  these,  however,  we 
ordinarily  gather  nothing  of  the  physical  characteristics  of  the 
writers  or  the  people  they  describe;  and  when  it  occurs  to  them 
to  describe  physical  appearance  the  language  is  frequently  too 
vague  to  give  us  much  assistance*  Much 'has  been  written  about 
the  description  of  Menelaus  in  Homer  as  yellow-haired,  as  the 
word  gavdos  is  frequently  translated.  In  modern  Greek,  however, 
the  word  is  used  practically  of  any  colour  of  hair  short  of  jet 
black,  and  the  colour  was  in  all  probability  not  lighter  than 
auburn,  for  the  verb  favQttpw  is  used  by  Aristophanes  of  the 
colour  of  meat  in  the  process  of  browning,  When  the  Greeks 


came  into  contact  with  real  blond  hair,  as  we  can  see  from 
Diodorus,  they  were  puzzled  how  to  describe  it,  and  state  that 
the  Children  on  the  Belgian  coast  had  the  hair  of  old  men,  applying 
to  them  the  adjective  ordinarily  used  for  the  white  locks  of  age 
(TroXios)1.  In  Europe,,  through  all  the  period  which  history  covers, 
the  greater  part  of  the  population  has  spoken  languages  belonging 
to  the  Indo-European  family.  But  it  hardly  needs  to  be  pointed 
out  that  there  is  no  necessary  relation  between  the  physical 
characteristics  o€  the  speaker  and  the  language  which  he  speaks. 
From  very  early  times  it  is  probable  that  persons  of  all  three 
racial  types  spoke  Indo-European  languages,  and  it  is  important 
to  have  a  word  which  can  be  applied  to  speakers  of  the  languages 
without  any  implication  of  race.  For  this,  the  simplest  means  is 
to  designate  them  by  a  word  which  in  most  of  the  Indo-European 
languages  indicates  men — Wiros, 

For  ancient  times  our  knowledge  of  the  peoples  of  Europe  is 
derived  entirely  from  Greek  and  Roman  writers  who,  whatever 
their  own  racial  origin,  used  languages  which  were  Indo-Euro- 
pean, But  besides  the  Wiros  there  were,  in  early  times,  and  indeed 
to  some  extent  still  are,  speakers  of  other  languages  in  Europe. 
The  most  archaic  of  these  languages  still  surviving  is  Basque, 
which  is  spoken  in  valleys  on  both  sides  of  the  Pyrenees.  The 
speakers  are  partly  short  and  dark  and  partly  tall  and  fair,  from 
which  it  has  been  argued  that  the  short  and  dark  represent  the 
ancient  race,  and  the  tall  and  fair  remnants  of  the  Visigoths  who 
invaded  Spain  in  the  fifth  century  A,D.  The  language  has  no  close 
relations  with  any  other  language  in  Europe.  Whether  it  had  any 
connection  with  the  language  of  the  ancient  Iberian  inscriptions,  or 
whether  the  Iberians  were  related  to  the  Berbers  are  still  matters 
of  disptite. 

A  second  language  which  has  disappeared  is  that  of  the 
Ligurians,  whose  habitat  was  said  to  be  in  the  mountains  above 
the  gulf  of  Genoa,  but  of  whom  many  modern  writers  have  dis- 
covered traces  over  a  far  wider  area  in  Gaul,  Spain  and  Italy.  Of 
the  Ligurians  we  know  very  little.  They  lived  like  the  Celts,  but 
were  of  a  different  stock2.  The  few  inscriptions  attributed  to  them 
are  probably  Celtic,  and  the  statements  of  the  ancients  that  they 
were  a  thin,  wiry  people,  winning  a  hard  living  from  a  barren 
soil  by  agriculture  in  which  their  women  did  much  of  the  work, 
is  a,  description  that  would  apply  to  most  highland  peoples  from 
that  day  to  this3, 

A  people  who  made  a  greater  figure  in  the  ancient  world,  but 

*  Diodorus,  v,  32,          2  Strabo,  n,  28,  p.  128,         B  Diodorus,  iv,  20. 


whose  language  and  characteristics  have  equally  disappeared  as 
separate  entities,  were  the  Etruscans,  They  will  come  tip  for  dis- 
cussion in  vol.  in.  Meanwhile  it  may  be  said  that  they  occupied 
the  western  coast  of  Italy  from  the  Tiber  northwards  and  extended, 
at  one  time,  to  the  Alps;  though,  in  the  fifth  century  I«,CM  when 
their  power  was  broken,  they  were  driven  back  on  the  north-east 
by  the  Gauls  who  at  that  time  had  invaded  and  occupied  the  valley 
of  the  Po.  The  racial  and  the  linguistic  relations  of  the  Ktruscan 
people  are  equally  mysterious.  It  is  certain  that  the  ancients  were 
right  in  believing  that  they  were  a  people  alien  to  Italy  who  had 
reached  its  shores  by  sea.  The  numerous  representations  of  them 
in  their  own  art,  which  was  clearly  learned  hy  them  from  the 
Greeks,  shows  that  they  were  not  of  the  same  type  as  the  ordinary 
inhabitant  of  Italy  at  the  period  to  which  the  monuments  belong. 
Though  more  than  eight  thousand  inscriptions  exist  in  the  l;usuu:Jt»e 
and  though  in  1892  a  book  in  Etruscan,  which  hud  long  lain  in 
an  Egyptian  mummy  case,  was  published,  fhc  relations  of  the 
language  remain  almost  as  obscure  sis  they  were  before.  Whether, 
as  the  ancients  supposed1,  the  Etruscans  had  migrated  train 
Lydia  must  still  remain  undecided,  although  in  the  preceding 
chapter  some  reason  has  been  shown  for  a  connection  between 
Etruria  and  Lydia  and  the  mysterious  bas-relief  discovered  in  the 
island  of  Lemnos.  See  pp*  II  sq^  282* 

The  Sicani?  early  inhabitants  of  Sicily,  were  connected  by  the 
ancients  with  the  Iberians,  The  language  of  the  ancient  SictiH, 
from  whom  the  island  derived  its  name,  was,  from  its  scanty 
remains,  obviously  closely  related  to  I*atin»  In  the  heel  of  Italy 
another  language,  the  Messapian^  was  spoken*  Of  this  a  certain 
number  of  genuine  inscriptions  survive,  mixed  up  with  many 
others  forged  by  stone-masons  at  the  end  of  the  *  sixties*  in  order 
to  win  the  rewards  offered  by  an  incautious  antiquary  for  the  dis- 
covery of  such  inscriptions,  The  language  appears  to  have  been 
connected  with  the  ancient  Illyrian,  and  the  speakers  may  have 
themselves  migrated  from  Illyria,  as  Albanians  did  migrate  to 
Italy  in  the  sixteenth  century  A.D.,  and  In  a  few  communities  in 
southern  Italy  still  preserve  their  ancient  language*  At  the  northern 
end^  of  the  eastern  side  of  Italy  are  found  inscriptions  of  the 
ancient  Veneti,  in  whom  the  classical  writers  saw  a  tribe  who  had 
migrated  from  Asia  Minor  to  Europe  and,  traversing  the  northern 
continuation  of  the  Pindus  Range,  had  ultimately  reached  the 
coast  and  passed  round  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  to  the  seats 
which  in  historical  times  they  occupied2.  They  too  were  probably 

1  Herod,  r,  943  Strabo,  v,  p.  219,  «  Strabo,  xni,  f>»  608* 


connected  in  reality  with  stems  in  northern  Illyria  as  Herodotus 
supposed  and  as  modern  investigation  seems  to  confirm1. 

Xhe  relation  of  the  modern  Albanian  language  to  the  tribes 
which  in  classical  times  occupied  the  same  area  is  not  clear.  The 
difficulties  are  two-fold.  Modern  Albanian  has  been  so  much 
influenced  by  its  neighbours,  Greek,  Latin,  Romance,  Slavonic 
and  Turkish.,  that,  out  of  a  vocabulary  of  five  thousand  words, 
G.  Meyer  could  identify  only  four  hundred  as  belonging 
to  the  native  language.  The  second  difficulty  is  of  a  different 
kind.  The  Indo-European  languages  fall  into  two  large  groups, 
according  to  the  treatment  of  certain  original  guttural  sounds 
which  in  one  group  become  some  form  of  sibilant  and  in  the  other 
remain  as  the  gutturals  £,  g  and  gh7  with  subsequent  modifica- 
tions in  some  cases  arising  in  the  separate  histories  of  the  in- 
dividual languages.  The  group  which  has  kept  the  gutturals  is 
found,  as  yet,  only  in  Europe  and  Chinese  Turkestan:  Teutonic, 
Celtic,  Latin  and  other  Italic  dialects,  Greek;  Tocharish.  The 
languages  which  have  changed  the  gutturals  into  sibilants  comprise 
the  ancient  languages  of  this  stock  in  India  and  Iran — Sanskrit  with 
its  numerous  descendants  in  India,  and  in  Persia  the  language  of 
the  Avesta,  itself  in  two  dialects,  and  the  language  of  the  ancient 
inscriptions  of  the  Achaemenid  Dynasty  between  525  B.C.  and 
330  B.C.,  which  were  written  in  cuneiform  and  were  first  fully 
deciphered  by  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson  in  1847  an<3-  following  years. 

To  the  latter  group  also  belongs  Armenian,  which,  like  Albanian, 
has  borrowed  much  from  its  neighbours.  It  is  known  only  from 
the  fifth  century  A.D.;  and  before  then  had  incorporated  much 
Persian  material  and  itself  overlaid  a  still  earlier  language.  With 
it  was  connected  ancient  Phrygian,  found,  in  two  series  of 
inscriptions  separated  by  many  centuries.  The  other  languages 
of  this  group  are  the  Slavonic,  known  to  us  first  in  the  ancient 
ecclesiastical  language  employed  by  Greek  missionaries  from 
Constantinople  in  the  ninth  century  A.D.,  Cyril  and  Methodius, 
and  later  in  many  other  dialects  with  which  must  be  coupled  the 
Baltic  dialects  including  Lithuanian,  Lettish  and  the  extinct  Old 
Prussian,  Albanian  is  a  language  of  this  group,  but  it  seems  hardly 
likely  that  the  ancient  Messapian  and  the  Venetic  agree  with  it 
on  the  gutturals.  If  not,  as  this  difference  is  extremely  old,  we 
must  suppose  that  modern  Albanian  is  not  closely  related  to 
these  ancient  dialects,  or  to  the  ancient  Illyrian  which  was  pre- 
sumably closely  connected  with  them.  If  it  is  not  so  related,  it 
can  only  be  explained  as  a  Thracian  dialect  which  had  been 

1  Herod  I5  196. 

pushed  through  the  extension  of  the  Pindus  Rnnq-e  hy  pressure 
in  its  original  habitat,  for  Albania  is  too  mountainous  and  difficult 
of  access3 to  be  an  inviting  country  for  colonists.  It  is,  of  course, 
possible  that,  as  in  Asia  "Minor,  there  may  have  been  from  the 
earliest  times  a  difference  between  the  population  and  the  lan- 
guage of  the  narrow  sea-coast  with  the  islands  along'  it  and 
those  on  the  high  ground  behind,  a  possibility  which  receives 
support  from  the  fact  that  this  distinction  of  Inniitnure  and  also 
of  race  has  characterized  and  does  still  characterize  the  country 
in  modern  times. 

The  early  history  of  the  lands  lying  between  the  Adriatic  and 
the  Danube  is  not  well  known.  But  in  many  parts  we  know  that 
the  early  population  was  practically  exterminated  by  the  Romans 
who  filled  up  the  vacant  spaces  by  bringing  in  tribes  from  eke- 
where.  Thus  Ammianus  Marcellinus  tells  us  that  the  emperor 
Maximin  was  by  race  of  the  tribe  of  the  CarjM,  who  were  moved 
by  Diocletian  from  their  ancient  homes  in  the  !  tiuh  Taint  in  the 
Carpathians  into  Pannonia1.  Such  removals  of  peoples  both 
voluntary  and  involuntary  had  gone  on  for  many  centuries.  In  the 
middle  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  certain  Celtic  tribes,  the  Seor- 
disci,  Taurisci  and  the  Boil,  were  forcing1  southwards  the  Illyriuns, 
who5  during  the  temporary  weakness  of  Macedonia,  spread  over 
a  considerable  part  of  its  western  territories,  till  they  were  met 
by  the  youthful  Philip  IT,  and  after  a  hotly-contested  battle  were 
driven  back  beyond  Lake  Lychnitis*  A  hundred  ami  thirty  years 
later  they  came  in  contact  with  the  Roman  power  which  WHS 
beginning  to  stretch  across  the  Adriatic,  and,  after  many  wars, 
were  finally  reduced  tinder  Roman  sway*  although  they  remained 
ready  enough  to  rebel  at  any  suitable  opportunity. 

One  of  the  most  difficult  problems  of  ancient  history  is  to 
determine  who  were  the  earliest  inhabitants  of  Greece*  On  few 
subjects  has  more  advance  been  made  in  the  last  fifty  years,  but 
it  cannot  be  said  that  an  answer  to  the  problem  has  been  reached 
with  certainty.  Of  the  Pelasgians,  who,  as  has  been  wittily  said,  only 
appear  in  order  to  disappear,,  some  account  has  been  given  in  the 
previous  chapter  (p.  12,  see  also  pp;  48 8^  544)-  In  the  view  of  the 
Greeks  themselves  the  oldest  of  their  tribes  was  the  Lelege%  whom 
Hesiod,  as  quoted  by  Strabo,  said  that  Zeus  had  granted  as  picked 
peoples  from  the  earth  to  Deucalion2.  But  the  poet  was  only 
exercising  his  ingenuity  in  inventing  a  double  pun  by  connecting 
the  adjective  Xe/cro9,  'picked/  with  the  name  of  the  Lclegca,  and 
the  -word  for  stone  with  the  word  for  people,  which  differed  only 

1  Ammian.  Mar.  xxvni,  i,  5.  »  Strabo,  vu,  p,  321. 


by  an  accent  (Xaos,  Xaos).  In  the  Greek  view  the  Leleges  came 
from  the  north-west,  through  Greece  and  the  islands,  and  reached 
as  fq»r  as  Asia  Minor.  Their  eponymous  hero,  Lelex,  is  said  by 
Aristotle  to  have  been  a  native  of  Leucadia*  The  same  authority 
informs  us  that  in  Aetolia  the  modern  Locrians  were  identical 
with  the  Leleges  and  that  they  spread  to  Boeotia1.  In  later  times 
they  were  mixed  with  the  Carians  and  their  name  disappeared 
from  Greece  (see  p,  10).  In  Homer  it  is  clear  that  the  peoples 
are  independent^  for  the  Leleges  were  encamped  separately  from 
the  Carians  in  Priam's  army  and  their  king  Altes  was  a  father-in- 
law  of  Priam  and  ruled  the  city  of  Pedasus.  If  the  identification  of 
Pedasus  in  Egyptian  records  could  be  trusted  (p.  28 i),  the  Leleges 
of  Homer  might  be  a  remnant  of  a  once  more  powerful  people. 

In  later  times,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Carians  remained  a  formid- 
able people,  famous  as  mercenaries,  though  they  too  had  dis- 
appeared from  Greek  lands  and  were  to  be  found  only  in  Asia 
Minor,  and  thougli  the  ancient  graves  in  Delos  were  recognized 
by  Thucydides  as  being  in  part  Carian2*  To  the  Carians  have 
been  assigned  certain  proper  names  which  are  frequent  in  Greece 
and  have  no  etymology  in  the  Greek  language,  particularly  the 
names  which  end  in  -ssos  or  ~//<?j,  like  Mycalessos  in  Boeotia,  the 
river  Ilissos  and  Mount  Hymettos  at  Athens,  a  type  of  name 
which  is  very  widely  spread  through  Greece  and  its  islands. 
Another  ending  of  the  same  kind  is  -ntho$y  seen  in  Corinthos  and 
many  other  proper  names,  and  in  some  common  nouns  like 
d<rdfj*wdo*s  (*a  bath')  and  various  names  of  plants  and  animals, 
The  disappearance  of  these  peoples  was  owing  to  the  incoming 
from  the  north  of  the  Achaeans. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  of  the  ancients  that 
there  were  Phoenician  settlements  in  Greek  lands,  the  most 
famous  that  of  Cadmus  in  Thebes.  But  the  Phoenicians  were  a 
trading  people  who  did  not  establish  permanent  colonies  in 
Greece^  but  only  stations  in  which  to  gather  the  wares  in  which 
they  traded  (see  p,  379).  If  we  may  trust  Athenaeus,  Caria  was 
called  Phocnice  by  Corinna  and  Bacchylides®. 

In  the  middle  of  the  second  millennium  B.C.  the  power  which 
had  been  growing  in  Crete  over  a  long  period  had  reached  its 
height*  The  traditions  which  survived  of  it  were  connected  by 
the  Greeks  of  classical  times  with  the  great  king  Minos,  who 
not  only  reigned  in  a  magnificent  city  at  Cnossus,  but  extended 
his  power  in  many  directions  over  Greek  lands,  and  founded 
many  places  known  by  his  name  as  Minoa,  To-day  we  know 

1  Strabo,  ra>  p.  322,  a  Thuc  i>  8.  *  Ath.  iv,  174*?- 

that,  in  so  far  as  it  attached  kingly  power  to  Cnossus,  tradition 
spoke  truly,  but  besides  Cnossus  there  were  many  other  im- 
portant settlements  of  the  same  period  in  Crete  and  adjacent 
lands.  The  excavations  of  Sir  Arthur  Kvans  at  Cnossus  and  of 

the  Italians  at  Phaestus  have  revealed  to  us  how  strong  and 
how  advanced  in  civilization  these  Cretan  cities  were.  As  we 
have  already  seen,  many  of  the  peoples  of  the  western  coast 
of  Asia  Minor  who  preceded  the  Greeks  professed  to  have 
come  from  Crete  (p.  xojy.).  But  Crete  was  aw  island  of  ninety 
cities  and  of  many  nations1.  Among  them  were  the  true  Cretans 
('EreoKpTjres).  Some  inscriptions  found  in  recent  years  at  Praesus 
apparently  preserve  their  language,  which  cannot  He  certainly 
identified  as  Indo-European,  though  it  has  sonic  undoubted 
similarities*  According  to  Herodotus  this  lungnnge  survived  only 
in  Praesus  and  Polichne after  theforces  of  Minns  had  toll*  >wed  him 
to  Sicily2.  Ethnologists,  however,  still  find  in  eastern  Crete  a 
type  which  they  identify  as  Eteocretam  Tlere  also  were  the 
'People  of  the  Sea/  the  Pelasgians,  and,  besides,  according  to 
Homer,  Achaeans,  Cydonians,  and  Dorians  with  waving  hair,  if 
that  indeed  be  the  meaning  of  the  epithet  rpi\diKc$.  In  the  ex- 
cavations at  Cnossus  many  records  in  writing  have  been  fount), 
but  as  yet  it  is  impossible  to  read  them,  The  art  of  Cnossus  and 
its  contemporary  cities  shows  a  people  of  elegant  figure  and  much 
grace,  but  the  probability  that  they  are  Greeks  is  certainly  le$s 
than  it  was  in  the  view  of  some  excellent  scholars  when  the 
discoveries  were  first  made.  See  further,  chap,  xvi* 

The  new  element  In  the  population  that  we  know  as  Greek 
must  certainly  have  descended  from  the  north*  Access  from  the 
north  to  Greece  is  easy,  for  the  valleys  run  in  the  main  north  and 
south.  Tradition  brought  Thracians  even  to  a  religious  centre 
like  Eleusis,  and  in  this  there  is  nothing  surprising  for  to  this 
day,  in  winter,,  Thracian  shepherds  may  he  met  in  Attica,  having 
brought  their  flocks  to  a  country  safer  from  storms  than  the 
uplands  in  which  they  spend  the  summer.  From  what  centre  these 
people  came  we  can  at  present  only  guess*  but  there  are  many 
arguments  in  favcnur  of  the  view  that  the  people  whom  we  have 
called  Wires,  without  regard  to  their  racial  origin  but  only  to  the 
fact  that  they  spoke  Indo-European  languages,  dispersed"  from  a 
centre  on  the  Danube  which  may  be  roughly  outlined  as  hounded 
eastwards  by  the  Carpathians,  southwards  by  the  Balkans,,  west- 
wards by  the  Bohemian  Forest  and  northwards  by  the  mountains 

*  Odyssey,  xix,  175  sgq* 
a  Herod"  vn,  170, 


that  separate  Bohemia  from   Germany  and  make  a  semi-circle 
ending  at  the  Moravian  Gate1. 

Here  are  found  the  conditions  of  climate  which  the  Indo- 
European  languages  appear  to  postulate,  and  here  too  are  found 
the  beasts  and  birds  and  plants  for  which  identical  words  exist  in 
many  of  the  languages.  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  this 
people  was  partly  pastoral,  partly  agricultural,  for  the  plains  of 
Hungary  are  admirably  suited  for  growing  the  grain  which  they 
knew  and  for  fostering  the  horses  with  which  they  were  certainly 
familiar,  while  the  park-lands  of  the  lower  Carpathians  were  well 
suited  to  the  maintenance  of  cattle  and  the  heights  for  the  pastur- 
age of  sheep.  The  quadrupeds  with  which  on  linguistic  grounds 
it  may  be  assumed  that  the  Wiros  were  familiar  in  their  earliest 
period,  were  the  horse,  the  cow,  the  sheep,  the  pig  and  the  dog. 
The  evidence  from  this  source  for  the  goat  is  less  strong.  Words 
for  wheat  and  barley  were  known,  and  those  for  ploughing, 
sowing,  reaping,  anH  the  necessary  implements,  are  widely  spread. 

The  district  was  a  centre  from  which  the  Wiros  of  Europe 
might  most  easily  spread,  and  also  might  easily  pass,  as  they 
undoubtedly  did,  in  wave  after  wave  to  Asia  Minor  and  the  East. 
We  can  only  guess  at  the  causes  which  led  to  their  spreading 
over  the  lands  in  which  we  find  them  when  history  begins.  The 
most  probable  is  the  increase  of  population  beyond  the  bounds 
of  subsistence.  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  so  many  languages, 
with  so  complicated  a  grammar,  could  have  developed  on  so  closely 
similar  lines,  unless  the  speakers  had  spent  a  long  time  in  contact 
with  one  another  and  shut  off  from  their  neighbours,  as  in  the  area 
mentioned  they  were,  by  mountains  which  offer  comparatively  few 
means  of  access.  How  far  their  civilization  had  reached  before 
separation  took  place  is  not  easy  to  define  precisely.  It  may  be  sup- 
posed that  they  were  at  any  rate  passing  out  of  the  stone  age  into 
the  bronze  age  but  were  not  yet  familiar  with  the  working  of  iron. 

The  earliest  settlers  of  this  stock  to  reach,  southern  Greece 
were  those  we  know  as  Arcadians,  though  in  earlier  times  they 
were  not  confined  to  that  mountainous  region,  but  extended  to 
the  sea  coasts  of  the  Peloponnese  from  which,  greatly  daring, 
they  sent  out  a  band  of  colonists  who  established  themselves  at 
an  early  period  in  the  island  of  Cyprus.  Here,  however,  they  had 
always  formidable  competitors  in  the  Phoenicians,  more  of  whose 
early  records  have  been  found  in  Cyprus  than  in  Phoenicia  itself, 
and  both  had  to  deal  with  an  earlier  people*  From  them  these  Greeks 

1  See  JS«  Brit  $*v*  'Indo-European  languages,'  and  Camb.  Hist,  of "  Indiay 
r  dhu  iii 

at  any  rate  learnt  to  write  in  an  Asiatic  syllabary  wlijch,  no  doubt 
through  instinctive  opposition  to  the  Phoenicians  with  their  more 
modern  alphabet.,  they  persisted  in  writing  till  the  fourth  century 
B.C.  (vol.  i,  p.  144). 

In  succession  to  this  stock  there  came  along  the  eastern  side  of 
Greece  the  peoples  whom  we  know  in  the  north  as  Aeolians.  They 
occupied  the  country  as  far  as  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  except 
Attica  with  which  was  linked  the  population  on  the  southern  side 
of  the  Saronic  Gulf.  The  tradition  of  this  close  am  nee  lion  between 
Attica  and  towns  likeTroezen,  which  in  the  fifth  century  n.t\  were 
extremely  hostile  to  Athens,  is  shown  in  the  firm  tradition  pre- 
served by  the  Attic  tragedians  of  amity  and  kinship  between  the 
cities  in  the  time  of  Theseus.  Subsequently  the  Dorians  arrived 
by  the  valleys  of  the  north-west.  From  here  they  spread  across 
southern  Thessaly  and  mingled  with  the  earlier  population  of 
Boeotia  so  far  as  to  produce  a  curious  mongrel  dialect.  They, 
too,  passed  Attica  by?  probably  because  its'"1  marble  rocks  pre- 
sented no  attraction  to  them,  and  by  the  isthmus  passed  into  the 
Peloponnese,  where  they  established  themselves  in  its  most  fertile 
lands  and  on  the  eastern  coast  assimilated  the  Ionia ns  of  thr 
Attic  stock1.  At  a  later  time  the  southern  side  of  the  Corinthian 
Gulf  and  the  north-western  corner  of  Kits  were  occupied  by 
Dorians,  who  came  across  the  Corinthian  Gulf  bringing  with  them 
the  less  refined  dialect  of  the  Dorian  tribes  who  had  lingered  in 
the  wilder  lands  that  skirt  Parnassus* 

Of  all  Greek  regions  Thessaly  was  the  wealthiest  in  natural 
resources,  for,  being  the  bed  of  an  ancient  inland  sea  which  was 
ultimately  drained  when  the  Peneus  broke  through  the  vale  of 
Tempe  to  the  Aegean*  it  formed  a  spacious  cornlam!  to  which 
there  was  no  parallel  in  southern  Greece.  The  conditions  of  life 
in  Thessaly  were  such  as  to  develop  a  feudal  aristocracy  and  a 
subject  population  of  serfs.  Here  are  readily  developed  men  eager 
for  adventure,  and  hence  it  is  that  the  first  legend  of  a  voyage  into 
distant  and  mysterious  lands  started  with  Jason  from  the"  Paga- 
saean  Gulf*  From  this  country  sprang  also  some  of  the  knights 
who  fought  in  two  great  expeditions  against  Troy*  the  town 
which  held  the  entrance  of  the  Dardanelles;  Pclctis  fights  against 
Laomedon,  his  son  Achilles  fights  against  Laoinedon's  son  Priam* 
If  Homer's  statement  that  there  were  Dorians  in  Crete  is  to  be 
trusted,  it  was  by  drifting  down  the  Aegean  that  they  reached  it, 
for  colonization  by  Dorians  was  long  posterior  to  the  age  of 
which  Homer  sang.  See  pp.  5*14,  528* 

In  classical  times  the  mountainous  country  north  of  the  Gulf 
1  Herod,  vm,  73,  3. 


of  Corinth  through  which  the  Dorians  had  passed  was  little 
known  to  the  Greeks,  although  the  most  ancient  of  their  shrines, 
Doclpna,  was  in  the  heart  of  it.  In  later  times  it  was  known  as 
Epirus — the  mainland — and  was  flooded  by  other  tribes  which 
came  in  from  the  north  and  were  of  Illyrian  stock.  The  tribes  at 
the  soitthern  end  of  this  area  were  known  as  Aetolians,  the  most 
important  sept  of  which  was  the  Etirytanes,  of  whom  Thucydides 
has  only  to  say  that  their  language  was  extremely  unintelligible 
and  that  they  we4*e  cannibals1. 

North-eastwards  of  Epirus  lay  Macedonia,  the  tribes  of  which 
were  little  known  to  the  Greeks  until  the  fifth  century  B.C.?  when 
the  ruling  family  claimed  to  be  of  the  descendants  of  Heracles 
and  to  be  genuine  Greeks,  a  claim  which  it  was  the  delight  of 
opposing  orators  of  the  Athenian  assembly  to  scoff  at  and  reject. 
Nevertheless,  although  here  also  there  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a 
mixture  of  peoples  through  mutual  invasion,  the  language  of  the 
Macedonians  closely  resembled  Greek,  from  which  it  differed  by 
sound  changes  not  more  remarkable  than  the  differences  which 
exist  between  English  dialects.  Their  civilization  had  fallen 
behind  that  of  the  tribes  which  had  moved  farther  to  the  south, 
but  the  stock  apparently  was  the  same.  The  boundaries  of  the 
country  varied  at  different  times  and  the  outlying  areas  of  Lyn- 
cestis  on  the  west  and  Paeonia  on  the  north  were  apparently  as 
much  Illyrian  and  Thracian  as  Macedonian. 

Separated  from  Macedonia  by  the  long  ridge  of  Mount 
Rhodope,  and  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Haemus  Range,  and 
extending  eastwards  to  the  Dardanelles,  the  Bosporus,  and  the 
Black  Sea,  lay  Thrace,  a  country  the  civilization  of  which,  like 
that  of  Macedonia,  had  fallen  behind  Greek  civilization,  but  with 
the  population  of  which  in  early  times  Greek  tradition  claimed 
close  connection*  Thence  had  come  more  than  one  worship  which 
had  affected  Greek  civilization  not  a  little,  the  most  important 
being  that  of  Dionysus,  who,  when  his  worship  was  carried  to  a 
warmer  country,  ceased  to  be  the  deity  of  the  liquor  brewed  from 
barley  and  became  the  wine-god.  To  Greek  poets  the  great  river 
of  Thrace,  the  Hebrus,  with  its  waters  frozen  over,  was  the  type 
of  everything  that  was  horrible  in  climate;  but  the  coasts  of  Thrace 
speedily  became  dotted  with  Greek  colonies  which  proved  an 
important  clement  in  Greek  civilization,  and  one  of  them, 

1  Thuc.  in,  94.  The  view  that  they  were  only  'eaters  of  pemmican' 
is  refuted  by  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  word  obyi&o^aiyosr.  That  other 
peoples  who  were  their  enemies  should  say  they  were  cannibals  does  not 
prove  the  statement.  A  similar  charge  was  maae  against  the  Ordovices  of 
North  Wales  (Proc.  Gamh.  PhiL  Sw»  1906^  p.  5), 

Byzantium,  was  destined  to  become  for  a  long  period  the  capital 
of  a  great  empire.  Of  the  Thracian  people  who  were  both  numerous 

and  powerful  the  only  linguistic  remains  are  proper  names  ryicl  a 
single  inscription  discovered  some  years  ago.  Its  early  emigrants, 
Armenians,  Phrygians,  Bithynians,  etc.,  have  already  been  treated 

(see  pp.  13  J?$0» 

Beyond  the  Haemus,  except  along  the  coasts  of  the  Black  Sea5 
everything  was  dark  and  mysterious.  On  the  coast,  between  the 
end  of  the  Haemus  Range  and  the  delta  of  thr»  Danube,  Greek 
colonies  were  thickly  planted.  Beyond,  for  a  long  distance  they 
were  more  rare,  but  Olbia,  at  the  mouth  of  the  I  iypanis,  was  an 
important  centre.  There  were  others  in  the  Crimea,  most  im- 
portant of  which  were  Thexidosia,  on  the  north-eastern  side,  and 
Panticapaeum  (Kertch)  at  the  entrance  to  the  sea  of  Azov.  The 
general  name  of  this  unknown  country  was  Scythia,  but  naturally 
its  further  boundaries  were  unknown*  The  manners  and  customs 
of  the  Scythians  were  of  great  interest  to  tlfc  Crooks,  and  both 
Herodotus  and  his  contemporary,  the  great  physician  Hippo- 
crates, devoted  careful  study  to  them1.  They  were  a  nomad  people 
who  moved  from  place  to  place  in  covered  wains,  but  their  men 
rode  on  horseback  and  their  territory  was  believed  to  extend 
north  of  the  Caspian  and  the  Aral  Sea  across  the  Jaxartcs  far  into 
Asia.  Of  their  civilization  many  most  valuable  remains  have  been 
discovered  in  southern  Russia*  In  all  probability  their  racial 
history  was  much  like  that  of  the  modern  Turks,  who,  by  constant 
interbreeding  with  white  races,  have  lost  their  racial  character- 
istics and  have  practically  become  a  white  race  themselves.  The 
raiding  of  the  Persian  borderlands  carried  on  century  after 
century  no  doubt  produced  a  similar  change  in  the  appearance 
and  physique  of  the  Scythians,  Some  words  which  have  been  pre- 
served of  the  Scythian  language  are  obviously  Iranian,  hut  with  the 
history  of  the  people  that  we  have  assumed  this  is  not  in  the  least 
surprising.  See  p*  17,  and  the  chapter  on  the  Scythians  in  voL  in* 

The  Sarmatians,  who  are  often  assumed  to  be  Slavs,  were 
apparently  only  a  branch  of  the  Scythians*  The  Slavs,  who  how- 
ever do  not  figure  in  ancient  history*  seem  to  have  left  their 
original  home  by  the  Moravian  Gate  and  for  long  occupied  the 
country  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  vast  marshes  of  the  Pripct. 
Among  them  are  found  both  short-headed  and  long-headed 
representatives.  Their  distribution  In  modern  times  has  little 
relation  to  that  in  ancient  times.  In  the  Balkan  peninsula  they 
have  spread  much  farther  to  the  east?  and  in  the  Peloponnese 
1  Herod,  iv;  Hippocr.  de  tiere  etc^  chaps.  24—30* 


they  have  been  absorbed  by  the  Greek-speaking  stock.  In  Ger- 
many, where  in  the  seventeenth  century  A.D.  a  Slavonic  dialect 
was  ^till  spoken  farther  west  than  Jutland,,  the  language  has 
yielded  to  German.  The  members  of  this  stock,  who  were  the 
first  to  reach  the  Baltic,  were  no  doubt  the  Lithuanians,  Letts  and 
Old  Prussians.  The  language  of  the  Old  Prussians  became  extinct 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  The  languages  of  the  Lithuanians  and 
the  Letts,  which  really  differ  little  more  than  Attic  and  Aeolic 
Greek,  continue  t4ieir  existence,  but  are  threatened  by  Polish  and 
by  Russian.  In  Lithuanian  there  is  an  active  literary  movement 
which,  however,  is  perhaps  more  in  evidence  in  Chicago  than  it 
is  in  its  native  country. 

From  the  time  that  history  begins  we  find  a  people  very  active 
in  the  valley  of  the  Danube.  These  are  the  Celts,  Strong  of  frame, 
active  in  mind,  vigorous  and  prolific,  throughout  the  whole 
course  of  ancient  European  history  they  harassed  the  more  settled 
parts  of  Europe  anH  penetrated  even  into  Asia.  Their  dialects 
bear  a  curious  resemblance  to  those  of  the  Italic  stock — the  Oscan 
and  Umbrian  and  many  minor  dialects,  on  one  side,  and  the 
Latin  and  Faliscan,  upon  the  other — in  that  they  fall  into  two 
groups,  according  as  they  convert  certain  original  qu  sounds  into 
p  or  leave  them  as  qu  or  c*  The  Italic  and  the  Celtic  dialects  also  re- 
semble one  another  in  the  formation  of  the  future  and  of  the  passive 
voice.  In  the  formation  of  the  passive  they  stood  by  themselves  till 
recent  years,  when  the  Tocharish  of  Chinese  Turkestan  and  some 
of  the  languages  found  at  Boghaz  Keui  show  passive  forms  of  the 
same  type.  It  Is  probable  therefore  that  when  the  Celtic  and 
Italic  stocks  of  the  Wiros  moved  westwards  they  remained  in 
company  longer  than  other  tribes  speaking  similar  languages. 

It  was  not  till  the  seventh  century  B.C.,  as  is  generally  supposed, 
that  the  Celts  found  their  way  into  the  country  which  was  known 
to  the  Romans  as  Gaul  and  established  themselves  in  the  northern 
part  of  what  is  now  France.  Among  the  Celts  of  modern  times 
there  are  two  well-marked  types;  a  short,  dark-haired  and 
generally  dark-eyed  type,  and  a  tall,  frequently  red-haired  and 
grey-eyed  type.  It  was  this  last  which  impressed  the  ancient 
peoples  and  which  they  generally  describe  in  their  writings  and 
represent  in  their  art.  Such  a  Gaul  is  the  well-known  figure  of  the 
Pergamenc  school  popularly  known  as  the  Dying  Gladiator.  They 
are  described  by  Livy  as  tall  men  with  long  red  hair  carrying 
huge  shields  and  very  long  swords,  clashing  their  ^  arms  as  they 
entered  battle  and  uttering  shouts  and  cries,  but^  without  staying 
power  equal  to  their  size  and  succumbing  readily  to  heat,  dust 

C.A,  IT.  ir 


and  thirst1.  Whether  the  dark  race  which  was  earlier  in  Gaul 
than  the  arrival  of  the  red-haired  Celts  was  also  Celfic^or  whether 
it  took  the  language  of  the  conquerors  is  not  clear.  The  latter  is 
the  more  likely,  and  though  it  is  no  doubt  true  that  the  conquering 
minority  is  in  most  cases  absorbed  by  the  subject  majority  and 
takes  the  language  of  that  majority.,  this  is  not  always  true.  The 
French  of  to-day  speak  a  language  they  had  borrowed  from  their 
Roman  conquerors,  but  the  Franks  were  themselves  u  conquering 
minority  in  Gaul.  The  distinction  between  the  Hvo  types  of  Celtic 
language  is  more  marked  amongst  the  CYUif  dialects  in  Britain 
than  it  was  apparently  in  ancient  (JauL  There  the.  VP-Celts*- — 
that  is  those  who  used  petom  for/0//r,  the  equivalent  nf  the  Latin 
quattuor — were  apparently  much  more  numerous  than  the  *O« 
Celts/  who  used  qu,  although  this  combination  seems  to  he  found 
in  the  name  of  the  river  Seine— Sequanu- — ami  in  the,  name  of  the 
tribe  Sequani. 

The  invasion  of  Britain  by  the  Gauls  is  supposed  to  have  taken 
place  in  the  third  century  B.C.  There  must  have  been  a  double 
invasion,  because  the  Irish,  the  Scottish  Gaelic  and  the  Manx  are 
O-languages,  while  Welsh,  the  now  extinct  Cornish  and  the 
Breton  of  Brittany  are  P-languagcs,  the  last  being1,  not  a  remnant 
of  the  ancient  Gaulish,  but  the  speech  of  the  Celts  of  Britain  who 
passed  over  from  Cornwall  to  Brittany  in  the  fifth  century  A*D* 
The  ancient  Picts,  whose  language,  except  for  some  unintelligible 
inscriptions,  is  entirely  lost,  probably  belonged  to  the  small  black 
race  who  spoke  a  P-language,  for  the  word  Picht  is  still  used  in 
Scotland  for  such  a  short  and  dark  person, 

The  question  has  often  been  asked  as  to  what  has  become  of 
the  tall,  red-haired,  brawny  Celt  in  France,  where  he  is  now 
conspicuous  by  his  absence.  Not  only  has  this  type  of  Celt  dis- 
appeared, but  the  German  Frank,  who  also  was  tall,  fair-haired 
and  brawny,  is  rarely  to  be  found  in  France,  The  explanation  no 
doubt  is  that,  in  both  cases,  the  tall  fair-hnircd  men  were  only  a 
governing  aristocracy,  comparatively  small  in  numbern,  and  that 
they  have  been  absorbed  by  the  short,  dark-haired  and  more 
numerous  type.  It  is  fairly  certain  that.,  as  Dr  Beddoe  has  argued, 
the  conditions  of  town  life  are  unfavourable  to  the  tall,  fair-haired 
man,  who  gives  way  to  the  short  and  dark  type,  a  point  which  it 
is  easy  enough  for  anyone  to  test  by  his  own  observation.  In  the 
south-west  of  Gaul,  in  Aquitanla,  the  dark  Mediterranean  type 
was  prevalent,  but  the  invading  Gauls  overran  their  country  and 
passed  down  into  Spain,  bordering  already  In  the  time  of  Hero- 

1  LIvy,  xxxvm,  17* 


dotus  upon  the  Cynesians,  who,  he  says,  are  the  most  westerly 
people  in  Europe1.  Details  escape  us,  but  a  large  part  of  the 
Iberian  peninsula  was  occupied  by  a  people  at  least  mixed  with 
Celts,  as  their  name,  Celtiberi,  implies.  The  earlier  inhabitants 
of  Spain  seem  to  have  lived  in  caves  as  their  predecessors  of 
palaeolithic  times  had  done2. 

According  to  the  legend  preserved  by  Livy  the  Celtic  part  of 
Gaul  in  the  time  of  Tarquinius  Priscus  (sixth  century  B.C.)  had 
for  its  king  Ambsgatus  of  the  tribe  of  the  Bituriges3.  He,  finding 
in  his  old  age  that  his  sister's  sons,  Bellovesus  and  Segovesus, 
were  too  hard  for  him,  sent  them  forth  to  occupy  such  lands  as 
the  gods  should  give  them,  Segovesus  to  the  Hercynian  Forest, 
and  Bellovesus  to  an  attack  upon  Italy,  in  which  'not  only  the 
Bituriges  but  also  Arverni,  Senones,  Aedui,  and  other  less  well- 
known  tribes  joined  him.  They  crossed  the  Alps,  defeated  the 
Etruscans  not  far  from  the  river  Ticinus,  and  founded  the  city 
of  Milan.  They  were  followed  by  Cenomani,  who  settled  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Brescia  and  Verona,  while  the  Boii  and  Lin- 
gones  proceeded  farther  southward  beyond  the  Po  and  occupied 
lands  held  by  the  Umbrians.  The  Senones  advanced  still  farther 
and  occupied  the  eastern  side  of  the  Apennines  between  Forli 
and  Ancona.  It  was  the  Senones,  according  to  Livy,  who  ulti- 
mately attacked  and  plundered  Rome  about  390  B.C.  We  have 
already  seen  how,  soon  after,  the  Scordisci  and  other  tribes  had 
established    themselves    in    Pannonia.    Names    like   Brigantium 
(Bregenz)  or  Vindobona  (Vienna)   survive  to  witness  to  their 
presence.  The  Celts  mixed  readily  with  other  peoples  and  in 
southern  Gaul  we  find  Celtoligures  and  far  away  near  the  Black 
Sea  the  Ccltoscythae,  From  Pannonia  as  a  base  they  proceeded 
at  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  B.C.  to  attack  the  countries 
to  the  south,  reaching  ultimately  as  far  as  Delphi,  Some  of  them 
founded  a  kingdom  in  Thrace  and  others  crossed  over  to  Asia. 
When  they  had  done  so  they  were  met  by  the  people  of  Per- 
gamum,  who  were  their  irreconcilable  foes,  and  were  driven  by 
them  inland.  There  they  took  Ancyra,  and  with  three  tribes,  the 
Trocmi,  the  Tolistobogii  and  the  Tectosages,  occupied  a  large 
part  of  the  ancient  Phrygia4.  In  this  new  home  also  they  were 
restless,  and  it  has  been  conjectured  that  the  speakers  of  the 
Tocharish  language,  which  bears  curious  resemblances  to  Celtic, 
and  is  not  closely  connected  with  any  Indo-European  language 
in  Asia,  may  be  a  much  corrupted  tongue  of  some  portion  of 

*  Herod,  n,  33 ;  iv>  49*  2  Plutarch,  Sertorius,  17. 

3  Livy,  r?  34  *  Livy,  xxxvm,  16. 

3— -a 


them,  removed  by  some  Anatolian  despot  to  the  remotest  corner 
of  his  empire,  much  as  earlier  conquerors  had  carried  the  Jews, 
or  Xerxes  the  Branchidae,  away  beyond  Babylon1, 

We  now  return  to  the  peoples  of  Italy  whose  languages  arc  so 
closely  akin  to  Celtic.  It  seems  clear  from  geographical  considera- 
tions that  the  P-peoples  of  Italy  came  into  the  peninsula  from  the 
north-east  and  ultimately  occupied  the  greater  part  of  its  area. 
Of  these  peoples  the  most  important,  to  judge  by  their  existing 
remains,  were  the  Umbrians,  in  historical  times««ttu;ited  eastwards 
of  the  Apennines,  whose  territory  was  encroached  upon  by  the 
Gauls  from  the  north  and  by  the  Ktruscans  from  the  west,  1/rom 
the  Etruscans,  as  their  existing  records  show,  both  the  Umhrmns 
and  the  Oscans  had  learnt  to  write,  the  Etruscans  themselves 
owing  the  knowledge  of  writing  to  the  Greeks.  Osean  was  the 
language  of  the  richest  part  of  Italy,  Campania,  and  its  inscrip- 
tions are  found  sporadically  far  beyond  its  confines,  in  the  south 
of  Italy  and  in  Sicily.  But  the  wild  country  of  Calabria  was  always 
thinly  peopled  and  the  richer  soil  of  the  coast  lands  to  the  south 
was  early  occupied  by  Greek  colonists,  who  came  round  through 
the  straits  of  Messina  and  established  themselves  on  the  rich  and 
beautiful  bay  of  Naples, 

According  to  Roman  tradition  the  Romans  did  not  originally 
belong  to  the  land  in  which  we  find  them.  To  admit  that  this  is 
true  is  not  to  accept  the  whole  story  of  Aeneas,  but  when  it  is 
recognized  that  the  portion  of  Tritium  occaipied  by  the*  Pnsci 
Latini  was  very  small,  and  that  the  possessions  of  that  stock  were 
confined  entirely  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Tiber,  while  from  the 
hills  a  little  way  off  there  looked  down  upon  them  P-peoples  like 
the  Sabines,  closely  related  to  the  Oscans,  ami  the  Volscians, 
similarly  related  to  the  Umbrians,  it  is  clear  that  the  early  Latins 
must  have  forced  their  way  into  this  country  by  the  Tiber.  If  the 
P-peoples  had  been  the  conquerors  they  would  not  have  remained 
in  the  barren  hills  and  left  the  plain  to  the  Latins.  The  I  "-peoples 
were  in  the  barren  hills  because  they  had  been  driven  there  by 
successful  invaders. 

Where  the  Romans  came  from  there  is  no  evidence  to  show, 
but  it  is  known  that  the  language  of  the  Sikcls  was  closely  related 
to  Latin,  and  it  may  be  conjectured  that  the  invasion  of  the 
southern  coasts  of  Italy  by  the  Greeks  ousted  many  peoples  from 
their  homes.*  if,  like  the  Phocaeans  amongst  the  Greeks  them- 
selves, they  had  refused  to  remain  under  an  alien  sovereignty. 
The  ^ancients  thought  that  the  invasion  of  the  lapygians  from 
Illyria  and  of  the  Oscans  from  Campania  had  driven'  the  Slkels 
*  Strabo,  xr,  pp.  517-8;  Curtius,  vi^  5, 


from  Italy,  even  at  an  earlier  period.  But  the  Latin  alphabet  has 
come  from  the  western  Greek  alphabet  without  any  intermediary, 
thus  -showing  that  the  peoples  must  have  been  in  close  contact  at 
the  period  when  the  alphabet  was  borrowed.  Some  Sikels  survived 
in  Italy  even  in  the  time  of  Thucydides1.  The  Faliscans,  the  only 
other  Q-people  of  Italy  besides  the  Latins,  were  clearly  but  a 
feeble  outpost  pushed  up  into  the  Etruscan  country,  and  in  their 
language  and  artistic  products  strongly  affected  by  that  power. 

Last  among  tllfe  peoples  of  Europe  we  come  to  the  German 
stock.  The  name  German  has  never  been  used  by  the  stock  itself 
in  any  period  of  its  history,  and  its  origin  still  remains  a  matter 
of  dispute.    Opinions   sway  this   way  and   that,   some   scholars 
holding  that  the  word  Germani  is  but  the  plural  of  the  Latin 
adjective  germanus.  Accepting  this  derivation,  some  explain  it  as 
meaning  the  true,  or  genuine,  stock,  from  which  apparently  the 
Celts  were  regarded  as  an  off-shoot,  less  pure  in  descent  than  the 
Germans,  As  the   Celts  had  moved  into  their  historic  habitat 
within  comparatively  recent  times,  and  as  the  ancients  recognized 
practically  no  physical  differences  between  Germans  and  Celts, 
such  an  explanation  is  possible.  Another  view  of  the  term  *  Ger- 
mani/ held  by  Strabo  and  other  ancient  writers,  was  that  it  is 
used  in  the  sense  of  brothers,  the  other  members  of  the  family 
being   the   Celts*   Yet  another   and  less   probable  view  of  the 
derivation  of  the  word  is  that  its  origin  is  a  Gaulish  word,  gaesum^ 
which  was  used  for  a  heavy  javelin.  To  this  word  is  akin  the  Old 
High  German  and  Old  Saxon  ger.  Hence,  if  this  derivation  were 
correct,    the   word   would   mean  javelin   men,    and   soldiers   so 
equipped  and  named  Gaesati  were  found  amongst  the  Gauls2. 
Be  this  as  it  may,  we  find  German  tribes  throughout  their  history 
seated  to  the  north  of  the  mountains  which  surround  Bohemia. 
Thus  the  German  country  consisted  in  early  times  of  forests  in 
the  south,  and  of  sandy  heathlands  in  the  north*  In  those  lands 
there  is  no  record  of  any  great  migration  such  as  we  find  fre- 
quently in  the  case  of  the  Celts.  The  spread  of  the  people  was 
gradual^  the  population  occupying  more  and  more  territory  as  its 
numbers  increased.  This  extension  was  further  developed  when 
agriculture  began,  because  it  was  the  Germans'  custom  not  to 
manure  their  land,  but  to  occupy  new  ground  when  their  pre- 
viously occupied  land  ceased  to  produce  satisfactory  harvests3. 

1  Thuc.  vr,  2-4. 

a  Fafcwof,  Polybius,  n,  22?  I.  As  a  Latin  word  it  is  not  found  till  late. 
It  appears  in  the  name  of  a  Galatian  chief,  Gezatorix,  *king  of  the  spearmen* 
(Ramsay.,  Hist.  G**g.  Js*  Minor  ^  p.  444  sq^« 

8  Cp.  Caesar,  B.G.  IV",  i>  7*  vi,  22,  2j  Tacitus,  Germ.  26,  2. 


Before  history  begins,  the  population  had  extended  into  Jutland, 
and  from  Jutland  into  Scandinavia,  in  the  south-oust  of  which 
the  most  characteristic  types  of  Nordic  population  ;still  survive. 

Tacitus  regards  the  German  tribes  as  being  all  of  one  language, 
but  on  the  eastern  side  of  their  country  there  were  some  tribes, 
the  Fennij  the  Venedi,  and  the  Aestii,  regarding  whose  nationality 
he  was  in  doubt.  From  the  name  of  Aesfii  is  derived  the  name  of 
the  country  known  as  Esthonia.  The  language,  and  a  certain 
element  in  the  population,  are  of  Finnish  origin?  But  the  informa- 
tion of  Tacitus  probably  did  not  extend  so  far  as  to  enable  him 
to  distinguish  between  Finns  and  Slavs,  To  the  latter  the  Venecli, 
if  they  were  the  ancestors  of  the  modern  Wends,  would  certainly 
belong.  If  the  Bastarnac,  who  appear  in  history  as  early  us  179 
B«C,,  having  then  joined  Philip  V  of  JMfacedon  against  the  Romans, 
were  really  Germans,  they  are  the  first  recorded  tribe  of  this  stock; 
but  whether  they  were  Germans  or  (Jauls  remains  still  a  vexed 
question.  The  Peucini,  who  lived  upon  un  island  in  the  Danube, 
were  apparently  a  branch  of  the  Bastarnae.  The  Cimbn  ami  the 
Teutones,  who  made  such  a  furious  inroad  into  more  southern 
lands  between  113  and  roi  K*C,,  are  said  to  have  conic  from  the 
north  of  Germany,  driven  out  by  a  tremendous  flood*  In  itself 
the  flood  is  not  at  all  impossible,  hut  a  people,  so  driven  from  its 
homes,  would  hardly  be  in  fit  condition  to  conduct  violent  warfare 
with  the  rest  of  the  world.  Their  numbers  appear  to  have  boon 
very  large,  though  probably  Plutarch's  estimate  of  300,000 
fighting  men  is  a  gross  exaggeration*.  It  is  just  an  possible 
that,  as  we  see  in  the  next  century,  the  German  tribes  had  out- 
grown their  means  of  subsistence,  and  were  in  search  of  new 
homes*  Unfortunately  for  themselves,  they  came  into  districts 
already  crowded  by  a  population,  which,  when  well  led,  was  more 
than  able  to  hold  its  own  against  them2* 

Once  more,  overcrowding  in  the  first  century  B.C.  led  to  the  cxpe- 

1  Plutarch,  Marius^  XL 

2  Like  the  Bastarnae,  the  Daci  and  the  Geta<%  among  whom  Ovitl  spent 
a  miserable  exile ^ at  Tomi  on  the  Black  Sea,  have  been  claimed  by  some 
authorities  as  having  originally  a  more  northern  home  than  Thrace,  C  )tht*r» 
see  in  the  Daci  the  same  stock  that  appears  in  Asia  as  IJtahui  or  Dzioi*  the 
ending  ~«  (Greek  -/coi)  being  regarded  as  a  tribal  suffix.  The  Dad  have 
even  been  identified  with  the  Indian  Dasas  or  Dasyus,  These  were  regstnled 

as  Daoi  (Aacu)  is,  would  disappear.  There?  is  however  nothing  to  show  that 
the  Dacians  and  ^Getac,  like  the  TribsiIU,  Odrysae  and  n«iny  others  were 
not  of  the  Thraclan  stock. 


ditions  of  Ariovistus  across  the  Rhine,  which,  upon  the  appearance 
of  Julius  Caesar  in  Gaul,  had  the  same  ill-fortune  as  had  befallen 
the  Cinibri  and  the  Teutones1.  In  later  times  the  same  impulse 
drove  the  German  peoples  towards  the  south-east.  The  maintenance 
of  the  Danubian  frontier  of  the  Empire  against  Thracians  and 
Germans  became  ever  more  difficult.  Conquests  were  continually 
being  made  and  continually  the  old  difficulties  arose  anew.  First  the 
Dacians,  later  the  Quadi  and  other  stocks  were  first  resisted  and 
later  admitted  wkhin  the  bounds  of  the  Empire.  The  first  im- 
portant records  of  a  German  stock  come  from  the  Moeso-Goths, 
who,  in  the  fourth  century  A. D.  were  settled  on  the  northern  side  of 
the  middle  Danube,  and  became  converted  to  Christianity.  The 
surviving  fragments  of  Bishop  Wulfila's  translation  of  the  Bible 
into  Gothic  is  one  of  the  most  important  records  now  existing  of 
an  early  people.  But  long  before  this  time  the  German  stock  had 
forced  its  way  into  the  Roman  Empire,  and  though  there  are  no 
written  records  in  their  language,  the  scenes  figured  upon  the 
Column  of  Marcus  Aurelius  give  us  considerable  information  as 
to  their  appearance,  their  dress,  and  their  manner  of  life, 

The  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  German  language  is  the 
so-called  sound-shifting,  whereby  the  labial,  dental  and  guttural 
stop-consonants  change  into  sounds  different  from  those  of  the 
kindred  languages,  amongst  which  there  is  nothing  similar,  except 
a  less  extensive  change  in  Armenian.  It  may  be  that  similar  causes 
have  produced  the  same  effects,  and  that  the  sound-shifting  in 
both  cases  arises  from  inter-mixture  of  two  peoples,  so  that  a 
Germanic  language  in  a  foreign  mouth,  probably  Celtic,  would 
have  produced  these  changed  forms.  It  is  noticeable  that  a  second 
sound-shifting  took  place  at  a  much  later  period  in  southern  Ger- 
many, in  a  district  which,  at  an  earlier  time,  was  certainly  occupied 
by  Celts. 

The  Germanic  peoples  are  generally  classified  in  three  groups, 
according  to  their  linguistic  characteristics,  one  group  being 
formed  by  the  Scandinavian  languages,  which  were  practically 
only  one  language  until  the  eleventh  century  A.D,  A  second  group 
is  formed  by  the  English,  Frisian  and  German  dialects,  including 
both  High  and  Low  German,  and  the  Franconian,  from  which 
Dutch  and  Flemish  are  descended.  The  third  group  consists  of 
Gothic,  which  some  scholars  are  in  favour  of  connecting  closely 
with  Scandinavian,  A  Gothic  dialect,  now  lost,  was  found  in  the 
Crimea,  and  a  number  of  its  words  recorded  by  Busbecq,  on  his 
embassy  to  the  Sultan  in  1556.  This  dialect  seems  to  have  sur- 
vived to  the  eighteenth  century,  but  no  traces  of  it  now  remain. 

1  Caesar,  E.G.  i,  53. 




IN  spite  of  the  strategic  isolation  and  seeming  safety  of  the 
Nile  valley  from  foreign  attack,  the  country  is  nevertheless 
vulnerable  on  both  north  and  south.  Since  their  occupation  of 
Egypt  the  British  have  been  called  upon  to  meet  dangerous 
assaults  from  both  directions:  from  the  south  at  the  hands  of  the 
Mahdist  fanatics;  and  from  the  north  in  the  Turkish  attack  on 
the  Suez  Canal  during  the  Great  War.  These  modern  experiences 
of  the  British  in  Egypt  illustrate  very  strikingly  the  ancient 
situation  at  the  beginning  of  the  New  Kingdom  or  Empire.  The 
Middle  Kingdom  had  fallen  to  the  llyksos,  the  Asiatic  invaders 
whom  the  Egyptians  neither  forgave  nor  forgot,  \Vhut  little  is 
known  of  this  mysterious  enemy  has  been  recorded  (wl  i,  pp* 
310  sqq^  cf.  p.  233),  and  with  their  expulsion  by  Ahmose 
(Aahmes)  Egyptian  history  enters  upon  a  new  stage, 

No  sooner  had  Ahxnose  (15^0-1557  ^  H,e.)  freed  the  country 
from  the  Hyksos  pressure  on  the  northern  frontiers  than  he,  like* 
wise,  was  obliged  to  turn  Ms  attention  to  the  south*  The  Itmg  period 
of  disorganization  following  the  Middle  Kingdom  had  given  the 
Nubians  an  opportunity  to  revolt  which  they  did  not  fail  to 
improve,  Ahmose  invaded  the  country  and  how  far  he  penetrated 
we  do  not  know5  but  he  evidently  met  with  no  serious  resistance 
in  the  recovery  of  the  old  territory  between  the  first  and  second 
cataracts.  He  was  no  sooner  well  out  of  the  country,  however, 
than  his  inveterate  rivals  in  Egypt  south  of  cl»Kah,  who  had 
troubled  him  during  the  Hyksos  war,  again  rose  against  him* 

*  The  following  chapters  (ni~vm)  draw  extensively  from  the  author** 
History  o£Egyj>t>\Mt  every  effort  has  been  made  to  insert  all  modifications 
and  additions  which  can  be  gleaned  from  new  monuments  or  r<$earcheH,  and 
which  have  appeared  since  it  was  published,  The  plan  of  avoiding  f<x*tnott% 
adopted  in  the  present  work,  has  led  to  the  suppression  of  some  references 
to  such  new  materials,  which  have  therefore  been  cited  only  in  the  more 
important  cases. 

CHAP.  Ill,  i]        EXPULSION  OF  THE  HYKSOS  41 

Totally  defeated  in  a  battle  on  the  Nile,  they  rose  yet  again,  and 
Ahmose  was  obliged  to  quell  one  more  rebellion  before  he  was 
left  4n  undisputed  possession  of  the  throne. 

The  leader  of  the  noble  family  of  el-Kab,  Ahmose  son  of 
Ebana,  who  continued  faithful  to  the  king,  was  rewarded  for  his 
valour  in  these  actions  by  the  gift  of  five  slaves  and  five  stat 
(nearly  three-and-a-half  acres)  of  land  at  el-Kab,  presented  to  him 
by  his  sovereign.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the  new  Pharaoh  bound 
his  supporters  to^his  cause.  He  did  not  stop,  however,  with  land, 
slaves  and  gold,  but  in  some  cases  even  granted  to  the  local 
princes,  the  few  surviving  descendants  of  the  feudal  lords  of  the 
Middle  Kingdom,  high  and  royal  titles  like  'first  king's  son/ 
which  while  perhaps  conveying  few  or  no  prerogatives,  satisfied 
the  vanity  of  old  and  illustrious  families,  like  that  of  el-Kab, 
which  deserved  well  at  his  hands. 

There  seem  to  have  been  but  few  of  the  local  nobles  who  thus 
supported  Ahmose1  and  gained  his  favour.  The  larger  number 
opposed  both  him  and  the  Hyksos  and  perished  in  the  struggle* 
As  their  more  fortunate  rivals  were  now  nothing  more  than 
administrative,  military  or  court  officials,  the  feudal  lords  thus 
practically  disappeared.  The  lands  which  formed  their  hereditary 
possessions  were  confiscated  and  passed  to  the  crown,  where  they 
permanently  remained.  There  was  one  notable  exception:  the 
house  of  el-Kab,  to  which  the  Theban  dynasty  owed  so  much, 
was  allowed  to  retain  its  lands, and,  two  generations  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  Hyksos,  the  head  of  the  house  appears  as  lord, 
not  only  of  el-Kab  but  also  of  Esneh  and  all  the  intervening 
territory.  Besides  this  he  was  given  administrative  charge,  though 
not  hereditary  possession,  of  the  lands  of  the  south  from  the 
vicinity  of  Thebes  (Per-Hathor)  to  el-Kab.  This  exception 
serves  but  to  accentuate  more  sharply  the  total  extinction  of  the 
landed  nobility,  which  had  so  largely  formed  the  substance  of  the 
governmental  organization  under  the  Middle  Kingdom.  We  do 
indeed  find  a  handful  of  barons  still  bearing  their  old  feudal 
titles,  but  they  resided  at  Thebes  and  were  buried  there.  AH 
Egypt  thus  became  the  personal  estate  of  the  Pharaoh,  just  as  it 
did  after  the  destruction  of  the  Mamelukes  by  Mohammed  AH 
early  in  the  nineteenth  century.  It  is  this  state  of  affairs  which  in 
Hebrew  tradition  was  represented  as  the  direct  result  of  Joseph's 
sagacity  (Gen.  xlvii,  19  ^.). 

The  course  of  events,  which  culminated  in  the  expulsion  of 
the  Hyksos,  determined  for  Ahmose  the  form  which  the 
state  was  to  assume.  He  was  now  at  the  head  of  a  strong 

effectively  organized  and  welded  together  by  long  campaigns  and 
sieges  protracted  through  years,  during  which  he  had  been  both 
general  in  the  field  and  head  of  the  state.  The  character  ofc  the 
government  followed  automatically  out  of  these  conditions.  Egypt 
became  a  military  state*  The  long  war  with  the  Hyksos^  had  now 
educated  the  Egyptian  as  a  soldier,  the  large  army  of  Ahmose 
had  spent  years  in  Asia,  and  had  even  been  for  a  longer  or  shorter 
period  among  the  rich  cities  of  Syria1,  Having  thoroughly  learned 
war,  and  having  perceived  the  enormous  wealth*  to  be  gained  by 
it  in  Asia,  the  whole  land  was  roused  and  stirred  with  a  lust  of 
conquest,  which  was  not  quenched  for  two  centuries.  The  wealth, 
the  rewards  and  the  promotion  open  to  the  professional  soldier 
were  a  constant  incentive  to  a  military  career,  and  the  middle 
classes,  usually  so  unwarlike,  now  entered  the  ranks  with 
ardour.  Among  the  survivors  of  the  noble  class  the  profession  of 
arms  became  the  most  attractive  of  all  careers.  In  the  auto- 
biographies which  they  have  left  in  their  "tombs  at  Thebes 
they  narrate  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  the  campaigns  which 
they  went  through  at  the  Pharaoh's  side,  and  the  honours  which 
he  bestowed  upon  them.  Many  a  campaign,  all  record  of  which 
would  have  been  irretrievably  lost,  has  thus  come  to  our  know- 
ledge through  one  of  these  military  biographies,  like  that  of 
Ahmose,  son  of  Ebana,  whom  we  have  already  named,  The  sons 
of  the  Pharaoh,  who  in  the  Old  Kingdom  held  administrative 
offices,  were  now  generals  in  the  army, 

For  the  next  century  and  a  half,  therefore,  the  story  of  the 
achievements  of  the  army  will  be  the  story  of  Kgypt,  for  the 
army  had  now  become  the  dominant  force  and  the  chief  motive 
power  in  the  new  state*  In  organization  it  quite  surpassed  the 
militia  of  the  old  days,  if  for  no  other  reason  than  that  it  was  now  a 
standing  army,  It  was  organized  into  two  grant!  divisions,  one  in 
the  Delta  and  the  other  in  the  upper  country.  In  Syria  it  had  learned 
tactics  and  proper  strategic  disposition  of  forces,  the  earliest  of 
which  we  know  anything  in  history.  We  shall  now  find  partition 
of  an  army  into  divisions,  we  shall  hear  of  wings  and  centre,  we 
shall  even  trace  a  flank  movement  and  define  battle-lines.  All  this 
is  fundamentally  different  from  the  disorganized  plundering 
expeditions  naively  reported  as  wars  by  the  monuments  of  the 
older  periods*  The  troops  were  armed  as  of  old  with  bow  and 
spear,  and  the  infantry  was  made  up  of  spearmen  and  archers, 
While  the  archers  of  the  Middle  Kingdom  often  carried  their 

1  Unless  otherwise  specified,  the  term  Syria  is  used  to  include  Palestine 
(c£  p.  55  if> 


arrows  loose  in  the  hand,  the  quiver1  had  now  been  introduced 
from  Asia.  It  was  thus  the  easier  for  them  to  learn  archery  'fire' 
by  alleys,  and  the  dreaded  archers  of  Egypt  now  gained  a  reputa- 
tion which  persisted,  and  which  made  them  feared  even  in  classic 
times.  But  more  than  this,  the  Hyksos  having  brought  the  horse 
into  Egypt,  the  Egyptian  armies  now  for  the  first  time  possessed 
a  large  proportion  of  chariotry.  Cavalry  in  the  modern  sense  of 
the  term  was  not  employed.  The  deft  craftsmen  of  Egypt  soon 
mastered  the  as?t  of  chariot-making,  while  the  stables  of  the 
Pharaoh  contained  thousands  of  the  best  horses  to  be  had  in 
Asia.  In  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  time,  the  Pharaoh  was 
accompanied  on  all  public  appearances  by  a  body-guard  of  elite 
troops  and  a  group  of  his  favourite  military  officers.  With  such 
force  at  his  back,  the  man  who  expelled  the  Hyksos  was  thoroughly 
master  of  the  situation. 

It  is  evidently  in  large  measure  to  him  that  we  owe  the  recon- 
struction of  the  stal:e  which  was  now  emerging  from  the  turmoils 
of  two  centuries  of  internal  disorder  and  foreign  invasion.  This 
new  state  is  revealed  to  us  more  clearly  than  that  of  any  other 
period  of  Egyptian  history  under  native  dynasties,,  and  while  we 
recognize  many  elements  surviving  from  earlier  times,  we  discern 
also  much  that  is  new*  The  supreme  position  occupied  by  the 
Pharaoh  meant  a  very  active  participation  in  the  affairs  of  govern- 
ment. He  was  accustomed  every  morning  to  meet  the  vizier, 
still  the  mainspring  of  the  administration,  to  consult  with  him 
on  all  the  interests  of  the  country  and  all  the  current  business 
which  necessarily  came  under  his  eye.  Immediately  thereafter  he 
held  a  conference  with  the  chief  treasurer.  These  two  men  con- 
trolled the  chief  departments  of  government :  the  treasury  and  the 
judiciary.  The  Pharaoh's  office,  in  which  they  made  their  daily 
reports  to  him,  was  the  central  organ  of  the  whole  government 
where  all  its  lines  converged*  Even  in  the  limited  number  of  state 
or  administrative  documents  preserved  to  us,  we  discern  the  vast 
array  of  detailed  questions  in  practical  administration  which  the 
busy  monarch  decided*  The  internal  administration  required 
frequent  journeys  to  examine  new  buildings  and  check  all  sorts 
of  official  abuses*  The  official  cults  in  the  great  temples,  too, 
demanded  more  and  more  of  the  monarch's  time  and  attention's 
the  rituals  in  the  vast  state  temples  increased  in  complexity  with 

1  The  quiver  was  known  in  the  Old  Kingdom  and  is  mentioned  in  the 
Pyramid  Texts:  it  was  used  to  sonic  extent  in  the  Middle  Kingdom  and 
appears  in  the  coffin  paintings  of  that  age;  but  it  did  not  come  into  general 
use  in  Egypt  until  the  Empire. 

the  development  of  the  elaborate  state  religion.  These  journeys 
were  in  addition  to  his  many  enterprises  abroad  and  often  required 
his  personal  leadership.  Besides  frequent  campaigns  in  Nubia*md 
Asia,  he  visited  the  quarries  and  mines  in  the  desert  or  inspected 
the  desert  routes,  seeking  suitable  locations  for  wells  and  stations. 
In  these  circumstances  the  burden  inevitably  exceeded  the 
powers  of  one  man,  even  with  the  assistance  of  his  vizier,  Karly 
in  the  XVTIIth  Dynasty,,  therefore,  the  increasing  business  of 
government  constrained  the  Pharaoh  to  appointnwo  viziers,  one 
residing-  at  Thebes,  for  the  administration  of  the  south,  from 
the  cataract  as  far  as  the  nome  of  Siut;  while  the  other,  who 
had  charge  of  all  the  region  north  of  the  latter  point,  lived  at 

For  administrative  purposes  the  territory  of  Kgypt  was  divided 
into  irregular  districts,  of  which  there  were  at  least  twenty-seven 
between  Siut  and  the  cataract.  The  country  as  a  whole  must  have 
been  divided  into  over  twice  that  number.  In  the  old  towns  the 
head  of  government  still  bore  the  feudal  title  * count/  but  this 
now  indicated  solely  administrative  duties  and  might  better  be 
translated  'mayor'  or  *  governor/  There  was  a  'town-ruler*  also 
in  each  of  the  smaller  towns,  but  elsewhere  there  were  only 
recorders  and  scribes,  with  one  of  their  number  at  their  head.  As 
we  shall  see,  these  men  served  both  as  the  administrators,  chiefly 
in  a  fiscal  capacity,  and  also  as  the  Judicial  officials  within  their 

The  great  object  of  government  was  to  make  the  eon n try 
economically  strong  and  productive*  To  secure  this  end,  its  lands, 
now  chiefly  owned  by  the  crown,  were  worked  by  the  king's 
serfs,  controlled  by  his  officials,  or  entrusted  by  him  as  permanent 
and  indivisible  fiefs  to  his  favourite  nobles,  his  partisans  and 
relatives.  Divisible  parcels  might  also  be  held  by  tenants  of  the 
untitled  classes.  Both  classes  or  holdings  might  be  transferred  by 
will  or  sale  in  much  the  same  way  as  if  the  holder  actually  owned 
the  land.  For  purposes  of  taxation  all  lands  and  other  property  of 
the  crown,  except  that  held  by  the  temples,  were  recorded  In  the 
tax-registers  of  the  White  House,  as  the  treasury  was  still  called. 
On  the  basis  of  these,  taxes  were  assessed.  They  were  still  col- 
lected in  kind:  cattle,  grain,  wine,  oil,  honey,  textiles,  and  the 
like.  Besides  the  cattle-yards,  the  *  granary'  was  the  chief  sub- 
department  of  the  White  House,  and  there  were  innumerable 
other  magazines  for  the  storage  of  its  receipts,  All  the  products 
which  filled  these  repositories  were  termed  *  labour/  the  word 
employed  in  ancient  Egypt  as  we  use  *  taxes/  If  we  may  accept 


Hebrew  tradition  as  transmitted  in  the  story  of  Joseph,  such 
taxes  comprised  one-fifth  of  the  produce  of  the  land  (Gen*  xlvii, 


Unlike  early  Greece  and  Rome,  which  for  centuries  possessed 
no  organization  of  state  officials  for  gathering  taxes,  the  Egyptian 
state  from  the  days  of  the  Old  Kingdom  had  organized  its  local 
officials  chiefly  for  that  purpose.  Their  collection  and  their  payment 
from  the  various  magazines  to  pay  government  debts  demanded 
a  host  of  scribesrand  subordinates,  now  more  numerous  than  ever 
before  in  the  history  of  the  country.  The  chief  treasurer  at  their 
head  was  under  the  authority  of  the  vizier,  to  whom  the  former 
made  a  report  every  morning,  after  which  he  received  permission 
to  open  the  offices  and  magazines  for  the  day's  business.  The 
collection  of  a  second  class  of  revenue,  that  paid  by  the  local 
officials  themselves  as  a  tax  upon  their  offices,  was  exclusively  in 
the  hands  of  the  viziers.  This  tax  on  the  officials  consisted  chiefly 
of  gold,  silver,  gram,  cattle  and  linen.  Unfortunately  our  sources 
do  not  permit  the  calculation  of  even  the  approximate  total  of  this 
tax,  but  the  officials  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  southern  vizier 
paid  him  annually  at  least  some  220,000  grains  of  gold,  nine  gold 
necklaces,  over  16,000  grains  of  silver,  some  forty  chests  and 
other  measures  of  linen,  one  hundred  and  six  cattle  of  all  ages 
and  some  grain*  These  figures  however  are  short  by  probably  at 
least  twenty  per  cent,  of  the  real  total.  As  the  king  presumably 
received  a  similar  amount  from  the  northern  vizier's  collections, 
this  tax  on  the  officials  formed  a  stately  sum  in  the  annual 
revenues.  But  we  can  form  no  estimate  of  the  total  of  all  the 

Of  the  royal  income  from  all  sources  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
the  southern  vizier  had  general  charge.  The  amount  of  all  taxes 
to  be  levied  and  the  distribution  of  the  revenue  when  collected 
were  determined  in  his  office,  where  a  balance-sheet  was  constantly 
kept,  In  order  to  control  both  income  and  outgoings,  a  monthly  fiscal 
report  was  made  to  him  by  all  local  officials,  and  thus  the  southern 
vizier  was  able  to  furnish  the  king  from  month  to  month  with  a 
full  statement  of  prospective  resources  in  the  royal  treasury.  The 
taxes  were  so  dependent,  as  they  still  are,  upon  the  height  of  the 
inundation  and  the  consequent  prospects  of  a  plentiful  or  scanty 
harvest,  that  the  level  of  the  rising  river  was  also  reported  to  him. 
As  the  income  of  the  crown  was,  henceforth,  largely  augmented 
by  foreign  tribute,  this  was  also  received  by  the  southern  vizier 
and  by  him  communicated  to  the  king.  The  great  vizier,  Rekh- 
mire,  depicts  himself  in  the  gorgeous  reliefs  in  his  tomb  receiving 


both  the  tribute  of  the  Asiatic  vassal-princes  and    that  of  the 
Nubian  chiefs. 

In  the  administration  of  justice  the  southern  vizier  played  #ven 
a  greater  role  than  in  the  treasury.  Here  he  was  supreme.  The 
magnates  of  the  'Southern  Tens/  as  they  were  called,  once 
possessed  of  important  judicial  functions,  and  4  the  six  groat  h<  Rises ' 
or  courts  of  justice,  of  which  the  vizier  was  *  chief/  had  lost  their 
power  or  disappeared.  Meanwhile,  the  officers  of  administration 
were  incidentally  the  dispensers  of  justice.  They  constantly  served 
in  a  judicial  capacity.  Although  there  was  no  ebss  of  judges  with 
exclusively  legal  duties,  every  man  of"  important  administrative 
rank  was  thoroughly  versed  in  the  law  and  must  he  ready  at  any 
moment  to  serve  as  judge.  The  vizier  was  no  exception.  All 
petitioners  for  legal  redress  applied  first  to  him  in  his  audience 
hall;  if  possible  in  person,  but  in  any  case  in  writing.  For  this 
purpose  he  held  a  daily  audience  or  'sitting*  as  the  lM,»vptsan 
called  it.  Every  morning  the  people  crowded  into  the  'hull  of  the 
vizier/  where  the  ushers  and  bailiffs  jostled  them  into  line  that 
they  might  *be  heard/  in  order  of  arrival 7  one  after  another.  In 
cases  concerning  land  located  in  Thebes  he  was  obliged  by  law 
to  render  a  decision  in  three  days,  but  if  the  land  lay  in  the 
'South  or  North'  he  required  two  months.  Such  cases  demanded 
rapid  and  convenient  access  to  the  archives,,  They  were  therefore 
all  filed  in  his  offices,  No  one  might  make  a  will  without  filing  it 
in  the  'vizier's  hall/  Copies  of  all  nomc  archives,  boundary 
records  and  all  contracts  were  deposited  with  him  or  with  his 
colleague  in  the  north.  Every  petitioner  to  the  king  wan  obliged 
to  hand  in  his  petition  in  writing  at  the  same  office* 

Besides  the  vizier's  'hall,'  also  called  *thc  great  council/  there 
were  local  courts  throughout  the  land,  not  primarily  of  a  legal 
character,  being,  as  we  have  already  explained,  merely  the  body  of 
administrative  officials  in  each  district,  who  were  corporatcly  em- 
powered to  try  cases.  They  were  the  *  great  men  of  the  town/  or 
the  local  *  council/  and  acted  as  the  local  representatives  of  the 
'great  council/  The  number  of  these  local  courts  IB  entirely 
uncertain,  but  the  most  important  two  known  were  at  Thebes 
and  Memphis.  At  Thebes  its  composition  varied  from  cluy  to  day; 
in  cases  of  ^a  delicate  nature,  where  the  members  of  the  royal 
house  were  implicated*  it  was  appointed  by  the  vizier;  and  in  case 
of  conspiracy  against  the  ruler,  the  monarch  himself  commis- 
sioned them,  with  instructions  to  determine  who  were  the  guilty^ 
and  with  power  to  execute  the  sentence.  All  courts  were  largely 
made  up  of  priests.  They  did  not,,  however,,  enjoy  the  best  rcputa- 

Ill,  i]  DUTIES  OF  THE  VIZIER  47 

tion  among  the  people,  who  bewailed  the  hapless  plight  of  *the 
one  who  stands  alone  before  the  court  when  he  is  a  poor  man 
andJiis  opponent  is  rich,  while  the  court  oppresses  him  (saying), 
" Silver  and  gold  for  the  scribes!  Clothing  for  the  servants ! "'  For 
of  course  the  bribe  of  the  rich  was  often  stronger  than  the  justice 
of  the  poor  man's  cause. 

The  law  to  which  the  poor  appealed  had  long  since  been 
recorded  in  writing,  and  nmch  of  it  was  undoubtedly  very  old. 
The  vizier  was  obliged  to  keep  it  constantly  before  him,  contained 
in  forty  rolls  (four  decalogues)  which  were  laid  out  before  his 
dais  at  all  his  public  sessions,  where  they  were  doubtless  accessible 
to  alL  Unfortunately  this  code  has  perished,  but  of  its  justice  we 
can  have  no  doubt,  for  apparently  already  in  the  Middle  Kingdom 
the  vizier  had  been  admonished  by  the  Pharaoh:  *  Forget  not  to 
judge  justice.  It  is  an  abomination  of  the  god  to  show  partiality. 
.  „  ,  Behold  the  dread  of  a  prince  is  that  he  does  justice. .  .  .  As  for 
him  who  shall  do  justice  before  all  the  people,  it  is  the  vizier.1 
Even  conspirators  against  the  king's  life  were  not  summarily  put 
to  death,  but  were  handed  over  to  a  legally  constituted  court  to 
be  duly  tried,  and  condemned  only  when  found  guilty.  The 
great  world  of  the  Nile-dwellers  under  the  Empire  was  therefore 
not  at  the  mercy  of  arbitrary  whim  on  the  part  of  either  king  or 
court,  but  was  governed  by  a  large  body  of  long  respected  law, 
embodying  principles  of  justice  and  humanity.  See  pp.  ziosqq. 

The  motive  power  behind  the  organization  and  administration 
of  Egypt  was  the  southern  vizier.  We  recall  that  he  went  in  every 
morning  and  took  council  with  the  Pharaoh  on  the  affairs  of  the 
country;  and  the  only  other  check  upon  his  untrammelled  control 
of  the  state  was  a  law  constraining  him  to  report  the  condition  of 
his  administration  to  the  chief  treasurer.  His  office  was  the  means 
of  communication  with  the  local  authorities,  who  reported  to  him 
in  writing  on  the  first  day  of  each  season,  that  is,  three  times  a 
year*  It  is  in  his  office  then  that  we  discern  the  complete  centraliza- 
tion of  government  in  practically  all  its  functions.  He  was  minister 
of  war  for  both  army  and  navy,  and  he  had  legal  control  of  the 
temples  throughout  the  country,  so  that  he  was  minister  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs.  Besides  his  treasury  responsibilities,  he  had 
economic  oversight  of  many  important  resources  of  the  country; 
for  no  timber  could  be  cut  without  his  permission,  and  the  ad- 
ministration of  irrigation  and  water  supply  was  under  his  charge. 
In  order  to  establish  the  calendar  for  state  business,  the  rising  of 
Sirius  was  reported  to  him  (cf,  vol.  i,  p.  1 68).  He  exercised  advisory 
functions  in  all  the  offices  of  the  state;  so  long  as  his  office  was 


undivided  with  a  vizier  of  the  north  he  was  grand  steward  of  all 
Egypt.  He  was  a  veritable  Joseph,  and  it  must  have  been  this 
office  which  the  Hebrew  narrator  had  in  mind  as  that  to  which 
Joseph  was  appointed.  He  was  regarded  by  the  people  as  their 
great  protector,  and  no  higher  praise  could  be  proilered  to  Amon 
when  addressed  by  a  worshipper  than  to  call  him  'the  poor  man's 
vizier  who  does  not  accept  the  bribe  of  the  guilty/  His  appoint- 
ment was  of  such  importance  that  it  was  made  by  the  king 
himself,  and  the  instructions  given  him  by  the-monarch  on  that 
occasion  were  not  such  as  we  should  expect  from  the  lips  of  an 
oriental  conqueror  three  thousand  five  hundred  years  a^o.  They 
display  a  spirit  of  kindness  and  humanity  and  exhibit  an  apprecia- 
tion of  statecraft  surprising  in  an  age  so  remote1.  Such  was  the 
government  of  the  imperial  age  in  Egypt, 

In  society  the  disappearance  of  the  landed  nobility,  and  the 
administration  of  the  local  districts  by  an  army  of  petty  func- 
tionaries of  the  crown,  opened  the  way  more  fully  than  in  the 
Middle  Kingdom  for  numerous  official  careers  unionf*  the  middle 
class.  These  opportunities  must  have  worked  a  gradual  change  in 
their  condition.  One  such  official  relates  his  obscure  origin  thus; 
'Ye  shall  talk  of  it,  one  to  another,  and  the  old  men  shall  teach 
it  to  the  youth.  I  was  one  whose  family  was  poor  and  whose 
town  was  small,  but  the  Lord  of  Two  I/*inds  [the  king]  recognized 
me;  I  was  accounted  great  in  his  heart,  the  king*.. in  the 
splendour  of  his  palace  saw  me.  lie  exalted  me  more  than  the 
courtiers,  introducing  me  among  the  princes  of  the  palace,-  „  .  * 
Such  possibilities  of  promotion  and  royal  favour  awaited  success 
in  local  administration;  for  in  some  local  office  the  career  of  this 
unknown  official  in  the  small  town  must  have  begun.  Thus  there 
grew  up  a  new  official  class^  its  lower  ranks  drawn  from  the  old 
middle  class,  while  on  the  other  hand  in  its  upper  strata  were  the 
relatives  and  dependents  of  the  old  landed  nobility,  by  whom  the 
higher  and  more  important  local  offices  were  administered*  Here 
the  official  class  gradually  merged  into  the  large  circle  of  royal 
favourites  who  filled  the  great  offices  of  the  central  government 
or  commanded  the  Pharaoh's  forces  on  his  campaigns.  As  there 
was  no  longer  a  feudal  nobility,  the  great  government  officials  and 
military  commanders  became  the  nobles  of  the  Empire,  or  the 

1  These  extraordinary  instructions  of  the  Pharaoh  addressed  to  the  vizier 
at  the  latter's  installation  are  preserved  only  in  the  Kmpirej  hut  they  arc 
doubtless  of  Middle  Kingdom  date.  Sec  Breasted,  DewJopmtnt  of  Religion 
and  Thought  in  Ancient  Egypt*  pp.  238-246,  where  they  will' be  found 

Ill,  i]  SOCIAL  DIVISIONS  4g 

New  Kingdom,,  as  It  is  otherwise  called.  The  old  middle  class  of 
merchants,  skilled  craftsmen  and  artists  also  still  survived  and 
continued  to  replenish  the  lower  ranks  of  the  official  class.  Below 
these  were  the  masses  who  worked  the  fields  and  estates,  the  serfs 
of  the  Pharaoh.  They  formed  so  large  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
that  the  Hebrew  scribe,  evidently  writing  from  the  outside,  knew 
only  this  class  of  society  beside  the  priests  (Gen,  xlvii,  21).  These 
lower  strata  passed  away  and  left  little  or  no  trace,  but  the  official 
class  was  now  able  to  erect  tombs  and  mortuary  stelae  in  such 
surprising  numbers  that  they  furnish  us  with  a  vast  mass  of 
materials  for  reconstructing  the  life  and  customs  of  the  time. 

An  official  who  took  the  census  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
divided  the  people  into  'soldiers,  priests,  royal  serfs  and  all  the 
craftsmen/  and  this  classification  is  corroborated  by  all  that  we 
know  of  the  time;  although  we  must  understand  that  all  callings 
of  the  free  middle  class  are  here  included  among  the  *  soldiers*' 
The  soldiers  in  the  standing  army  had  therefore  now  also  become 
a  social  class.  The  free  middle  class,  liable  to  military  service, 
were  called  *  citizens  of  the  army,'  a  term  already  known  in  the 
Middle  Kingdom,  but  now  very  common;  so  that  liability  to 
military  service  became  the  significant  designation  of  this  class  of 
society.  Politically  the  soldier's  influence  grew  with  every  reign 
and  he  soon  became  the  natural  support  of  the  Pharaoh  in  the 
execution  of  numerous  civil  commissions  where  formerly  the 
soldier  had  never  been  employed* 

Side  by  side  with  the  soldier  appeared  another  new  and  power- 
ful influence,  the  ancient  institution  of  the  priesthood*  As  a 
natural  consequence  of  the  great  wealth  of  the  temples  under  the 
Knipire,  the  priesthood  became  a  profession,  no  longer  merely  an 
incidental  office  held  by  a  layman,  as  in  the  Old  and  Middle 
"Kingdoms,  As  the  priests  increased  in  numbers  they  gained  more 
and  more  political  power;  while  the  growing  wealth  of  the  temples 
demanded  for  its  proper  administration  a  veritable  army  of  temple 
officials  of  all  sorts,  who  were  unknown  in  the  old  days  of  sim- 
plicity* Probably  one-fourth  of  all  the  persons  buried  in  the  great 
and  sacred  cemetery  of  Abydos  at  this  period  were  priests, 
Priestly  communities  had  thus  grown  up.  All  these  priestly  bodies 
were  now  united  in  a  new  sacerdotal  organization  embracing  the 
whole  land.  The  head  of  the  state  temple  at  Thebes,  the  High 
Priest  of  Amon,  was  the  supreme  head  of  this  greater  body  also, 
and  his  power  was  thereby  increased  far  beyond  that  of  his  older 
rivals  at  Heliopolis  and  Memphis.  Thus  priests,  soldiers  and 
officials  now  stood  together  as  three  great  social  classes. 


The  state  religion  maintained  by  the  priesthood  was  in  its 
outward  observances  richer  and  more  elaborate  than  Egypt  had 
ever  seen  before.  The  days  of  the  old  simplicity  were  for.,  ever 
past.  The  wealth  gained  by  foreign  conquest  enabled  the  Pharaohs 
henceforth  to  endow  the  temples  with  such  riches  as  no  sanc- 
tuary of  the  old  days  had  ever  possessed.  The  temples  grew  into 
vast  and  gorgeous  palaces,  each  with  its  community  of  priests, 
and  the  high  priest  of  such  a  community  in  the  larger  centres 
was  a  veritable  sacerdotal  prince,  wielding  considerable  political 
power.  The  high  priest's  wife  at  Thebes  was  called  the  chief 
concubine  of  the  god,  whose  real  consort  was  no  less  a  person 
than  the  queen  herself,  who  was  therefore  known  as  the  4  Divine 
Consort/  In  the  gorgeous  ritual  which  now  prevailed,  her  part  was 
to  lead  the  singing  of  the  women  who  participated  in  the  service. 
She  possessed  also  a  fortune,  which  belonged  to  the  temple  en* 
dowment,and  for  this  reason  it  was  desirable  that  the  queen  should 
hold  the  office  in  order  to  retain  this  fortune'in  the  royal  house* 

The  supremacy  of  Amon  now  followed  the  triumph  of  a  noble 
of  Thebes  as  it  had  not  done  in  the  Middle  Kingdom.  Although 
the  rise  of  a  Theban  family  had  then  given  him  some  distinction, 
it  was  not  until  now  that  he  became  the  great  god  of  the  state, 
His  essential  character  and  individuality  had  already  been  ob- 
scured by  the  solar  theology  of  the  Middle  Kingdom,  when  he 
had  become  Amon-Re,  and,  with  some  attributes  borrowed  from 
his  ithyphallic  neighbour,  Min  of  Coptos,  he  now  rose  to  a  unique 
and  supreme  position  of  unprecedented  splendour.  He  was 
popular  with  the  people,  too,  and,  as  a  Moslem  says,  Inshallah 
(*  If  Allah  will'),  so  the  Egyptian  now  added  to  all  his  promises 
*  If  Amon  spare  my  life/  They  called  him  the  "vizier  of  the  poor/ 
the  people  carried  to  him  their  wants  and  wishes,  and  their  hopes 
for  future  prosperity  were  implicitly  staked  upon  his  favour,  JJut 
the  fusion  of  the  old  gods  had  not  deprived  Amon  alone  of  his 
individuality,  for  in  the  general  flux  almost  any  god  might  possess 
the  qualities  and  functions  of  the  others,  although  the  dominant 
position  was  still  occupied  by  the  Sun-god* 

The  tendencies  already  plainly  observable  in  the  Middle 
Kingdom  had  shaped  the  mortuary  beliefs  of  the  Empire,  The 
magical  formulae  by  which  the  dead  were  to  triumph  In  the 
Hereafter  became  more  and  more  numerous,  so  that  it  was  no 
longer  possible  to  record  them  on  the  inside  of  the  coffin,  but 
they  must  be  written  on  papyrus  and  the  roll  placed  in  the 

j*  It  is  now  known  that  this  practice  had  its  beginnings  in  the  Middle 

Ill,  i]  GROWTH  OF  THE  PRIESTS  51 

A  highly  variable  selection  of  the  most  important  of  these  texts 
formed  what  we  now  call  "The  Book  of  the  Dead.'  It  was 
dominated  throughout  by  magic;  by  this  all-powerful  means  a  dead 
man  might  effect  all  that  he  desired.  The  luxurious  lords  of  the 
Empire  no  longer  looked  forward  with  pleasure  to  the  prospect 
of  ploughing,  sowing  and  reaping  in  the  happy  fields  of  Yarn. 
To  escape  such  peasant  labour  a  statuette  bearing  the  implements 
of  labour  in  the  field  and  inscribed  with  a  potent  charm  was 
placed  in  the  torab.  It  insured  to  the  deceased  immunity  from 
such  toil,  which  would  always  be  performed  by  this  miniature 
representative  of  the  deceased  whenever  the  call  to  the  fields  was 
heard.  Such  'ushabtis/  or  *  respondents/  as  they  were  termed, 
were  now  placed  in  the  necropolis  by  scores  and  hundreds. 

This  magical  means  of  obtaining  material  good  was  now  un- 
fortunately transferred  also  to  the  world  of  ethical  values  in  order 
to  secure  exemption  from  the  consequences  of  an  evil  life.  A 
sacred  beetle  or  scaAbaeus  was  cut  from  stone  and  inscribed  with 
a  charm,  beginning  with  the  significant  words,  4O  my  heart,  rise 
not  up  against  me  as  a  witness/  So  powerful  was  this  cunning 
invention  when  laid  upon  the  breast  of  the  mummy  under  the 
wrappings,  that  when  the  guilty  soul  stood  in  the  judgment-hall 
in  the  awful  presence  of  Osiris,  the  accusing  voice  of  the  heart 
was  silenced  and  the  great  god  did  not  perceive  the  evil  of  which 
it  would  testify.  Likewise  the  rolls  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead  con- 
taining, besides  all  the  other  charms,  also  the  scene  of  judgment, 
and  especially  the  welcome  verdict  of  acquittal,  were  now  sold 
by  the  priestly  scribes  to  anyone  with  the  means  to  buy.  The 
fortunate  purchaser's  name  was  then  inserted  in  the  blanks  left 
for  this  purpose  throughout  the  document;  thus  securing  for  him 
the  certainty  of  such  a  verdict,  before  it  was  known  whose  name 
should  be  so  inserted.  The  invention  of  these  devices  by  the 
priests,  in  the  effort  to  stifle  the  admonishing  voice  within,  was 
undoubtedly  subversive  of  moral  progress.  The  moral  aspirations 
which  had  come  into  the  religion  of  Egypt  through  the  Solar 
theology,  and  had  been  greatly  quickened  by  the  Osirian  myth, 
were  now  choked  and  poisoned  by  the  assurance  that,  however 
vicious  a  man's  life,  exculpation  in  the  hereafter  could  be  pur- 
chased at  any  time  from  the  priests.  The  priestly  literature  on  the 
Hereafter,  produced  probably  for  no  other  purpose  than  for  gain, 
continued  to  grow.  We  have  a  *  Book  of  What  is  in  the  Nether 
World/  describing  the  twelve  caverns,  or  hours  of  the  night 
through  which  the  Sun  passed  beneath  the  earth,  and  a  'Book  of 
the  Portals/  treating  of  the  gates  and  strongholds  between  these 



caverns.  Although  these  edifying  compositions  never  trained  the 
wide  circulation  enjoyed  by  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  the  former  of 
the  two  was  engraved  in  the  tombs  of  the  XlXth  and  5yXth 
Dynasty  kings  at  Thebes,  showing  that  these  grotesque  creations 
of  the  perverted  priestly  imagination  finally  gained  the  credence 
of  the  highest  circles.  See  further,  pp.  197  sqq. 

The  cemetery  graphically  illustrates  these  developments  in 
Egyptian  religion.  As  before,  the  tomb  of  the  noble  consisted  of 
chambers  hewn  in  the  face  of  the  cliff,  and  in  accordance  with  the 
prevailing  tendency  its  interior  walls  were  painted  with  imaginary 
scenes  from  the  next  world  and  with  mortuary  and  religious  texts, 
many  of  them  of  a  magical  character.  At  the  same  time  the  tomb 
has  also  become  more  of  a  personal  monument  to  the  deceased; 
and  the  walls  of  the  chapel  bear  many  scenes  from  his  life, 
especially  from  his  official  career,  including  particularly  all 
honours  received  from  the  king.  Thus  the  cliffs  opposite  Thebes, 
honey-combed  as  they  are  with  the  tombs  *bf  the  lords  of  the 
Empire,  contain  whole  chapters  of  the  life  and  history  of  the 
period,  with  which  we  shall  now  deal.  In  a  solitary  valley,  the 
'Valley  of  the  Kings'  Tombs/  behind  these  cliffs  the  kings 
excavated  their  own  tombs  in  the  limestone  walls  and  the  pyramid 
was  no  longer  employed.  Deep  galleries  were  driven  into  the 
cliffs,  and  passing  from  hall  to  hall,  they  terminated  many 
hundreds  of  feet  from  the  entrance  in  a  large  chamber,  where  the 
body  of  the  king  was  laid  in  a  huge  stone  sarcophagus*  It  is 
possible  that  the  whole  excavation  was  Intended  to  represent  the 
passages  of  the  Nether  World  along  which  the  sun  passed  in  his 
nightly  journey. 

On  the  plain  east  of  this  valley  of  tombs  (the  western  plain  of 
Thebes),  just  as  the  pyramid  temple  was  built  on  the  east  side  of 
the  pyramid,  arose  the  splendid  mortuary  temples  of  the  emperors, 
of  which  we  shall  later  have  occasion  to  say  more.  But  these 
elaborate  mortuary  customs  were  now  no  longer  confined  to  the 
Pharaoh  and  his  nobles;  the  necessity  for  such  equipment  in 
preparation  for  the  hereafter  was  now  felt  by  all  classes*  The 
manufacture  of  such  materials,  resulting  from  the  gradual  ex- 
tension of  these  customs,  had  become  an  industry;  the  embsilmers, 
undertakers  and  manufacturers  of  coffins  and  tomb  furniture 
occupied  a  quarter  at  Thebes,  forming  almost  a  guild  by  them- 
selves, as  they  did  in  later  Greek  times.  The  middle  class  were 
now  frequently  able  to  excavate  and  decorate  a  tomb;  but  when 
too  poor  for  this  luxury,  they  rented  a  place  for  their  dead  In 
great  common  tombs  maintained  by  the  priests,  and  here  the 

Ill,  n]       THE  VALLEY  OF  THE  KINGS'  TOMBS  53 

embalmed  body  was  deposited  in  a  chamber  where  the  mummies 
were  piled  up  like  faggots,  but  nevertheless  received  the  benefit 
of  tfere  ritual  maintained  for  all  in  common. 


As  Ahmose  I  gradually  gained  leisure  from  his  arduous  wars, 
the  new  state  an'll  the  new  conditions  slowly  emerged.  None  of 
his  buildings  and  few  of  his  monuments  have  survived.  His 
greatest  work  remains  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  itself,  for  whose 
brilliant  career  his  own  achievements  had  laid  so  firm  a  foundation. 
Notwithstanding  his  reign  of  at  least  twenty-two  years,  Ahmose 
must  have  died  young  (1557  B.C.)  for  his  mother  was  still  living 
in  the  tenth  year  of  his  son  and  successor,  Amenhotep  I.  By  him 
he  was  buried  in  the  old  Xlth  Dynasty  cemetery  at  the  north  end 
of  the  western  Theban  plain.  The  jewellery  of  his  mother,  stolen 
from  her  neighbouring  tomb  at  a  remote  date,  was  found  by 
Mariette  concealed  in  the  vicinity;  and  it,  together  with  the  body 
of  Ahmose  I,  is  now  preserved  in  the  Museum  at  Cairo. 

Affairs  in  Africa  were  not  long  to  withhold  the  sovereigns  of 
the  new  dynasty  from  the  great  achievements  which  awaited  them. 
Nubia  had  so  long  been  without  a  strong  arm  from  the  north 
that  Amenhotep  I,  Ahmose's  successor,  was  obliged  to  invade 
the  country  in  force.  He  penetrated  to  the  Middle  Kingdom 
frontier  at  the  second  cataract  and,  having  thoroughly  defeated 
the  most  powerful  chief,  placed  northern  Nubia  under  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  mayor  or  governor  of  the  old  city  of  Nekhen 
(Hieracon  polls),  which  now  became  the  northern  limit  of  a 
southern  administrative  district,  including  all  the  territory  on  the 
south  of  it,  controlled  by  Egypt,  at  least  as  far  as  northern  Nubia, 
or  Wawat,  From  this  time  the  new  governor  was  able  to  go  north 
with  the  tribute  of  the  country  regularly  every  year. 

There  was  similar  trouble  in  the  western  Delta  where  the  long 
period  of  weakness  and  disorganization  accompanying  the  rule  of 
the  Hyksos  had  given  the  Libyans  the  opportunity,  which  they 
had  always  seized,  of  pushing  in  and  occupying  the  rich  Delta 
lands.  Though  our  only  source  does  not  mention  any  such  in- 
vasion, it  is  evident  that  Amenhotep  Fs  war  with  the  Libyans  at 
this  particular  time  can  be  explained  in  no  other  way.  Finding 
their  aggressions  too  threatening  to  be  longer  ignored,  the  Pharaoh 
now  drove  them  back  and  invaded  their  country.  Having  thus 
relieved  his  frontiers  and  secured  Nubia,  Amenhotep  was  at 


liberty  to  turn  his  arms  toward  Asia,  Unfortunately  we  have  no 
records  of  his  Syrian  war,  but  he  seems  to  have  penetrated  far  to 
the  north,  even  to  the  Euphrates;  for  he  accomplished  enough 
to  enable  his  successor  to  boast  of  ruling  as  far  as  that  river  before 
the  latter  had  himself  undertaken  any  Asiatic  conquests.  The 
architect  who  erected  his  Theban  buildings,  all  of  which  have 
perished,  narrates  the  king's  death  at  Thebes,  after  a  reign  of  at 
least  ten  years. 

There  is  some  doubt  whether  Amcnhotep  I  Tfeft  a  son  entitled 
to  the  throne.  His  successor,  Thutmose  I,  was  the  son  of  a  woman 
whose  birth  and  family  are  of  doubtful  connection,  and  her  great 
son  evidently  gained  the  kingship  by  his  marriage  with  a  princess 
of  the  old  line,  named  Ahmose,  through  whom  he  could  assert  a 
valid  claim  to  the  throne.  This  occurred  about  January^  1540  or 
I535  B*c*  Thutmose  I  at  once  gave  his  attention  to  Nubia,  which 
he  reorganized  by  withdrawing  it  from  the  control  of  the  mayor 
of  Nekhen  and  placing  it  under  the  administration  of  a  viceroy 
with  the  title:  *  Governor  of  the  South  Countries,  KingVSon  of 
Kush/  althoxigh  he  was  not  necessarily  a  member  of  the  royal 
household  or  of  royal  birth.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  new  viceroy 
extended  to  the  fourth  cataract,  and  it  was  the  region  between  this 
southern  limit  and  the  first  cataract  which  was  known  as  Kush* 
There  was  still  no  great  or  dominant  kingdom  in  Kush,  nor  in 
lower  Nubia,  but  the  country  was  under  the  rule  of  powerful 
chiefs,  each  controlling  a  limited  territory.  It  was  impossible  to 
suppress  these  native  rulers  at  once  and  nearly  two  hundred  years 
after  this  we  still  find  the  chiefs  of  Kush  and  a  chief  of  Wawat 
as  far  north  as  Ibrim, 

In  the  time  of  Thutmose  I  the  southern  half  of  the  new 
province  was  far  from  being  sufficiently  pacified,  and  the  king 
went  south  early  in  his  second  year,  personally  to  oversee  the 
task  of  more  thorough  subjugation.  Leaving  the  first  cataract 
in  February  or  March,  by  early  April  Thutmose  had  reached 
Tangur,  about  seventy-five  miles  above  the  second  cataract* 
Having  beaten  the  barbarians  in  a  decisive  battle,  he  pushed  on 
through  the  exceedingly  difficult  country  of  the  second  and  third 
cataracts — where  his  scribes  and  officers  have  left  a  trail  of  names 
and  titles  scratched  on  the  rocks.  At  the  island  of  Tombos  he 
emerged  mpon  the  rich  and  fertile  Dongola  province  of  to-day. 
Here  he  erected  a  fortress,  of  which  some  remains  still  survive, 
and  garrisoned  it  with  troops  from  the  army  of  conquest,  who 
were  to  guard  the  new  territory  stretching  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  around  the  great  bend  of  the  Nile  from  the  third  to  the 
foot  of  the  fourth'  cataract.  In  August  of  the  same  year,  five 

Ill,  n]  THUTMOSE  I  IN  NUBIA  AND  ASIA  55 

months  after  he  had  passed  Tangier  on  the  way  up,  he  erected 
five  tablets  of  victory  beside  Tombos,  on  which  he  boasts  of 
ruling  from  his  new  southern  frontier  to  the  Euphrates  on  the 
north,  a  statement  to  which  his  own  achievements  in  Asia  did  not 
yet  entitle  him.  He  then  began  a  leisurely  return,  the  slowness  of 
which  we  can  only  explain  by  supposing  that  he  devoted  much 
time  to  the  reorganization  and  thorough  pacification  of  the  country 
on  his  way;  for  he  did  not  reach  the  first  cataract  until  some  seven 
months  after  he  bad  erected  his  monuments  of  victory  at  Tombos. 
With  the  body  of  the  Nubian  chief  hanging  head  downward  at 
the  bow  of  his  royal  barge,  the  king  passed  through  the  canal  at 
the  first  cataract  and  sailed  triumphantly  northward  to  Thebes. 

The  Pharaoh  was  now  able  to  give  his  attention  to  a  similar 
task  at  the  other  extremity  of  his  realm,  in  Asia.  Evidently  the 
conquests  of  Amenhotep  I,  which  had  enabled  Thutmose  I  to 
claim  the  Euphrates  as  his  northern  boundary,  had  not  been 
sufficient  to  ensure  "to  the  Pharaoh's  treasury  the  regular  tribute 
which  he  was  now  enjoying  from  Nubia,  but  the  conditions  in 
Syria  were  very  favourable  for  a  long  continuance  of  Egyptian 
supremacy.  The  geography  of  the  country  along  the  eastern  end 
of  the   Mediterranean   is   not   such   as   to   permit  the   gradual 
amalgamation  of  small  and  petty  states  into  one  great  nation, 
as  had  already  taken  place  in  the  valleys  of  the  Nile  and  the 
Euphrates.  From  north  to  south,  roughly  parallel  with  the  four 
hundred  miles  of  eastern   Mediterranean   coast,  the  region  is 
traversed  by  rugged  mountain  ranges,  in  two  main  ridges,  known 
as  the  Lebanon  and  Anti-Lebanon  in  the  north.  In  the  south^ 
Lebanon,   the   western   ridge,   with   some   interruptions,   drops 
finally  into  the  bare  and  forbidding  hills  of  Judah,  which  merge 
then  into  the  desert  of  Sinai  south  of  Palestine.  South  of  the  plain 
of  Megiddo,  it  throws  off  the  transverse  ridge  of  Carmel,  which 
drops  like  a  Gothic  buttress,  abruptly  to  the  sea.  Anti-Lebanon, 
tht  eastern  ridge,  not  beginning  as  far  north  as  Lebanon,  shifts 
somewhat  farther  eastward  in  its  southern  course,  interrupted 
here  and  there,  especially  near  Damascus,  and  spreading  on  the 
east  of  the  Dead  Sea  in  the  mountains  of  Moab,  its  souther** 
flanks  are  likewise  lost  in  the  sandy  plateau  of  northern  Arabia. 
Between  the  two  Lebanons,  in  the  fertile  valley  traversed  by  the 
river  Qrotites,  lies  the  only  extensive  region  in  Syria  not  cut  up 
by  hills  and  mountains,  where  a  strong  kingdom  might  develop1. 

*  This  valley,  the  Amkl  ('valley')  of  the  Amarna  Letters,  and  the  classical 
Coelesyria  (in  its  most  restricted  application),  is  represented  by  the  modern 
Bsk^  (Buk^  although  this  term  is  otherwise  applied  rather  to  the  high 
portion  of  the  Orontes  valley,  south  of  Kadesh. 


The  coast  is  completely  isolated  from  the  interior  by  the 
ridge  of  Lebanon,  along  whose  western  slopes  a  people  might 
rise  to  wealth  and  power  only  by  maritime  expansion,  O$  the 
other  hand,  in  the  south,  Palestine,  with  its  hurbourless  coast 
and  its  large  tracts  of  desolate  limestone  hills,  hardly  furnished 
the  economic  basis  for  the  development  of  a  strong  nation. 
Palestine  is,  moreover,  badly  cut  up,  both  by  the  transverse  ridge 
of  Carmel  and  by  the  deep  cleft  in  which  lie  the  Jordan  and  the 
Dead  Sea.  Along  almost  its  entire  eastern  frontier,  Syria-Palestine 
merges  into  the  northern  extension  of  the  Arabian  desert,  save 
in  the  extreme  north,  where  the  valley  of  the  Orontes  and  that 
of  the  Euphrates  almost  blend,  just  as  they  part,  the  one  to  seek 
the  Mediterranean  by  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta  (Issus),  while,  the 
other  tarns  away  toward  Babylon  and  the  Persian  C  nilf,  Syria- 
Palestine  is  thus  a  narrow  strip  some  four  hundred  miles  long 
and  only  eighty  to  a  hundred  miles  wide,  hemmed  in  by  the  sea 
on  the  west  and  the  desert  on  the  east*  The!*  long  corridor  thus 
formed  between  desert  and  sea  is  the  narrow  bridge  joining  Asia 
and  Africa,  and  the  nations  distributed  along  it  were  inevitably 
involved  in  the  great  rivalry  between  the  leading  powers  of  the 
two  continents  as  they  struggled  for  supremacy  in  the  earliest 
imperial  rivalries  which  the  inter-continental  dominion  of  the 
Hyksos  had  provoked. 

The  Semitic  population  which  the  ancient  Pharaohs  of  the  Old 
Kingdom  had  found  in  this  region  had  doubtless  been  augmented 
by  additional  migrations  of  the  nomads  from  the  grassy  fringes 
of  the  desert.  In  the  north  these  people  were  Amorites  and,  sub- 
sequently,  Aramaeans,  while  in  the  south  they  may  be  most  con- 
veniently designated  as  Canaanites  (p*  376  n.  x)*  In  general  these 
people  showed  little  genius  for  government,  and  were  totally  with- 
out any  motives  for  consolidation.  Divided  by  the  physical  con- 
formation of  the  country,  they  were  organized  into  numerous  city- 
kingdoms,  or  petty  principalities,  each  consisting  of  a  city,  with  the 
surrounding  fields  and  outlying  villages,  all  under  the  rule  of  a 

that  of  Byblus.  These  miniature  kingdoms  were  embroiled  in 
frequent  wars  with  one  another,  each  dynast  endeavouring  to 
unseat  his  neighbour  and,  absorb  his  territory  and  revenues. 
Exceeding  all  the  others  in  size  was  the  kingdom  of  Kudcsh, 
probably  the  surviving  nucleus  of  Hyksos  power.  It  had  developed 
in  the  only  place  where  the  conditions  permitted  such  an  ex- 


pansion,  occupying  a  very  advantageous  position  on  the  Orontes. 
It  thus  commanded  the  road  northward  through  inner  Syria,  the 
rout*$  of  commerce  from  Egypt  and  the  south,  which,  following 
the  Orontes,  diverged  thence  to  the  Euphrates,  to  cross  to  Assyria, 
or  descend  the  Euphrates  to  Babylon.  Being  likewise  at  the  north 
end  of  both  Lebanons,  Kadesh  commanded  also  the  road  from 
the  interior  seaward  through  the  Eleutherus  valley  to  the  Phoeni- 
cian harbours,  especially  Arvad  and  Simyra.  We  now  discern  it 
for  two  generations,  struggling  desperately  to  maintain  its  inde- 
pendence, and  only  crushed  at  last  by  twenty  years  of  warfare 
under  Thutmose  III. 

Some  of  these  kingdoms  of  the  interior  possessed  a  high  degree 
of  civilization.  The  craftsmen  of  Syria  learned  the  arts  and  crafts 
from  the  far  older  civilization  on  the  Nile.  Babylonian  caravans 
and  trade  had  brought  in  cuneiform  writing,  which  was  in  common 
use  throughout  Syria  and  far  across  the  Hittite  world  of  Asia 
Minor;  while  intrusive  elements  of  culture  from  the  Hittite 
peoples,  as  well  as  from  the  remarkable  civilization  of  Crete  and 
the  Aegean  were  imparting  additional  diversity  to  the  composite 
civilization  of  this  inter-continental  region.  Like  the  rest  of  Asia, 
the  peoples  of  this  region  knew  more  of  the  art  of  war  than  the 
Egyptians,  and  in  this  particular  they  had,  during  Hyksos 
supremacy,  taught  the  Egyptians  much. 

The  Semites  were  inveterate  traders,  and  an  animated  com- 
merce was  passing  from  town  to  town,  where  the  market-place 
was  a  busy  scene  of  traffic  as  it  is  to-day.  On  the  scanty  western 
slopes  of  the  Lebanon,  Semites  had  by  this  time  long  gained  a 
footing  on  the  coast,  to  become  the  Phoenicians  of  historic  times. 
The  earliest  known  reference  to  them  is  in  the  Old  Kingdom, 
where  the  Egyptians  already  had  dealings  with  them.  The  Phoe- 
nicians, although  hardly  as  yet  a  great  maritime  power — a  position 
more  probably  held  by  the  Cretans — at  least  participated  in  the 
sea-trade.  They  entered  the  Nile  mouths,  and,  sailing  up  the  great 
river,  moored  at  Thebes  and  trafficked  in  its  extensive  bazaars. 
Here  they  perfected  their  knowledge  of  the  practical  arts,  learning 
especially  how  to  cast  hollow  bronzes,  and  the  new  art  of  making 
glass  vessels  which  arose  in  Egypt  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty. 
Creeping  westward  along  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  they  gradually 
gained  Rhodes  and  the  islands  of  the  Aegean;  the  date  is  dis- 

Euted,  though  it  may  be  as  early  as  1200  B.C.  In  many  a  favourable 
arbour  they  eventually  established  their  colonies  (see  p.  379). 
Their  manufactories  multiplied;  and  everywhere  throughout  the 
regions  which  they  reached,  their  wares  were  prominent  in  the 


markets.  As  their  wealth  increased,  every  harbour  along  the 
Phoenician  coast  was  the  seat  of  a  rich  and  flourishing  city,  among 
which  Tyre,  Sidon,  Beirut,  Byblus,  Arvad  and,  the  northernmost, 
Simyra,  were  the  greatest,  each  being  the  seat  of  a  wealthy  dynasty. 
Thus  it  was  that  "in  the  Homeric  poems  the  Phoenician  merchant 
and  his  wares  were  proverbial:  the  commercial  and  maritime 
activity  of  the  Phoenicians,  as  it  had  been  at  the  rise  of  the  Egyptian 
Empire,  thereafter  increased  greatly  when  relieved  of  all  competi- 
tion by  the  fall  of  that  Empire  and  the  collapsrfof  Cretan  power. 

The  civilization  which  the  Egyptians  found  in  the  northern 
Mediterranean  was  Cretan.  The  sea-people  who  appear  with 
'Mycenaean'  vessels  as  gifts  and  tribute  for  the  Pharaoh  in 
this  age,  are  termed  by  the  Egyptian  monuments  men  of 
Keftiu  (Keftoyew),  and  so  regular  was  the  traffic  of  the  Phoenician 
fleets  with  these  people  that  the  Phoenician  craft  plying  on  these 
voyages  were  known  as  *  Keftiu  ships/  All  this  northern  region 
was  known  to  the  Egyptians  as  the  *  Isles  of  the  Sea/  for,  having 
at  first  no  acquaintance  with  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor,  they 
supposed  it  to  be  but  island  coasts,  like  those  of  the  Aegean.  In 
northern  Syria,  on  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Euphrates,  the  world, 
as  conceived  by  the  Egyptians,,  ended  in  the  marshes  in  which 
they  thought  the  Euphrates  had  its  rise,  and  these  again  were 
encircled  by  the  *  Great  Circle,*  the  ocean,  which  was  the  end  of  all* 

The  northern  Mediterranean  world,  apart  from  the  Phoeni- 
cians, and  practically  all  the  great  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  were 
non-Semitic.  In  the  great  bend  of  the  Euphrates  where  it  sweeps 
westward  toward  Syria  there  was  another  non-Semitic  intrusion. 
A  group  of  warriors  of  Iran  had  by  1 500  B.CU  pushed  westward 
to  the  upper  Euphrates,  In  the  great  western  bend  of  the  river 
they  established  an  Aryan  dynasty  ruling  the  kingdom  of  Mitnwn*. 
Their  influence  and  language  extended  westward  to  Tunip  in  the 
Orontes  valley  and  eastward  to  Nineveh,  They  formed  a  powerful 
and  cultivated  state,  which,  planted  thus  on  the  road  leading 
westward  from  Babylon  along  the  Euphrates,  effectively  cut  off 
the  latter  from  her  profitable  western  trade,  and  doubtless  had 
much  to  do  with  the  decline  In  which  Babylon,  under  her  foreign 
Kassite  dynasty,  now  found  herself,  Assyria  was  as  yet  but  a 
relatively  feeble  city-kingdom,  whose  coming  struggle  with 
Babylon  only  rendered  the  Pharaohs  less  liable  to  interference 
from  the  east,  in  the  realization  of  their  plans  of  conquest  in  Asia. 
Everything  thus  conspired  to  favour  the  permanence  of  Egyptian 
power  there. 

*  See  vol.  i>  p.  452  $fa  and  below*  pp.  230*  261  s^  297. 


Seemingly  without  serious  opposition,  Thutmose  I  reached  the 
region  of  Naharin,  or  the  land  of  the  'rivers/  as  the  name  signifies, 
whicli  was  the  Egyptian  designation  of  the  country  of  Mitanni, 
as  contrasted  with  its  people.  The  ensuing  battle  resulted  in  a 
great  slaughter  of  the  Asiatics,  followed  by  the  capture  of  a  large 
number  of  prisoners.  Unfortunately  for  our  knowledge  of 
Thutmose  Fs  campaigns  in  Asia,  we  are  dependent  entirely  upon 
the  scanty  autobiographies  of  the  two  Ahmoses  of  el-Kab,  which 
offer  us  little  mofe  than  the  bald  fact  of  the  first  campaign,  and 
do  not  recount  any  other.  Somewhere  along  the  Euphrates  at  its 
nearest  approach  to  the  Mediterranean,  Thutmose  now  erected 
a  stone  boundary-tablet.,  marking  the  northern  and,  at  this  point, 
the  eastern  limit  of  his  Syrian  possessions.  He  had  made  good  the 
boast  so  proudly  recorded,  possibly  only  a  year  before,  on  the 
tablet  marking  the  other  extreme  frontier  of  his  empire  at  the 
third  cataract  of  the,  Nile.  Henceforth  he  was  even  less  measured 
in  his  claims,  for  he  later  boasted  to  the  priests  of  Abydos,  '  I 
made  the  boundary  of  Egypt  as  far  as  the  circuit  of  the  sun,  I 
made  strong  those  who  had  been  in  fear,  I  expelled  evil  from 
them,  I  made  Egypt  to  become  the  sovereign  and  every  land  her 
serfs* — words  in  which  it  is  evident  we  must  see  a  reference  to 
Egypt's  deliverance  from  humiliation  under  Hyksos  rule  and  her 
ensuing  supremacy  in  Asia. 

How  much  Thutmose  I  may  have  been  able  to  accomplish  in 
organizing  his  conquests  in  Asia  we  do  not  yet  know.  He  seems 
to  have  been  able  to  'retire  from  his  Asiatic  war  without  anxiety 
and  devote  himself  to  the  regeneration  of  Egypt.  He  was  thus 
able  to  begin  the  restoration  of  the  temples  so  neglected  since  the 
time  of  the  Hyksos.  The  modest  old  temple  of  the  Middle  King- 
dom monarchs  at  Thebes  was  no  longer  in  keeping  with  the 
Pharaoh's  increasing  wealth  and  pomp.  His  chief  architect,  Ineni, 
was  therefore  commissioned  to  erect  two  massive  pylons,  or 
towered  gateways,  in  front  of  the  old  Amon-temple,  and  between 
these  a  covered  hall,  with  the  roof  supported  upon  large  cedar 
columns,  brought  of  course,  like  the  splendid  electron-tipped 
flag  staves  of  cedar  at  the  temple  front,  from  the  new  possessions 
in  the  Lebanon.  The  huge  door  was  likewise  of  Asiatic  bronze, 
with  the  image  of  the  god  upon  it,  inlaid  with  gold.  He  likewise 
restored  the  revered  temple  of  Osiris  at  Abydos,  equipping  it 
with  rich  ceremonial  implements  and  furniture  of  silver  and  gold, 
with  magnificent  images  of  the  gods,  such  as  it  had  doubtless  lost 
in  Hyksos  days.  Admonished  by  his  advancing  years,  he  also 
endowed  it  with  an  income  for  the  offering  of  mortuary  oblations 


to  himself,  giving  the  priests  instructions  regarding  the  pre- 
servation of  Ms  name  and  memory, 

Thutmose  I  was  now  an  old  man  and  the  claim  to  the  tkrone 
which  he  had  thus  far  successfully  maintained  may  have  been 
weakened  by  the  death  of  his  queen,  Ahmosc,  to  whom  it  is 
probable  his' only  valid  claim  to  the  crown  was  due.  She  was  the 
descendant  and  representative  of  the  old  Theban  princes  who 
had  fought  and  expelled  the  Hyksos,  and  there  was  a  strong- 
party  who  regarded  the  blood  of  this  line  as*1  alone  entitled  to 
royal  honours.  All  her  children  had  died  save  one  daughter, 
Makcre-Hatshepsut,  who  was  thus  the  only  child  of  the  old  line, 
and  so  strong  was  the  party  of  legitimacy,  that  they  had  forced 
the  king,  years  before,  at  about  the  middle  of  his  reign,  to  pro- 
claim her  his  successor.*  in  spite  of  the  disinclination  general 
throughout  Egyptian  history  to  submit  to  the  rule  of  a  queen. 
The  close  of  the  reign  of  Thutmose  I  is  involved  in  deep  obscurity, 
and  there  is  no  reconstruction  without  its  difHculties.  The  traces 
left  on  temple  walls  by  family  dissensions  are  not  likely  to  be 
sufficiently  conclusive  to  enable  us  to  follow  the  complicated 
struggle  with  entire  certainty  three  thousand  five  hundred  years 
later.  The  current  verdict  of  historians  has  long  been  that 
Thutmose  II3  a  feeble  and  diseased  son  of  the  old  Pharaoh, 
followed  at  once  upon  his  father's  demise.  His  brief  reign  is  of 
such  slight  consequence,  however,  that  its  exact  place  in  the 
transition  from  Thutmose  I  to  Hatshepsut  and  Thutmose  111  is 
not  of  great  importance1, 

Hatshepsut's  partisans  were  not  able  to  crown  their  favourite 
without  a  difficult  struggle  with  a  third  Thutmose,  He  was  the 
son  of  an  obscure  concubine  named  Isis,  and  there  is  sonic  un- 
certainty whether  the  first  or  the  second  Thutmose  was  his  father. 
It  is  probable  that  he  married  ITatshepsut,  thus  gaining  a  valid 
title  to  the  throne.  Placed  in  the  Karnak  temple  as  a  priest  of  low 
rank,  he  had  ere  long  won  the  priesthood  to  his  support*  By  a 
dramatic  coup  tTetat  which  was  at  first  completely  successful  on 
the  third  of  May,  in  the  year  r^oi  B,C,%  the  young  Thutmose  III 
suddenly  stepped  from  the  duties  of  an  obscure  prophet  of  Arnon 

1  The  present  writer  has  heretofore  followed  Scthe  in  contending  that 
Hatshepsut  followed  Immediately  upon  Thutmose  I,  and  that  the  early  part 
of  her  reign  was  interrupted  by  the  brief  reign  of  Thutmose  II.  He  Is  still 
unable  to  see  how  any  other  reconstruction  can  be  successfully  based  on  the 

2  Or  three  years  earlier — accepting  Sethe's  dating-— see  footnote 
P*  67. 


into  the  palace  of  the  Pharaohs.  On  his  earliest  monuments  he 
made  no  reference  to  any  co-regency  of  Hatshepsut,  his  queen,  in 
the  j;oyal  titulary  preceding  the  dedication.  Indeed  he  allowed 
her  no  more  honourable  title  than  'great'  or  'chief  royal  wife.' 
But  the  party  of  legitimacy  was  not  to  be  so  easily  put  off.  Before 
long  the  queen's  partisans  had  become  so  strong  that  the  king 
was  seriously  hampered,  and  eventually  even  thrust  into  the 
background.  Hatshepsut  thus  became  king,  an  enormity  with 
which  the  state  ^fiction  of  the  Pharaoh's  origin  could  not  be 
harmonized.  She  was  called  'the  female  Horus!'  The  word 
'majesty'  was  given  a  feminine  ending  (as  in  Egyptian  it  agrees 
with  the  sex  of  the  ruler),  and  the  conventions  of  the  court  were 
all  warped  and  distorted  to  suit  the  rule  of  a  woman.* 

The  queen  now  entered  upon  an  aggressive  career :  she  is  the 
first  great  woman  in  history  of  whom  we  are  informed.  Her  father's 
architect,  Ineni,  thus  defines  the  position  of  the  two :  after  a  brief 
reference  to  Thutafose  III  as  'the  ruler  upon  the  throne  of  him 
who  begat  him,'  he  says:  'His  sister,  the  Divine  Consort,  Hat- 
shepsut, administered  the  affairs  of  the  Two  Lands  by  her  designs; 
Egypt  was  made  to  labour  with  bowed  head  for  her,  the  excellent 
seed  of  the  god,  who  came  forth  from  him.'  Her  partisans  had 
now  installed  themselves  in  the  most  powerful  offices.  Closest  to 
the  queen's  person  stood  one,  Sennemut,  who  deeply  ingratiated 
himself  in  her  favour.  He  had  been  the  tutor  of  Thutmose  III  as 
a  child,  and  he  was  now  entrusted  with  the  education  of  the  queen's 
little  daughter  Nefrure.  His  brother  Senmen  likewise  supported 
Hatshepsut's  cause.  The  most  powerful  of  her  coterie  however 
was  Hapuseneb,  who  as  both  vizier  and  high  priest  of  Amon, 
united  in  his  person  all  the  power  of  the  administrative  govern- 
ment with  that  of  the  strong  priestly  party.  The  aged  Ineni  was 
succeeded  as  *  overseer  of  the  gold  and  silver  treasury'  by  a  noble 
named  Thutiy,  while  one  Nehsi  was  chief  treasurer  and  colleague 
of  Hapuseneb.  The  whole  machinery  of  the  state  was  thus  in  the 
hands  of  these  partisans  of  the  queen.  It  is  needless  to  say  that 
the  careers  and  probably  the  lives  of  these  men  were  identified 
with  the  fortunes  of  Hatshepsut;  they  therefore  took  good  care 
that  her  position  should  be  maintained.  In  every  way  they  were 
at  great  pains  to  show  that  the  queen  had  been  destined  for  the 
throne  by  the  gods  from  the  beginning.  In  her  temple  at  Der 
el-Bahri,  where  work  was  now  actively  resumed,  they  had  sculp- 
tured on  the  walls  a  long  series  of  reliefs  depicting  the  birth  of 
the  queen.  Here  all  the  details  of  the  old  state  fiction  that  the 
sovereign  should  be  the  bodily  son  of  the  Sun-god  were  elabo- 


rately  pictured.  The  artist  who  did  the  work  followed  the  current 
tradition  so  closely  that  the  new-born  child  appears  as  a  boy^ 
showing  how  the  introduction  of  a  woman  into  the  situation  was 
wrenching  the  inherited  forms.  With  such  devices  as  these  and 
many  others,  it  was  sought  to  overcome  the  prejudice  against  a 
queen  upon  the  throne  of  the  Pharaohs, 

Confident  In  her  Imperial  wealth,  Hatshensut's  first  enterprise 
was  the  building  of  her  magnificent  temple  against  the  western 
cliffs  at  Thebes.  The  building  was  in  design*  quite  unlike  the 
great  temples  of  the  age.  It  betrays  the  iniluonce  of  the  more 
modest  terraced  temple  tomb  of  the  Xlth  Dynasty  rulers  Imme- 
diately south  of  Hatshepstit's  new  building.  In  a  series  of  three 
terraces  it  rose  from  the  plain  to  the  level  of  an  elevated  court, 
flanked  by  the  plastic  russet  cliffs,  into  which  the  holy  of  holies 
was  cut.  In  front  of  the  terraces  were  ranged  rhythmic  piers  and 
colonnades,  which,  when  seen  from  a  distance,  to  this  day  exhibit 
a  fine  sense  of  proportion  and  of  proper  groiiphig,  quite  disproving 
the  common  assertion  that  the  Greeks  were  the  first  to  understand 
the  art  of  distributing  external  colonnades,  and  that  the  Egyptians 
practised  the  employment  of  the  column  only  in  interiors.  The 
queen  found  especial  pleasure  in  the  design  of  this  temple.  She 
saw  in  It  a  paradise  of  Amon  and  conceived  its  terraces  as  the 
"myrrh-terraces'  of  Punt,  the  original  home  of  the  gods.  She 
refers  in  one  of  her  Inscriptions  to  the  fact  that  Amon  had  desired 
her  'to  establish  for  him  a  Punt  in  his  house/  but  to  carry  out 
the  design  fully  it  was  further  necessary  to  plant  the  terraces 
with  myrrh  trees  from  Punt  and  to  send  an  expedition  thither  to 
bring  them. 

Foreign  traffic  had  suffered  severely  during  the  long  rule  of 
the  Hyksos.  Indeed,  as  far  back  as  any  one  could  remember  in 
Hatshepsut*s  day,  even  the  myrrh  necessary  for  the  incense  in 
the  temple  service  had  been  passed  from  hand  to  hand  by  overland 
traffic  until  it  reached  Egypt*  With  propitiatory  offerings  to  the 
divinities  of  the  air  to  ensure  a  fair  wind,  the  five  vessels  of  the 
expedition  to  Punt  set  sail  early  In  the  ninth  year  of  the  queen's 
reign.  The  route  was  down  the  Nile  and  through  the  Middle 
Kingdom  canal  leading  from  the  eastern  Delta  through  the  Wadi 
Tumflat,  and  connecting  the  Nile  with  the  Red  Sea,  They  arrived 
at  Punt  In  safety  and  the  Egyptian  commander  pitched  his  tent 
on  the  shore?  where  he  was  received  with  friendliness  by  Pcrehu, 
the  chief  of  Punt,  followed  by  his  absurdly  corpulent  wife  and 
three  children*  Besides  plentiful  gifts  with  which  to  traffic  with 
these  Puntites,  the  Egyptians  brought  with  them  a  statue  group 


of  stone  showing  Queen  Hatshepsut  with  her  protector  Amon 
standing  beside  her.  This  group  was  set  up  in  Punt  and  must  be 
standing  there  somewhere  near  the  sea  at  the  present  day. 

Hatshepsut's  records  tell  us  that  her  fleet  was  laden  Very  heavily 
with  marvels  of  the  country  of  Punt;  all  goodly  fragrant  woods 
of  God's-Land,  heaps  of  myrrh-resin,  of  fresh  myrrh-trees1,  with 
ebony  and  pure  ivory,  with  green  gold  of  Emu,  with  cinnamon- 
wood,  with  incense,  eye-cosmetic,  with  baboons,  monkeys,  dogs, 
with  skins  of  the  southern  panther,  with  natives  and  their  children.' 
After  a  safe  return  voyage  the  fleet  finally  moored  again  at  the 
docks  of  Thebes.  Probably  the  Thebans  had  never  before  been 
diverted  by  such  a  sight  as  now  greeted  them,  when  the  motley 
array  of  Puntites  and  the  strange  products  of  their  far-off  country 
passed  through  the  streets  to  the  queen's  palace,  where  the 
Egyptian  commander  presented  them  to  her  majesty.  The  queen 
immediately  offered  a  generous  portion  of  them  to  Amon, 
together  with  the  impost  of  Nubia,  with  which  Punt  was  always 
classed.  Besides  thirty-one  living  myrrh-trees,  she  presented  to 
the  god,  electrum,  eye-paint,  throw-sticks  of  the  Puntites,  ebony, 
ivory,  shells,  a  live  southern  panther,  which  had  been  especially 
caught  for  her  majesty,  many  panther  skins  and  three  thousand 
three  hundred  small  cattle.  Huge  piles  of  myrrh  of  twice  a  man's 
stature  were  measured  in  grain-measures  under  the  oversight  of 
the  queen's  favourite,  Thutiy,  and  large  ring's  of  commercial  gold 
were  weighed  in  tall  balances  ten  feet  high.  After  formally 
announcing  to  Amon  the  success  of  the  expedition  which  his 
oracle  had  called  forth,  Hatshepsut  then  summoned  the  court, 
giving  to  her  favourite  Setinemut,  and  the  chief  treasurer,  Nehsi, 
who  had  dispatched  the  expedition,  places  of  honour  at  her  feet, 
while  she  told  the  nobles  the  result  of  her  great  venture.  She 
proudly  added :  *  I  have  made  for  him  a  Punt  in  his  garden,  just 
as  he  commanded  me — It  is  large  enough  for  him  to  walk  abroad 
in  it.*  Later  she  had  all  the  incidents  of  the  remarkable  expedition 
recorded  in  relief  on  the  wall  of  her  Der  el-Balm  temple  once 
appropriated  by  Thutmose  II  for  the  record  of  his  brief  Asiatic 
campaign,  where  they  still  form  one  of  the  great  beauties  of  her 
temple.  All  her  chief  favourites  found  place  among  the  scenes, 
Setinemut  was  even  allowed  to  depict  himself  on  one  of  the  walls 
praying  to  Hathor  for  the  queen,  an  unparalleled  honour. 

This  unique  temple  was  in  its  function  the  culmination  of  a 
new  development  in  the  arrangement  and  .architecture  of  the  royal 

1  This  common   Egyptian   word  should  probably  be  more  correctly 
rendered  6  frankincense'  than  *  myrrh.* 


tomb  and  its  chapel  or  temple.  Perhaps  because  they  had  other 
uses  for  their  resources,   perhaps  because  they  recognized  the 
futility  of  so  vast  a  tomb,  which  yet  failed  to  preserve  from  viola- 
tion the  body  of  the  builder,,  the  Pharaohs  had  gradually  aban- 
doned the  construction  of  tomb  pyramids.  Probably  for  purposes 
of  safety  Thutmose  I  had  taken  the  radical  step  of  separating  his 
tomb  from  the  mortuary  chapel  before  it.  The  latter  was  still  left 
upon  the  plain  at  the  foot  of  the  western  dills,  but  the  royal 
sepulchre  chamber,  with  the  passage  leading  tcxit,  was  hewn  into 
the   rocky  wall   of  a  wild   and   desolate  valley,   now   known  as 
the  'Valley  of  the  Kings*  Tombs1    (already   mentioned   above, 
p.  £2),  lying  behind  the  western  cliffs.,  some  two  miles  in  a  direct 
line  from  the  river,  and  accessible  only  by  a  long  detour  north- 
ward, involving  nearly  twice  that  distance.  It  is  evident  that  the 
exact  spot  where  the  king's  body  was  entombed  was  intended  to 
be  kept  secret,  that  all  possibility  of  robbing  the  royal  burial 
might  be  precluded.  Thutmose's  architect,  Ineni,   says  that  he 
superintended  *the  excavation  of  the  cliff-tomb  of  his  majesty 
alone,  no  one  seeing  and  no  one  hearing/  1  latshepsut  likewise 
chose  a  remote  and  secret  spot  for  her  tomb  high  up  on  the  face 
of  a  dangerous  cliff  behind  the  Valley  of  the   Kings"  Tombs, 
where  it  has  only  recently  been  discovered;  but  this  she  abandoned 
in  favour  of  a  tomb  in  the  valley  with  her  father*  The  new  arrange- 
ment was  such  that  the  royal  sepulchre  was  still  behind  the  chapel 
or  temple,  which  thus  continued  to  be  on  the  east  of  the  tomb  as 
before,  although  the  two  were  now  separated  by  the  intervening 
cliffs.  The  valley  rapidly  filled  with  the  vast  tomb  excavations  of 
Thutmose  I*s  successors.  It  continued  to  be  the  cemetery  of  the 
XVIIIth— XXth  Dynasties,  and  over  sixty  royal  tombs  of  the 
Empire  were  excavated  there.  Sixteen  now  accessible  form  one 
of  the  wonders  which  attract  the  Nile  tourist*?  to  Thebes,  and 
Strabo  speaks  of  forty  which  were  worthy  to  be  visited  in  his 
time*  Hatshepsut's  terraced  sanctuary  was  therefore  her  mortuary 
temple,  dedicated  also  to  her  father.  As  the  tombs  multiplied  in 
the  valley  behind^  there  rose  upon  the  plain  before  it  temple 
after  temple  endowed  for  the  mortuary  service  of  the  departed 
gods,    the   emperors   who   had  once  ruled  Kgypt.  They  were 
also  sacred  to  Amon  as  the  state  god;  but  they  bore  euphemistic 
names  significant  of  their  mortuary  function.  For  example,  the 
temple  of  Thutmose  III  was  called  4GIft  of  Life/  Hatshcpsut's 
architect,  Hapuseneb,  who  was  also  her  vizier,  likewise  excavated 
her  tomb  in  the  desolate  valley,  the  second  royal  sepulchre  to  be 
excavated  there* 


Besides  her  Der  el-Bahri  temple  and  her  adjacent  tomb,  the 
queen  employed  her  evidently  growing  wealth  also  in  the  restora- 
tion <f>f  the  old  temples,  which,  although  two  generations  had 
elapsed,  had  not  even  yet  recovered  from  the  neglect  which  they 
had  suffered  under  the  Hyksos.  She  recorded  her  good  work 
upon  a  rock  temple  of  Pakht  at  Beni-Hasan,  saying,   "I    have 
restored  that  which  was  mins,  I  have  raised  up  that  which  was 
unfinished  since  the  Asiatics  were  in  the  midst  of  Avaris  of  the 
Northland,  and  tibe  barbarians  in  the  midst  of  them,  overthrowing 
that  which  had  been  made  while  they  ruled  in  ignorance  of  Re^ 
At  the  same  time,  in  celebration  of  her  royal  jubilee  she  made 
preparation  for  the  erection  of  the  obelisks,  which  were  the  cus- 
tomary  memorial   of  such  jubilees.    Her   Invariable   favourite, 
Sennemut,  levied  the  necessary  forced  labour  and  began  work 
early  in  February  of  the  queen's  fifteenth  year.  By  early  August, 
exactly  six  months  later,  he  had  freed   the  huge  blocks  from 
the  quarry,  was  able  to  employ  the  high  water,  then  rapidly 
approaching,  to  float  them,  and  towed  them  to  Thebes  before  the 
inundation  had  again  fallen.  The  queen  then  chose  an  extra- 
ordinary   location    for    her    obelisks,    namely,    that    colonnaded 
hall  of  the  Karnak   temple  erected   by  her  father,   where  her 
husband  Thutmose  III  had  been  named  king  by  oracle  of  Amon; 
although  this  involved  serious  architectural  changes  and  even 
necessitated  permanently  unroofing  the  hall.  They  were  richly 
overlaid  with  electrum,  the  work  on  which  was  done  for  the 
queen  by  Thutiy,  She  avers  that  she  measured  out  the  precious 
metal  by  the  peck,  like  sacks  of  grain,  and  she  is  supported  in 
this  extraordinary  statement  by  Thutiy,  who  states  that  by  royal 
command  he  piled  up  in  the  festival  hall  of  the  palace  no  less  than 
nearly  twelve  bushels  of  electrum.  These  obelisks  were  the  tallest 
shafts  ever  erected  in  Egypt  up  to  that  time,  being  ninety-seven- 
and-a~half  feet  high  and  weighing  nearly  three  hundred  and  fifty 
tons  each.  One  of  them  still  stands,  an  object  of  daily  admiration 
among  the  modern  visitors  at  Thebes.  It  is  possible  that  the 
queen  also  set  up  two  more  pairs  of  obelisks,  making  six  in  alL 

A  relief  in  the  Wadi  Maghara  in  Sinai,  whither  the  tireless 
queen  had  sent  a  mining  expedition  to  resume  the  work  there 
which  had  been  interrupted  by  the  Hyksos  invasion,  reveals  her 
operations  among  the  copper  mines,  in  the  same  year  that  saw 
her  Karnak  obelisks  finished.  This  work  in  Sinai  continued  in 
her  name  until  the  twentieth  year  of  her  reign.  Some  time  between 
this  date  and  the  close  of  the  year  twenty-one,  when  we  find 
Thutmose  III  ruling  alone,  the  great  queen  must  have  died. 

C.A.H.  II 


built  covering  her  name  and  tit     Cord  of  h  ^^  ^' 
on  the  base.  Everywhere  HP  £/?  r  orm'"»  of 

splendid  terraced  teuton    II  tt  ^K-?nH  f*^  and  J» 
nam  " 

.  ywere     P  m 

splendid  terraced  teuon  II  tt  ^K-?nH  f*^  and  J»  ^ 
name  have  been  hacked  ou  .  IJer  „  ^  "  ^tfure  and  her 

shnft.  In  the  relief-scenes  in  he^n  e  'n  "T  ^  mct  short 
NehS1  and  Thutiv  had  been  4  '™  L  ,  !  '  wherfSt>»»^utand 
thor  figures  wei  ruthl^7h^ 

tombs  of  all  the  queen's  Sm^L,7  Wa>'    J  htf  s*itues  and 

these  mutilated  nS^^Sd'  ^"^'  And 

d  '      n 

the  great  king's  vengeance  Bu  t  t  ,  T'  >'nni  ^tncsse.,  of 
st.ll  lives,  aildbthe  m^sonr^  o  ,  e?  S-"^  W  htT  feme 
down,  exposing  the  gigantic  iift  tin?  ^  "lk  fJbdlsk  has  <«»en 
the  greatness  of  Hafshepsut.  *  ""^  to  dlc  mod«'"  world 



^  11  ^HE  peaceful  and  unmilitary  rule  of  Hatshepsut,  falling  as 
JJ[  it  did  early  in  Egypt's  imperial  career  in  Asia,  was  followed 
by  serious  consequences.  Not  having  seen  an  Egyptian  army  for 
many  years,  the  Syrian  dynasts  grew  continually  more  restless. 
The  king  of  Kadesh,  once  probably  the  suzerain  of  all  Syria  and 
Palestine,  had  stirred  all  the  city-kings  of  northern  Palestine  and 
Syria  to  accept  his  leadership  in  a  great  coalition,  in  which  they 
at  last  felt  themselves  strong  enough  to  begin  open  revolt. 
*  Behold  from  Yeraza  (in  northern  Judea)  to  the  marshes  of  the 
earth  (i.e.  the  upper11  Euphrates),  they  had  begun  to  revolt  against 
his  majesty/  In  these  words  the  annals  of  Thutmose  III  record  the 
Asiatic  situation.  Only  southern  Palestine  was  loth  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  Pharaoh,  for  its  people  had  witnessed  the  long  siege  of 
Sharuhen  at  the  hands  of  Ahmose  in  Hyksos  days  (vol.  i,  p,  315), 
and  they  were  too  well  aware  of  what  to  expect,  to  assume  thought- 
lessly the  offensive  against  Egypt.  Not  only  were  'all  the  allied 
countries  of  Zahi  *  (Syria)  in  open  rebellion  against  the  Pharaoh, 
but  it  is  also  evident  that  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Mitanni,  on 
the  east  of  the  Euphrates,  had  done  all  in  her  power  to  support 
the  rebellion.  It  was  natural  that  Mitanni  should  view  with 
distrust  the  presence  of  a  new  empire  on  its  western  borders;  and 
its  king  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  rehabilitate  the  once 
great  kingdom  of  Kadesh,  as  a  buffer  between  himself  and  Egypt. 
The  armies  of  the  early  Orient,  at  least  those  of  Egypt,  were 
not  large,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  any  Pharaoh  ever  invaded 
Asia  with  more  than  twenty-five  or  thirty  thousand  men,  while 
less  than  twenty  thousand  is  probably  nearer  the  usual  figure. 
Late  in  his  twenty-second  year  we  find  Thutmose  with  his  army 
ready  to  take  the  field.  He  marched  from  Tharu,  the  predecessor 
of  modern  Kantara,  the  last  Egyptian  city  on  the  north-eastern 
Delta  frontier,  about  the  I9th  of  April,  1479  B.C.1  Nine  days 

1  Sethe  has  concluded  that  the  new  moon  dates  in  Thutmose  Ill's 
Annals,  from  which  this  date  (1479  B.C)  is  computed,  should  be  considered 
as  real  new  moon  dates,  and  not  dates  when  the  new  moon  became  visible. 
This  would  make  this  date  1482  B.C.,  as  formerly  calculated  by  Mahler  in 
P.S.B.d^  1895,  p.  281.  See  Sethe,  Gewll.  der  ffw*  Gottingm^  Phil.-hist* 
K/asse,  1919,  p.  289* 


first  army  we  are  able  to  follow  as  it  enters  that  historic  plain, 
which,  as  Armageddon^  has  become  the  proverbial  battle-field  of 
the  ages  from  Thutmose  III  to  Lord  Allenby,  Indeed  the^pass 
through  which  Thutmose  went  was  the  same  as  that  through 
which  Allenby  flung  his  cavalry  to  positions  in  the  rear  of  the 
fleeing  Turks  in  1918.  By  one  o'clock  Thutmose  halted  without 
opposition  on  the  south  of  Megiddo,  *on  the  bank  of  the  brook 
Kina/  The  Asiatics  had  thus  lost  an  inestimable  opportunity  to 
destroy  him  in  detail.  They  seem  to  have  bcfti  posted  too  far 
south-eastward  toward  Taanach  to  draw  in  quickly  and  con- 
centrate against  his  thin  line  of  march  as  it  defiled  from  the 
mountains.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  the  exact  position  of  the 
Asiatics.,  but  when  the  skirmishing  in  the  mot  in  tains  took  place 
their  southern  wing  was  at  Tuanach,  doubtless  in  expectation 
that  Thutmose  would  cross  the  mountain  by  the  Taamieh  road* 
Late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  clay  (the  I4th),  or  during  the 
ensuing  night,  Thutmose  took  advantage  of  fiis  enemy's  position 
on  the  east  and  south-east  of  his  own  force  to  draw  his  line 
around  the  west  side  of  Megiddo  and  boldly  threw  out  his  left 
wing  on  the  north-west  of  the  city.  He  thus  secured,  in  case  of 
necessity,  a  safe  and  easy  line  of  retreat  westward  along  the  Zcfti 
road,  while  at  the  same  time  his  extreme  left  might  cut  olF  the 
enemy  from  flight  northward, 

To  protect  their  stronghold  the  Asiatics  drew  in  between  the 
Egyptian  forces  and  the  city.  Karly  the  next  morning  (May  ifth) 
Thutmose  led  forth  his  army  in  order  of  battle.  In  a  shining 
chariot  of  electrum  he  took  up  his  position  with  the  centre;  his 
right  or  southern  wing  rested  on  a  hill  south  of  the  brook  of 
Kina;  while?  as  we  have  seen,,  his  left  was  north-west  of  Megiddo* 
He  immediately  attacked,  leading  the  onset  himself  *at  the  head 
of  his  army.*  The  enemy  gave  way  at  the  first  charge.  Thutmose's 
Annals  show  evident  gratification  at  the  humiliating  flight  of  the 
Asiatics:  "they  fled  headlong  to  Mcgitldo  in  lour,  abandoning 
their  horses  and  their  chariots  of  gold  and  silver,  and  the  people 
hauled  them  up,  pulling  them  by  their  clothing  into  this*  city; 
the  people  of  this  city  having  closed  it  against  them  and  lowered 
clothing  to  pull  them  up  into  this  city.  Now  if  only  the  army  of 
his  majesty  had  not  given  their  heart  to  plundering  the  things 
of  the  enemy  they  would  have  captured  Megiddo  at  this  moment, 
when  the  wretched  vanquished  king  of  Kadesh  and  the  wretched 
"vanquished  king  of  this  city  (Megiddo)  were  hauled  up  in  haste 
to  bring  them  into  this  city.'  The  discipline  of  the  Egyptian  host 
could  not  resist  the  spoil  of  the  combined  armies  of  Syria.  'Then 


were  captured  their  horses,  their  chariots  of  gold  and  silver  were 
made  spoil — Their  champions  lay  stretched  out  like  fishes  on 
the  ground.  The  victorious  army  of  his  majesty  went  round 
counting  the  spoils,  their  portions.  Behold  there  was  captured 
the  tent  of  that  wretched  vanquished  foe  (the  king  of  Kadesh)  in 
which  was  his  son — The  whole  army  made  jubilee,  giving 
praise  to  Amon  for  the  victory  which  he  had  granted  to  his  son 
(the  Pharaoh) — They  brought  in  the  booty  which  they  had 
taken,  consisting  0f  hands  (severed  from  the  slain),  living  prisoners, 
of  horses,  chariots,  gold  and  silver/  It  is  thus  evident  that  in  the 
disorganized  rout  the  camp  of  the  king  of  Kadesh  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Egyptians. 

Hereupon  Thutmose  gave  order's  for  the  investment  of  the 
city:  'they  measured  this  city,  surrounding  it  with  an  enclosure, 
walled  about  with  green  timber  of  all  their  pleasant  trees.  His 
majesty  himself  was  upon  the  fortification  east  of  the  city,  in- 
specting what  was"*  done.'  Thutmose  boasts  after  his  return  to 
Egypt,  saying,  'Amon  gave  to  me  all  the  allied  countries  of  Zahi 
shut  up  in  one  city — I  snared  them  in  one  city,  I  built  around 
them  with  a  rampart  of  thick  wall/  They  called  this  wall  of 
investment:  'Thutmose  is  the  Ensnarer  of  the  Asiatics/  according 
to  the  custom  under  the  Empire  of  naming  every  royal  building 
after  the  king.  As  the  siege  went  on,  the  dynasts  who  were  for- 
tunate enough  not  to  be  shut  up  in  the  city  hastened  to  make 
their  peace  with  the  incensed  Pharaoh:  'The  Asiatics  of  all 
countries  came  with  bowed  head,  doing  obeisance  to  the  fame 
of  his  majesty/ 

The  king  of  Kadesh  was  not  among  the  prisoners;  he  had 
escaped  before  the  completion  of  the  investment.  To  compensate 
for  the  failure  to  capture  this  dangerous  enemy,  the  Egyptians 
secured  his  family  as  hostages;  for  Thutmose  says,  *Lo,  my 
majesty  carried  off  the  wives  of  that  vanquished  one,  together 
with  his  children,  and  the  wives  of  the  ^chiefs  who  were  there, 
together  with  their  children/  The  catalogue  of  the  spoils  found 
in  the  fallen  city,  as  given  in  Thutmose's  Annals,  is  a  surprising 
revelation  of  the  wealth  and  splendour  of  contemporary  Syria. 
Nine  hundred  and  twenty-four  chariots,  including  those  of  the 
kings  of  Kadesh  and  Megiddo,  two  thousand  two  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  horses,  two  hundred  suits  of  armour,  again  including 
those  of  the  same  two  kings,  the  gorgeous  tent  of  the  king  of 
Kadesh,  the  magnificent  household  furniture  of  the  same  king, 
and  among  it  his  royal  sceptre,  a  silver  statue,  perhaps  of  his  god, 
and  an  ebony  statue  of  himself,  wrought  with  gold  and  lapis 


lazuli,  besides  immense  quantities  of  gold  and  silver  were  taken 
from  the  city. 

In  order  to  prevent  another  southward  advance  of  tht^  still 
unconquered  king  of  Kadesh  and  to  hold  command  of  the  im- 
portant road  northward  between  the  Lebanons,  Thutmose  pushed 
northward  and  built  a  fortress  at  this  point,  which  he  called 
*Thutmose-is-the-Binder-of-the-Barbarians/  He  now  began  the 
reorganization  of  the  conquered  territory,  supplanting  the  old 
revolting  dynasts  with  others  who  might  be  expected  to  show 
loyalty  to  Egypt.  These  new  rulers  were  allowed  to  govern  much 
as  they  pleased,,  if  only  they  regularly  and  promptly  sent  in  the 
yearly  tribute  to  Egypt.  To  hold  them  to  their  obligations 
Thutmose  carried  oft*  with  him  to  Egypt  their  eldest  sons,  whom  he 
placed  in  a  special  quarter  or  building  called  *  Castle  in  Thebes/ 
Here  they  were  educated  and  so  treated  as  to  engender  feelings  of 
friendliness  toward  Egypt,  Later,  whenever  a  king  of  one  of  the 
Syrian  cities  died  *his  majesty  would  cause  liis  son  to  stand  in 
his  place/  Thutmose  now  controlled  all  Palestine  as  far  north  as 
the  southern  end  of  Lebanon,,  and  farther  inland  also  Damascus* 
In  so  far  as  they  had  rebelled,  he  stripped  all  the  towns  of  their 
wealth,  and  returned  to  Egypt  with  some  four  hundred  and 
twenty-six  pounds  of  gold  and  silver  in  commercial  rings,  or 
wrought  into  magnificent  vessels  and  other  objects  of  art,  besides 
untold  quantities  of  less  valuable  property  and  the  spoil  of 
Megiddo  already  mentioned. 

In  less  than  six  months,  that  iSj  within  the  limits  of  the  dry 
season  in  Palestine,  he  had  marched  from  Tharu,  gained  a 
sweeping  victory  at  Megiddo,  captured  the  city  after  a  long  and 
arduous  investment,,  marched  to  the  Lebanon  and  taken  three 
cities  there,  built  and  garrisoned  a  permanent  fort  near  them, 
begun  reorganizing  the  government  in  northern  Palestine,  and 
completed  the  return  journey  to  Thebes,  which  he  reached  early 
in  October.  With  what  difficulties  such  an  achievement  was  beset 
we  may  learn  not  only  from  Napoleon's  campaign  from  Kgypt 
over  the  same  route  against  Acre,  which  is  almost  exactly  as  far 
from  Egypt  as  Megiddo,  but  also  by  following  Lord  Allenhy's 
brilliant  campaign  against  the  Turks  through  the  same  country. 
We  may  then  understand  why  it  was  that  Thutmose  immediately 
celebrated  three  *  Feasts  of  Victory  *  in  his  capital.  These  feasts 
were  made  permanent,  and  endowed  with  an  annual  income  of 
plentiful  offerings.  At  the  feast  of  Opet,  which  was  Amon's 
greatest  annual  feast  and  lasted  eleven  days,  he  presented  to  the 
god  the  three  towns  which  he  had  captured  in  Lebanon-,  besides 


a  rich  array  of  magnificent  vessels  of  gold,  silver  and  costly  stones 
from  the  prodigious  spoils  of  Retenu1,  In  order  to  furnish  income 
to  maintain  the  temple  on  the  sumptuous  plan  thus  projected,  he 
gave  Amon  not  only  the  said  three  towns,  but  also  extensive  lands 
in  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt,  and  supplied  them  with  plentiful 
herds  and  with  hosts  of  serfs  taken  from  among  his  Asiatic 
prisoners.  Thus  was  established  the  foundation  of  that  vast 
fortune  of  Amon,  which  now  began  to  grow  out  of  all  proportion 
to  the  increased  wealth  of  other  temples.  Nevertheless,  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  small  temple  of  Ptah  by  the  great  Karnak  sanctuary 
which  Thutmose  also  rebuilt  at  his  return  from  his  campaign,  he 
probably  showed  like  generosity  to  the  two  more  ancient  sanc- 
tuaries at  Heliopolis  and  Memphis,  of  which  the  former  was  still 
in  a  traditional  sense  the  temple  of  the  State-god,  in  that  Amon 
had  long  been  identified  with  the  Sun-god  of  Heliopolis. 

Egyptian  power  in  Asia  during  the  long  military  inactivity  of 
Hatshepsut's  reign  j&ad  been  so  thoroughly  shaken  that  Thutmose 
III  was  far  from  ready,  as  a  result  of  the  first  campaign,  to  march 
immediately  upon  Kadesh,  his  most  dangerous  enemy.  Moreover, 
he  desired  properly  to  organize  and  render  perfectly  secure  the 
states  already  under  the  power  of  Egypt.  In  the  twenty-fourth 
year,  therefore,  on  his  second  campaign^  he  marched  in  a  wide 
curve  through  the  conquered  territory  of  northern  Palestine  and 
southern  Syria,  while  the  dynasts  came  to  pay  their  tribute  and 
do  him  homage  in  *  every  place  of  his  majesty's  circuit  where  the 
tent  was  pitched/  The  news  of  his  great  victory  of  the  year  before 
had  by  this  time  reached  Assyria,  till  then  a  small  power  far  over 
on  the  tipper  Tigris.  Her  king  naturally  desired  to  be  on  good 
terms  with  the  great  empire  of  the  west,  and  the  gifts  of  costly 
stone,  chiefly  lapis  lazuli  from  Babylon,  and  the  horses  which  he 
sent  to  Thutmose,  so  that  they  reached  him  while  on  this  cam- 
paign, were,  as  usual,  interpreted  by  the  Egyptians  as  tribute.  In 
all  probability  no  battles  were  fotight  on  this  expedition. 

Thutmose's  return  to  Thebes,  which  again  fell  in  October, 
gave  him  opportunity  to  plan  for  the  enlargement  of  the  Karnak 
temple,  to  suit  the  needs  of  the  empire  of  which  he  dreamed.  As 
the  west  end,  the  real  front  of  the  temple,  was  marred  by  Hat- 
shepsut's  obelisks,  rising  from  his  father's  dismantled  hall,  and 
he  was  unable  or  unwilling  to  build  around  his  father's  obelisks, 
which  stood  before  the  western  entrance  of  the  temple,  Thutmose 
III  laid  out  his  imposing  colonnaded  halls  at  the  other,  or  east 

*  An  Egyptian  designation  of  the  general  region  of  Syria-Palestine, 
having  geographical  rather  than  political  significance. 


end,  of  the  temple,  where  they  to-day  form  one  of  the  great 
architectural  beauties  of  Thebes.  The  greatest  hall  is  nearly  one 
hundred  and  forty  feet  Iong?  and  lies  transversely  across  theraxis 
of  the  temple.  Behind  it  is  "the  sanctuary.,  or  holy  of  holies,,  while 
grouped  about  it  are  some  half  a  hundred  halls  and  chambers. 
Among  these,  on  the  south  side,  was  a  hall  for  the  mortuary 
service  of  his  ancestors.  In  the  chamber  to  which  this  hall  led  he 
*  commanded  to  record  the  names  of  his  fathers,  to  increase  their 
offerings  and  to  fashion  statues  of  all  these  thof.r  bodies/  These 
names  formed  an  extensive  list  which  was  removed  and  is  now  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris,  Though  many  of  the  statues 
of  his  fathers  have  perished,  some  have  been  discovered  in  a  court 
south  of  the  temple,  where  they  had  been  concealed  for  safety 
presumably  in  time  of  war, 

When  Thutmose  returned  from  his  third  campaign*}  chiefly  an 
organizing  expedition,  his  building  at  Karnak  was  sufficiently  far 
advanced  to  record  upon  the  wails  of  one  df  the  chambers  the 
plants  and  animals  of  Asia  which  he  had  found  on  his  march  and 
brought  home  with  him  to  beautify  the  garden  of  the  temple  of 
Amon,  the  sacred  lake  of  which  he  supplied  with  a  masonry 
coping.  No  records  of  the  fourth  campaign  have  survived,  but  the 
course  of  his  subsequent  operations  were  such  that  it  must  have 
been  confined  like  the  others  to  the  territory  already  regained, 
that  is  the  southern  half  of  the  future  Asiatic  empire, 

It  had  now  become  evident  to  Thutmosc  that  he  could  not 
march  northward  between  the  Lebanons  and  operate  against 
Kadesh,  while  leaving  his  left  flank  exposed  to  the  unsubdued 
Phoenician  cities  of  the  coast.  It  was  likewise  impossible  to  strike 
Naharin  and  Mitanm  without  first  destroying  Kadesh^  which 
dominated  the  Orontes  valley-  He  therefore  organized  a  fleet 
which  would  enable  him  to  land  an  army  on  the  north  Syrian  or 
Phoenician  coast*  He  conceived  that  he  would  then  be  able  to 
use  the  coast  as  a  base  of  operations  against  Kudcsh  and  the 
interior;  and  this  being  once  disposed  of,  he  could  again  push  in 
from  the  coast  against  Mitanni  and  the  whole  Naharin  region. 
No  modern  strategist  could  have  conceived  a  series  of  operations 
better  suited  to  the  conditions1,  nor  have  gone  about  putting  them 
into  execution  with  more  indomitable  energy  than  Thutmose  now 
displayed.  In  the  year  twenty-nine,  on  hi&Jtfi/t  campaign^  he  moved 
for  the  first  time  against  the  northern  coast  cities^  the  wealthy 

1  Indeed^  could  the  same  strategy  have  been  followed  in  the  Great  War 
it  may  be  confidently  assumed  that  the  Allied  campaign  against  the  Turks 
would  have  been  completed  in  the  first  year  of  the  war. 


commercial  kingdoms  of  Phoenicia.  The  name  of  the  first  city 
which  Thutmose  took  is  unfortunately  lost,  but  it  was  on  the 
coask  opposite  Tunip,  and  must  have  been  a  place  of  considerable 
importance,  for  it  brought  him  rich  spoils;  and  there  was  in  the 
town  a  temple  of  Amon,  erected  by  one  of  Thutmose  Ill's  pre- 
decessors (either  Thutmose  I  or  possibly  Amenhotep  I).  Tunip 
sent  forces  from  the  interior  to  strengthen  the  garrison  of  this 
unknown  city,  the  fall  of  which  would  involve  the  ultimate 
capture  of  Tunip»also.  Thutmose  now  seized  the  fleet  of  the  city, 
and  was  able  rapidly  to  move  his  army  southward  against  the 
powerful  city  of  Arvad.  A  short  siege,  compelling  the  Pharaoh 
to  cut  down  the  groves  about  the  town,  as  at  Megiddo,  sufficed 
to  bring  the  place  to  terms,  and  with  its  surrender  a  vast  quantity 
of  the  wealth  of  Phoenicia  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Egyptians. 
Besides  this,  it  being  now  autumn,  the  gardens  and  groves  'were 
filled  with  their  fruit,  their  wines  were  found  left  in  their  presses 
as  water  flows,  their  grain  on  the  (hillside)  terraces...;  it  was 
more  plentiful  than  the  sand  of  the  shore.  The  army  were  over- 
whelmed with  their  portions/  Under  these  circumstances  it  was 
useless  for  Thutmose  to  attempt  to  maintain  discipline,  and 
during  the  first  days  following  the  surrender,  *  behold  the  army 
of  his  majesty  was  drunk  and  anointed  with  oil  every  day  as  at  a 
feast  in  Egypt/  The  dynasts  along  the  coast  now  came  in  with 
their  tribute  and  offered  submission.  Thutmose  had  thus  gained 
a  secure  footing  on  the  northern  coast,  easily  accessible  by  water 
from  Egypt,  and  forming  an  admirable  base  for  operations  inland 
as  he  had  foreseen.  He  then  returned  to  Egypt,  possibly  not  for 
the  first  time,  by  water. 

It  had  taken  five  expeditions  to  gain  the  south  and  the  coast; 
the  sixth  campaign  was  at  last  directed  against  Kadesh,  his  long 
invulnerable  enemy.  In  the  year  thirty  the  close  of  the  spring 
rains  found  Thutmose  disembarking  his  army  from  the  fleet  at 
Simyra,  by  the  mouth  of  the  Eleutherus,  up  the  valley  of  which 
he  immediately  marched  upon  Kadesh.  The  city  lay  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Orontes  river  at  the  north  end  of  the  high  valley 
between  the  two  Lebanons.  A  small  tributary  of  the  Orontes 
joined  the  larger  stream  from  the  west  just  below  the  city,  so 
that  it  lay  on  a  point  of  land  between  the  two,  A  canal  was  cut 
across  the  tongue  of  land  above  the  town,  thus  connecting  the 
two  streams  and  entirely  surrounding  the  place  by  water.  Within 
the  banks  of  the  rivers  an  inner  moat  encircling  the  high  curtain- 
walls  re-enforced  the  natural  water-defences,  so  that,  in  spite  of 
its  location  in  a  perfectly  level  plain,  it  was  a  place  of  great 


strength,  and  probably  the  most  formidable  fortress  in  Syria.  In 
its  relation  to  the  surrounding  country  also  the  place  was  skilfully 
chosen;  for,  besides  commanding  the  Orontes  valley^  it*  also 
dominated  the  only  road  inland  from  the  coast  for  a  long  distance 
both  north  and  south.  This  was  the  road  up  the  JEleutherus  valley, 
along  which  we  have  followed  Thutmose.  The  capture  of  such  a 
place  by  siege  was  an  achievement  of  no  slight  difficulty,  and 
indeed  the  siege  continued  long  enough  to  encourage  the  coast 
cities  in  the  hope  that  Thutmose  had  suffered  if  reverse.  In  spite 
of  the  chastisement  inflicted  upon  Arvad  the  year  before,  the 
opulent  harbour  town  could  not  resist  an  attempt  to  rid  tsclf  of 
the  annual  obligation  to  the  Pharaoh,  As  soon  us  Kadesh  felly 
however,  Thutmose  quickly  returned  to  Simyra,  embarked  his 
army  on  his  waiting  fleet  and  sailed  to  Arvad  to  inflict  swift 

This  revolt  showed  Thutmose  that  he  must  devote  another 
campaign  to  the  thorough  subjugation  of  the  coast  before  he 
could  safely  push  inland  beyond  the  valley  of  the  Orontes  on  the 
long  planned  advance  into  Naharin,  I  !e  therefore  spent  the 
summer  of  the  year  thirty-one,  the  seventh  campiiigti,  in  completely 
quenching  any  smouldering  embers  of  revolt  in  the  coast  cities, 
He  skirted  the  coast  with  his  fleet.,  entering  harbour  after  harbour, 
displaying  his  force  and  thoroughly  organising  the  administration 
of  the  cities.  In  particular  he  saw  to  it  that  every  harbour-town 
should  be  liberally  supplied  with  provisions  for  his  coming  cam- 
paign in  Naharin.  On  his  return  to  Jb/gypt  he  found  envoys  from 
the  extreme  south,  probably  eastern  Nubia,  bringing  to  the 
Pharaoh  their  tribute,  which  shows  that  he  was  maintaining  an 
aggressive  policy  in  the  far  south  while  at  the  same  time  so  active 
in  the  north, 

It  was  not  until  the  spring  of  the  year  thirty-three  that  Thut- 
mose was  able  to  land  his  forces  in  the  harbour  of  Simyra,  on  his 
eighth  campaign*  For  the  second  time  he  marched  inland  along  the 
Kadesh  road,  this  time  with  the  Euphrates  country  as  his  objective* 
Continuing  the  march  northward  down  the  Orontes^  he  fought  a 
battle  at  the  city  of  Scnzar,  where  he  probably  crossed  and  forsook 
the  Orontes,  Tie  now  entered  Naharin  and,  marching  rapidly  on* 
found  no  serious  force  confronting  him  until  he  had,  arrived 
at  the  "Height  of  Wan*,  on  the  west  of  Aleppo/  where  a  con- 
siderable battle  was  fought*  Aleppo  itself  must  have  fallen,  for 
the  Pharaoh  cowld  otherwise  hardly  have  pushed  on  without 
delay,  ^a$  he  evidently  did.  *  Behold  his  majesty  went  north, 
capturing  the  towns  and  laying  waste  the  settlements  of  that  foe 


of  wretched  Naharin/  who  was,  of  course,  the  king  of  Mitanni. 
Egyptian  troops  were  again  plundering  the  Euphrates  valley,  a 
license  which  they  had  not  enjoyed  since  the  days  of  their  fathers 
under  Thutmose  I,  some  fifty  years  before.  A  victorious  battle  at 
Carchemish  at  last  enabled  Thutmose  to  do  what  he  had  been 
fighting  ten  years  to  attain,  for  he  now  crossed  the  Euphrates 
into  Mitanni  and  set  up  his  boundary  tablet  on  the  east  side. 
Without  wintering  in  Naharin  however,  it  was  impossible  for 
Thutmose  to  ad\%nce  farther,  and  he  was  too  wise  a  soldier  to 
risk  exposing  to  the  inclement  northern  winter  the  seasoned 
veterans  of  so  many  campaigns.  He  therefore  returned  unmolested 
to  the  west  shore,  where  it  would  seem  he  found  the  tablet  of  his 
father,  Thutmose  I,  and  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  he  set  up 
another  of  his  own  alongside  it.  His  troops  had  already  harvested 
the  fields  of  the  Euphrates  valley,  and  it  was  now  late  in  the 
season.  Before  he  returned,  however,  one  serious  enterprise  still 
awaited  him.  The  city  of  Niy,  somewhere  in  the  region  between 
Aleppo  and  the  Euphrates,  was  still  unconquered  and  all  his 
work  in  Naharin  might  be  undone  were  this  place  left  unscathed. 
In  so  far  as  we  know,  the  capture  of  Niy  was  an  enterprise  quickly 
achieved.  Thutmose  was  then  at  liberty  to  relax  and  we  learn  that 
he  organized  a  great  elephant  hunt  in  the  region  of  Niy,  where 
these  animals  have  now  been  extinct  for  ages.  He  and  his  party 
attacked  the  north  Syrian  herd  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
animals.  In  the  course  of  the  hunt  the  king,  having  come  to  close 
quarters  with  one  great  beast,  was  in  some  danger  when  his 
general,  Amenemhab,  rushed  between  and  cut  off  the  animaPs 
trunk,  thus  diverting  the  infuriated  animal  at  the  critical  moment. 
All  western  Asia  was  now  apprehensively  watching  the  ex- 
pansion of  the  Pharaoh's  power.  The  local  princes  and  dynasts  of 
Naharin  appeared  at  his  camp  and  brought  in  their  tribute  as  a 
token  of  their  submission.  Even  far  off  Babylon  was  now  anxious 
to  secure  the  goodwill  of  the  Pharaoh,  and  its  king  sent  him  gifts 
wrought  of  lapis  lazuli.  But  what  was  still  more  important,  the 
mighty  people  of  the  Kheta,  whose  domain  stretched  far  away 
into  the  unknown  regions  of  Asia  Minor,  sent  him  a  rich  gift.' 
As  he  was  on  the  march  from  Naharin  to  reach  the  coast  again 
the  envoys  from  the  king  of  'Great  Kheta*  met  huh*  They  bore 
eight  massive  commercial  rings  of  silver,  weighing  nearly  ninety- 
eight  pounds,  besides  some  unknown  precious  stone  and  costly 
wood.  In  "Great  Kheta'  we  must  recognize  the  'Hittite*  empire, 
thus  emerging  for  the  first  time,  as  Far  as  we  know,  upon  the 
stage  of  oriental  history  (see  chap.  xi).  On  Thutmose's  arrival  at 


the  coast,  he  laid  upon  the  chiefs  of  the  Lebanon  the  yearly 
obligation  to  keep  the  Phoenician  harbours  supplied  with  the 
necessary  provision  for  his  campaigns.  From  any  point  m  this 
line  of  harbours,  which  he  could  reach  by  ship  from  Egypt  in  a 
lew  days,  he  was  then  able  to  strike  inland  without  delay  and  bring 
delinquents  to  an  immediate  accounting.  His  sea-power,  the  first 
that  we  can  discern  in  history,  was  such  that  the  king  of  Alashiya 
(?  Cyprus)  became  practically  a  vassal  of  Kgypt,  as  later  in  Saitic 
times.  Moreover,  the  Pharaoh's  fleet  made  him  so  feared  in  the 
islands  of  the  north  that  he  was  able  to  exert  a  loose  control  over 
the  eastern  Mediterranean,  as  far  as  the  islands  of  the  Aegean, 
Thus,  Ms  general,  Thutiy,  includes  'the  isles  in  the  midst  of  the 
sea/  that  is?  the  Aegean  Islands,  as  within  his  jurisdiction  as 
4 governor  of  the  north  countries,*  Kgypt' s  maritime  supremacy 
in  the  fifteenth  century  K.C.  was  thus  an  obvious  anticipation  of 

the  sea-power  of  the  Ptolemies  in  the  Greek  Age. 



This  expansion  of  Egyptian  power  in  the  north  and  north-west 
was  balanced  by  similar  aggressiveness  in  the  south  and  south- 
west. From  Punt  Thutmose's  expeditions,  seemingly  of  more 
than  merely  mercantile  power,  brought  back  the  usual  rich  and 
varied  cargoes  of  ivory,  ebony,  panther-skins,  gold,  and  over  two 
hundred  and  twenty-three  bushels  of  myrrh,  besides  male  and 
female  slaves  and  many  cattle.  At  sonic  time  during  these  wars 
Thutmose  also  gained  possession  of  the  entire  oasis-region  on  the 
west  of  Egypt*  The  oases  thus  became  Pharaonic  territory  and 
were  placed  under  the  government  of  Intef,  Thutmose's  herald, 
who  was  a  descendant  of  the  old  line  of  lords  of  Thinis-Abydos, 
whence  the  Great  Oasis  was  most  easily  reached,  The  oasis-region 
remained  an  appanage  of  the  lords  of  Thinis  and  became  famous 
for  its  fine  wines. 

The  kings  of  western  Asia,  whom  Thutmosc's  fathers  had  been 
able  to  defeat  singly  and  in  succession,  he  had  been  obliged  to 
meet  united;  and  against  the  combined  military  resources  of 
Syria  and  northern  Palestine  under  their  old-time  liyksos  suzerain 
of  Kadesh,  he  had  forced  his  way  through  to  the  north.  He  might 
pardonably  permit  himself  some  satisfaction  in  the  contemplation 
of  what  he  had  accomplished  in  ten  years  of  campaigning  in  Asia. 
Nearly  thirty-three  years  had  elapsed  since  the  day  when  Amon 
called  him  to  the  throne.  Already  on  his  thirtieth  anniversary  his 
architect,  Puemre,  had  erected  the  jubilee  obelisks  at  Thebes; 


but  on  his  return  from  the  great  campaign  the  date  for  the 
customary  second  jubilee-celebration  was  approaching.  A  pair  of 
enormous  obelisks,  which  had  been  in  preparation  for  the  event, 
were  erected  at  the  Karnak  temple  and  one  of  them  bore  the  proud 
words,  'Thutmose,  who  crossed  the  great  "Bend  of  Naharin" 
[the  Euphrates]  with  might  and  with  victory  at  the  head  of  his 
army/  The  other  obelisk  of  this  pair  has  perished,  but  this  one 
now  stands  in  Constantinople.  Indeed,  of  the  great  king's 
obelisks  in  Egypt,  all  have  either  perished  or  been  removed,  so 
that  not  a  single  one  still  stands  in  the  land  he  ruled  so  mightily, 
while  the  modern  world  possesses  a  line  of  them  reaching  from 
Constantinople,  through  Rome  and  London  to  New  York.  The 
last  two,  which  commemorate  his  fourth  jubilee-celebration, 
now  rise  on  opposite  shores  of  the  Atlantic,  on  the  Thames 
Embankment  and  in  Central  Park,  as  they  once  stood  on  either 
side  of  the  approach  to  the  Sun-temple  at  Heliopolis. 

These  stately  shafts  were  not  the  only  memorials  of  Thut- 
mose's  achievements.  On  the  walls  of  the  magnificent  Karnak 
temple  were  recorded  long  annals  of  his  victories  in  Asia,  ex- 
tensive lists  of  the  plunder  he  had  taken,  with  splendid  reliefs 
picturing  the  rich  portion  which  fell  to  Amon*  A  list  of  one 
hundred  and  nineteen  towns  which  he  captured  on  his  first 
campaigns  was  three  times  displayed  upon  the  pylons,  while 
from  his  recent  successes  in  the  north  the  same  walls  bore  a  record 
of  no  less  than  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  towns  which  had 
submitted  to  him.  Unfortunately  these  records  are  but  excerpts 
from  the  state-records,  made  by  priests  who  wished  to  explain  the 
source  of  the  gifts  received  by  the  temple,  and  to  show  how 
Thutmose  was  repaying  his  debt  to  Amon  for  the  many  victories 
which  the  favouring  god  had  vouchsafed  him.  Hence  they  are 
but  meagre  sources  from  which  to  reconstruct  the  campaigns  of 
the  first  great  strategist  of  whom  we  know  anything  in  history. 

But  the  Thebans  were  not  restricted  to  the  monuments  of 
Karnak  for  evidence  of  the  greatness  of  their  king*  In  the  gardens 
of  Amon's  temple,  as  we  have  seen,  grew  the  strange  plants  of 
Syria,  while  Asiatic  animals  unknown  to  the  hunter  of  the  Nile 
Valley  wandered  among  trees  equally  unfamiliar.  Envoys  from 
the  north  and  south  were  constantly  appearing  at  the  court. 
Levantine  galleys,  such  as  the  upper  Nile  had  never  seen  before, 
delighted  the  eyes  of  the  curious  crowd  at  the  docks  of  Thebes; 
and  from  these  landed  sumptuous  cargoes  of  the  finest  stuffs  of 
Phoenicia,  gold  and  silver  vessels  of  magnificent  workmanship 
from  the  cunning  hand  of  the  Tyrian  artificer  or  the  workshops 


of  distant  Asia  Minor,  Cyprus,  Crete  and  the  Aegean  Islands; 
exquisite  furniture  of  carved  ivory.,  delicately  wrought  ebony, 
chariots  mounted  with  gold  and  eleetrum,  and  bronze  implements 
of  war;  besides  these,  fine  horses  for  the  Pharaoh's  stables  and 
untold  quantities  of  the  best  that  the  fields,  gardens,  vineyards, 
orchards  and  pastures  of  Asia  produced.  Under  heavy  guard 
emerged  from  these  ships,  too,  the  annual  tribute  of  gold  and 
silver"in  large  commercial  rings,  some  of  which  weighed  as  much 
as  twelve  pounds  each,  while  others  for  purposes  of  daily  trade 
were  of  but  a  few  grains  weight.  Winding  through  the  streets 
crowded  with  the  wondering  Theban  multitude,  the  strange- 
tongued  Asiatics  in  long  procession  bore  their  tribute  to  the 
Pharaoh's  treasury.  They  were  received  by  the  vizier,,  Rekhmire, 
and  when  unusually  rich  tribute  was  presented,  he  conducted 
them  to  Thutmose's  presence,  where,  enthroned  in  splendour, 
the  Pharaoh  reviewed  them  and  praised  the  vizier  and  his  officials 
for  their  zeal  in  his  behalf.  It  was  such  scenes  as  this  that  the 
vizier  and  the  treasury  officials  loved  to  perpetuate  in  gorgeous 
paintings  on  the  walls  of  their  tombs,  where  they  are  still  pre- 
served at  Thebes.  The  amount  of  wealth  which  thus  came  into 
Egypt  from  Asia  and  Nubia  must  have  been  enormous  for  those 
times,  and  on  one  occasion  the  treasury  was  able  to  weigh  out 
some  eight  thousand  nine  hundred  and  forty-three  pounds  of 
gold-silver  alloy* 

Similar  sights  diverted  the  multitudes  of  the  once  provincial 
Thebes  when  every  year,  toward  the  close  of  September  or  the 
opening  days  of  October,  Thutmose's  war-galleys  moored  in  the 
harbour  of  the  town.  But  at  this  time  not  merely  the  wealth  of 
Asia  was  unloaded  from  the  ships,  the  Asiatics  themselves.,  bound 
one  to  another  in  long  lines,  were  led  down  the  gang-planks  to 
begin  a  life  of  slave-labour  for  the  Pharaoh*  They  wore  long 
matted  beards,  an  abomination  to  the  Egyptians;  their  hair  hung 
in  heavy  black  masses  upon  their  shoulders,  and  they  were  clad 
in  gaily-coloured  woollen  stuffs,  such  as  the  Egyptian,  spotless 
in  his  white  linen  robe,  would  never  put  on  his  body.  Their  arms 
were  pinioned  behind  them  at  the  elbows  or  crossed  over  their 
heads  and  lashed  together,  or,  again,  were  thrust  through  odd 
pointed  ovals  of  wood,  which  served  as  hand-cufts.  The  women 
carried  their  children  slung  in  a  fold  of  the  mantle  over  their 
shoulders.  With  their  strange  speech  and  uncouth  postures  the 
poor  wretches  were  the  subject  of  jibe  and  merriment  on  the  part 
of  the  multitude,  while  the  artists  of  the  time  could  never  forbear 
caricaturing  them.  Many  of  them  found  their  way  into  the  houses 


of  the  Pharaoh's  favourites,  and  his  generals  were  liberally  re- 
warded with  gifts  of  such  slaves;  but  the  larger  number  were 
emplgyed  on  the  temple  estates,  the  Pharaoh's  domains,  or  in  the 
construction  of  his  great  monuments  and  buildings,  especially  the 
last,  a  custom  which  continued  until  Saladin  built  the  cathedral 
at  Cairo  with  the  labour  of  the  Christian  knights  whom  he 
captured  from  the  ranks  of  the  Crusaders.  We  shall  see  later  how 
this  captive  labour  transformed  Thebes. 

With  the  next  campaign  but  six  months  distant,  the  return  of 
the  king  every  autumn,  under  such  circumstances,  began  for  him 
a  winter  in  Egypt,  if  not  so  arduous,  at  least  as  busily  occupied 
as  the  campaigning  season  in  Asia.  Shortly  after  his  return  in 
October,  Thutmose  made  a  tour  of  inspection  throughout  Egypt, 
"closely  questioning  the  local  authorities  wherever  he  landed,  for 
the  purpose  of  suppressing  corruption  in  the  local  administration 
during  the  collection  of  taxes.  On  these  journeys,  too,  he  had 
opportunity  of  observing  the  progress  of  the  noble  temple 
buildings  which  he  was  either  erecting,  restoring  or  adorning  at 
over  thirty  different  places  of  which  we  know,  and  many  more 
which  have  perished.  He  revived  the  Delta,  neglected  since 
Hyksos  times,  and  from  there  to  the  third  cataract  his  buildings 
were  rising,  strung  like  gems  along  the  river.  Returning  to  Thebes 
his  interests  were  wide  and  his  power  was  felt  in  every  avenue 
of  administration.  The  increasing  wealth  of  the  Amon  temple 
demanded  reorganization  of  its  management,  which  the  king 
accomplished  personally,  giving  the  priests  careful  regulations 
for  the  conduct  of  the  state  temple  and  its  growing  fortune.  As 
the  fruit  of  a  moment's  respite  from  the  cares  of  state,  he  even 
handed  to  his  chief  of  artificers  in  the  royal  workshops  designs 
sketched  by  his  own  royal  hand  for  vessels  which  he  desired  for 
the  temple  service.  Thutmose  himself  thought  sufficiently  well 
of  this  accomplishment  to  have  it  noted  over  a  relief  depicting 
these  vessels  on  the  temple  walls  at  Karnak;  while  in  the  opinion 
of  the  official  who  received  the  commission  it  was  a  fact  so 
remarkable  that  he  had  the  execution  of  these  vessels  by  his 
artificers  shown  in  the  paintings  on  the  walls  of  his  tomb-chapeL 
Both  these  evidences  of  Thutmose's  restless  versatility  still 
survive  at  Thebes.  The  great  state-temple  received  another  pylon 
on  the  south,  and  the  whole  mass  of  Karnak  buildings,  with  the 
adjoining  grove  and  garden,  was  given  unity  by  an  enclosure 
wall,  with  which  Thutmose  surrounded  them. 

The  spring  of  the  thirty-fourth  year  found  Thutmose  again  in 
Zahi   on  his  ninth  campaign^  for  the  advancement  of  Egypt's 

C.A,H.  II  6 


Asiatic  frontier  to  the  Euphrates  was,  in  the  light  of  past  experi- 
ence, not  an  achievement  from  which  he  might  expect  lasting 
results.  Some  disaffection,  probably  in  the  Lebanon  region, 
obliged  him  to  take  three  towns  in  which  considerable  spoil  was 
captured.  This  year  evidently  saw  the  extension  of  his  power  in 
the  south  also;  for  he  secured  the  son  of  the  chief  of  Irem,  the 
neighbour  of  Punt,  as  a  hostage.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was 
now  nearly  two  years  since  he  had  seen  Naharin  and  in  so  short 
a  time  its  princes  had  ceased  to  fear  his  power.  They  formed  a 
powerful  and  far-reaching  coalition,  with  a  prince  at  its  head, 
whom  Thutmose's  Annals  call  'that  wretched  foe  of  Naharin,* 
probably  meaning  the  king  of  Mitanni.  Thutmose's  continual 
state  of  preparation  enabled  him  to  appear  promptly  on  the  plains 
of  Naharin  in  the  spring  of  the  year  thirty-five  on  his  tenth 
campaign*  He  engaged  the  allies  in  battle  at  a  place  called  Araina, 
which  we  are  unable  to  locate  with  certainty,  but  it  was  probably 
somewhere  in  the  Lower  Orontes  valley*  *U*hen  his  majesty  pre- 
vailed against  these  barbarians.. .they  fled  headlong",  falling  one 
over  another  before  his  majesty/  The  alliance  of  the  Naharin 
dynasts  was  completely  shattered  and  its  resources  for  future 
resistance  destroyed  or  carried  off  by  the  victorious  Kgyptians. 
Far  as  were  these  Syrian  princes  from  Kgypt,  they  had  learned 
the  length  and  the  might  of  the  Pharaoh's  arm,  and  it  was  seven 
years  before  they  again  revolted. 

We  know  nothing'  of  the  objective  of  T3vutmose*s  eleventh  and 
twelfth  campaigns;  but  the  year  thirty-eight  found  him  again  in 
the  southern  Lebanon  region  on  his  thirteenth  campaign  while  the 
turbulent  Bedouins  of  southern  Palestine  forced  him  to  march 
through  their  country  the  very  next  year.  He  then  spent  the  rest 
of  thi^  fourteenth  campaign  in  Syria,  where  it  became  merely  a  tour 
of  inspection;  but  in  both  years  he  kept  the  harbours  supplied 
as  before,  ready  for  every  emergency.  The  tribute  seems  to  have 
conie  in  regularly  for  the  next  two  years  (forty  and  forty-one), 
and  again  the  king  of  *Kheta  the  great"  sent  gifts,  which  Thut- 
mose  as  before  records  among  the  *  tribute.* 

Egyptian  supremacy  in  Asia,  however,  was  not  to  be  accepted 
by  the  princes  of  Syria  without  one  more  despairing  effort  to 
achieve  independence.  Incited  by  Kadesh,  Thutmose's  inveterate 
enemy,  they  again  rose  in  a  final  united  effort  to  shake  off  the 
Pharaoh's  strong  hand.  All  Naharin,  especially  the  king  of  Tunip, 
and  also  some  of  the  northern  coast  cities,  had  been  induced  to 
join  the  alliance.  The  great  king  was  now  an  old  man,,  probably 
over  seventy  years  of  age,  but  with  his  accustomed  promptitude 


he  appeared  with  his  fleet  off  the  coast  of  northern  Syria  in  the 
spring  of  the  year  forty-two.  It  was  his  last  campaign*.  Like  his 
first  it  was  directed  against  his  arch-enemy,  Kadesh.  Instead  of 
approaching  the  place  from  the  south,  as  before,  Thutmose 
determined  to  isolate  her  from  her  northern  support  and  to 
capture  Tunip  first.  He  therefore  landed  at  some  point  between 
the  mouth  of  the  Orontes  and  the  Eleutherus,  whence  he 
marched  against  Tunip.  He  was  detained  at  Tunip  until  the 
harvest  season,  but  he  captured  the  place  after  a  short  resistance. 
He  then  accomplished  the  march  up  the  Orontes  to  Kadesh 
without  mishap  and  wasted  the  towns  of  the  region.  The  king  of 
Kadesh  engaged  the  Egyptians  in  battle  before  the  city,  and  in 
the  effort  to  make  headway  against  Thutmose's  seasoned  troops  the 
Syrian  king  resorted  to  a  stratagem.  He  sent  forth  a  mare  against 
the  Egyptian  chariotry,  hoping  thus  to  excite  the  stallions  and 
produce  confusion,  or  even  a  break  in  the  Egyptian  battle-line, 
of  which  he  might*  take  advantage.  But  Thutmose's  veteran 
general,  Amenemhab,  leaped  from  his  chariot,  sword  in  hand, 
pursued  the  mare  on  foot,  ripped  her  up  and  cut  off  her  tail, 
which  he  carried  in  triumph  to  the  king.  After  a  short  investment, 
the  powerful  city  was  taken  by  assault.  The  Naharin  auxiliaries 
who  were  aiding  in  the  defence  fell  into  Thutmose's  hands,  and 
it  was  not  even  necessary  for  him  to  inarch  into  the  north.  With 
the  fall  of  Kadesh  disappeared  the  last  vestige  of  the  Hyksos 
power  which  had  once  subdued  Egypt,  a  catastrophe  of  such 
impressiveness  that  it  was  long  remembered.  Even  the  tradition 
of  late  Greek  days  made  Thutmose  III  the  conqueror  of  the 
Hyksos2.  Indeed  Thutmose's  name  became  proverbial  in  Asia, 
and  when,  four  generations  later,  his  successors  failed  to  shield 
their  faithful  vassals  in  Naharin  from  the  aggressions  of  the 
Kheta,  the  forsaken  unfortunates  remembered  Thutmose's  great 
name,  and  wrote  pathetically  to  Egypt:  'Who  formerly  could 
have  plundered  Tunip  without  being  plundered  by  Manakhbiria 
(Thutmose  III)?'  But  even  now,  at  three  score  and  ten  or  more, 
the  indomitable  old  warrior  had  the  harbours  equipped  with  the 

1  According  to  Sethe's  new  collation  of  Thutmose  I  IPs  Annals,  there  is 
some  doubt  about  his  having  made  a  campaign  in  the  year  forty,  and  there 
was  probably  no  campaign  of  the  year  forty-one*  The  last  campaign  may 
therefore  have  been  the  sixteenth  or  even  the  fifteenth,  (See  Sethe,  Urkunden, 
iv,  726-729.) 

2  There  can  be  no  serious  doubt  that  ^A^icr^pasyfjbovOaxris  of  Josephus 
(Contra  jipion.  r,  14),  which  is  a  corruption  of  M/;o-^>pa7/6oi5^ct)cr^<?(Africanus, 
Syncellus;  70,  130),  is  to  be  identified  with  the  two  cartouche-names  of 
Thutmose  III. 



necessary  supplies,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  If  it  had  been 
necessary  he  would  have  led  his  army  into  Syria  again.  Once 
more  he  received  the  envoys  of  the  tribute-paying  princes  m  his 
tent,  and  then  for  the  last  time  he  returned  to  Egypt, 

In  concluding  his  wars  in  Asia  Thutmose  was  relinquishing 
what  had  become  a  seemingly  permanent  organization,  for  his 
campaigning  was  now  as  thoroughly  organized  as  the  administra- 
tion at  Thebes.  As  soon  as  the  spring  rains  in  Syria  and  Palestine 
had  ceased,  he  had  regularly  disembarked  his  troops  in  some 
Phoenician  or  north  Syrian  harbour.  Here  his  permanent  officials 
had  effected  the  collection  of  the  necessary  stores  from  the  neigh- 
bouring dynasts,  who  were  compelled  to  furnish  them.  His  palace- 
herald,  or  marshal,  Intef,  who  was  of  the  old  princely  line  of 
Thinis,  and  still  held  his  title  as  "count  of  Thinis  and  lord  of  the 
entire  oasis-region/  had  accompanied  him  on  all  his  marches; 
and  as  Thutmose  advanced  inland  Intef  preceded  him  until  the 
proximity  of  the  enemy  prevented.  Whenever  he  reached  a  town 
in  which  the  king  was  expected  to  spend  the  night,  he  sought  out 
the  palace  of  the  local  dynast  and  prepared  it  for  Thutmose's 
reception.  One  is  reminded  of  the  regular  and  detailed  prepara- 
tion of  Napoleon's  tent,  which  he  always  found  awaiting  him 
after  his  day's  march,  as  he  rode  into  the  quarters  each  night* 
Had  it  been  preserved,  the  life  of  these  warriors  of  Thutmose 
would  form  a  stirring  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  Ancient  East, 
The  career  of  his  general,  Amcnemhab,  who  cut  oft"  the  elephant's 
trunk  and  rescued  the  king,  is  but  a  hint  of  the  life  of  the  Pharaoh's 
followers  in  bivouac  and  on  battlefield,  crowded  to  the  full  with 
perilous  adventure  and  hard-won  distinction*  The  fame  of  these 
tried  veterans  of  Thutmose,  of  course,  found  its  way  among  the 
common  people  and  many  a  stirring  adventure  from  the  Syrian 
campaigns  took  form  in  folk-tales,  told  with  eager  interest  in  the 
market-places  and  the  streets  of  Thebes*  A  lucky  chance  has 
rescued  one  of  these  tales  on  a  page  or  two  of  papyrus.  It  concerns 
one  Thutiy,  a  great  general  of  Thutmose,  and  his  clever  capture 
of  the  city  of  Joppa  by  introducing  his  picked  soldiers  into  the 
town,  concealed  in  panniers,  borne  by  a  train  of  donkeys,  an 
incident  long  afterward  reappearing  in  *Ali  Baba  and  the  Forty 
Thieves/  But  Thutiy  was  not  a  creation  of  fancy;  his  tomb* 
though  now  unknown,  must  still  exist  somewhere  in  Thebes.,  for 
it  was  plundered  many  years  ago  by  the  natives,  who  took  from 
it  some  of  the  rich  gifts  which  Thutmose  gave  him  as  a  reward 
for  his  valour.  A  splendid  golden  dish,  which  found  its  way  into 
the  Louvre,  bears  the  words;  'Given  as  a  distinction  from  king 


Thutmose  to  the  prince  and  priest  who  satisfies  the  king  in  every 
country,  and  the  isles  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,  filling  the  treasury 
with4apis  lazuli,  silver  and  gold,  the  governor  of  countries,  com- 
mander of  the  army,  favourite  of  the  king,  the  king's  scribe, 

Had  the  great  king's  Annals  survived  intact  we  could  have 
followed  step  by  step  the  entire  course  of  his  campaigns;  for  a 
record  of  every  day's  happenings  was  carefully  kept  by  one 
Thaneni,  a  scribb  appointed  for  the  purpose  by  Thutmose. 
Thaneni  tells  us  of  his  duties  with  great  pride,  saying :  *  I  followed 
king  Thutmose;  I  beheld  the  victories  of  the  king  which  he  won 
in  every  country....!  recorded  the  victories  which  he  won  in 
every  land,  putting  them  into  writing  according  to  the  facts,' 
These  records  of  Thaneni  were  seemingly  rolls  of  leather,  but 
they  have  perished  and  we  have  upon  the  walls  at  Karnak  only 
the  capricious  extracts  of  a  temple  scribe,  more  anxious  to  set 
forth  the  spoil  and  \mon's  share  therein  than  to  perpetuate  the 
story  of  his  king's  great  deeds.  How  much  he  has  passed  over, 
the  biography  of  Amenemhab  shows  only  too  well;  and  thus  all 
that  we  have  of  the  wars  of  Egypt's  greatest  commander  has 
filtered  through  the  shrivelled  soul  of  an  ancient  bureaucrat,  who 
little  dreamed  how  hungrily  future  ages  would  ponder  his  meagre 

Having  at  last  established  the  sovereignty  of  Egypt  in  Asia  on 
a  permanent  basis,  Thutmose  could  now  turn  his  attention  to 
Nubia.  It  is  evident  that  Menkheperreseneb,  the  head  of  his  gold 
and  silver  treasury,  was  now  receiving  thence  six  to  eight  hundred 
pounds  of  gold  every  year.  The  king  also  organized  the  neigh- 
bouring gold  country  on  the  Coptos  road  and  put  it  under  a 
*  governor  of  the  gold  country  of  Coptos/  His  viceroy,  Nehi,  had 
now  been  administering  Kush  for  twenty  years  and  had  placed  the 
productivity  of  the  country  on  a  high  plane;  but  it  was  the  desire 
of  the  great  king  to  extend  still  farther  his  dominions  in  the 
south.  In  his  last  years  his  buildings  show  that  he  was  extremely 
active  throughout  the  province;  as  far  as  the  third  cataract  we 
trace  his  temples  at  Kalabsheh,  Amada,  Wadi  Haifa,  Kummeh 
and  Semneh,  where  he  restored  the  temple  of  his  great  ancestor 
Sesostris  III,  and  at  Soleb.  We  learn,  through  the  clearance  of  the 
canal  at  the  first  cataract  in  the  fiftieth  year,  that  an  expedition  of 
his  was  then  returning  from  a  campaign  against  the  Nubians, 
There  must  have  been  earlier  expeditions  also  in  the  same  region, 
for  Thutmose  was  able  to  record  in  duplicate  "upon  the  pylons  of 
his  Karnak  temple  a  list  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen  places  which 


he  had  conquered  m  Nubia  and  another  containing  some  four 
hundred  such  names.  The  geography  of  Nubia  Is  too  little  known 
to  enable  us  to  locate  the  territory  represented,  and  it  is  uncertain 
exactly  how  far  up  the  Nile  his  new  frontier  may  have  been,  but 
it  was  doubtless  in  the  region  of  the  fourth  cataract,  where  we 
find  it  under  his  son. 

As  he  felt  his  strength  failing,  the  great  king  made  co-regent 
his  son,  Amenhotep  II,  born  to  him  by  Hatshcpsut-Meretre,  a 
queen  of  whose  origin  we  know  nothing,  It*  was  twelve  years 
since  he  had  returned  from  his  last  campaign  in  Asia.  When  the 
co-regency  had  lasted  for  about  a  year,  in  the  spring  of  the  year 
1447  B.C.1,  when  he  was  within  five  weeks  of  the  end  of  his 
fifty-fourth  year  upon  the  throne,  the  greatest  of  the  Egyptian 
conquerors  passed  away.  He  was  buried  in  his  tomb  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Kings  by  his  son,  and  his  body  still  survives, 

The  character  of  Thutmose  II!  stands  jforth  with  more  of 
colour  and  individuality  than  that  of  any  king  of  early  Egypt, 
except  Ikhnaton,  We  see  the  man  of  a  tireless  energy  unknown 
in  any  Pharaoh  before  or  since;  the  man  of  versatility,  designing 
exquisite  vases  in  a  moment  of  leisure;  the  lynx-eyed  administrator, 
who  launched  his  armies  upon  Asia  with  one  hand  and  with  the 
other  crushed  the  extortionate  tax-gatherer.  His  vizier,  Rekhmire, 
who  stood  closest  to  his  person,  says  of  him:  *Lo,  his  majesty 
was  one  who  knew  what  happened;  there  was  nothing  of  which 
he  was  ignorant;  he  was  Thoth  (the  god  of  knowledge)  in  every- 
thing; there  was  no  matter  which  he  did  not  carry  out/  While  he 
was  proud  to  leave  a  record  of  his  unparalleled  achievements, 
Thutmose  protests  more  than  once  his  deep  respect  for  the  truth 
in  so  doing.  *I  have  not  tittered  exaggeration/  says  he,  *in  order 
to  boast  of  that  which  I  did,  saying,  "I  have  done  something/* 
although  my  majesty  had  not  done  it*  I  have  not  done  anything 
...against  which  contradiction  might  be  uttered,  I  have  done 
this  for  my  father,  Amon.,. because  he  knoweth  heaven  and  he 
knoweth  earth,  he  seeth  the  whole  earth  hourly*1 

It  is  quite  evident,  indeed,  that  the  reign  of  Thutmose  III 
marks  an  epoch  not  only  in  Egypt  but  in  the  whole  Near  East  as 
we  know  it  in  his  age.  Never  before  in  history  had  a  single  brain 
wielded  the  resources  of  so  great  a  nation  and  wrought  them 
into  such  centralized.,  permanent,  and  at  the  same  time  mobile 
efficiency,  that  for  years  they  could  be  brought  to  bear  with 
incessant  impact  upon  another  continent  as  a  skilled  artisan 

1  In  accordance  with  Scthc's  view  of  the  New  Moon  dates  mentioned  in 
footnote,  p,  67 ,  this  date  would  be  three  years  earlier. 


manipulates  a  hundred-ton  forge  hammer;  although  the  figure  is 
inadequate  unless  we  remember  that  Thutmose  forged  his  own 
hamper.  The  genius  which  rose  from  an  obscure  priestly  office 
to  accomplish  this  for  the  first  time  in  history  reminds  us  of  a 
Napoleon,  He  was  the  first  to  build  an  empire  in  any  real 
sense;  he  was  the  first  world-hero.  He  made,  not  only  a  world- 
wide impression  upon  his  age,  but  an  impression  of  a  new 
order.  His  commanding  figure,  towering  over  the  trivial  plots 
and  schemes  of  the  petty  Syrian  dynasts,  must  have  clarified 
the  atmosphere  of  oriental  politics  as  a  strong  wind  drives  away 
miasmic  vapours.  The  inevitable  chastisement  of  his  strong 
arm  was  held  in  awed  remembrance  by  the  men  of  Naharin 
for  three  generations.  His  name  was  one  to  conjure  with,  and 
centuries  after  his  empire  had  crumbled  to  pieces  it  was  placed 
on  amul'ets  as  a  word  of  power.  And  to-day  two  of  this  king's 
greatest  monuments,  his  Heliopolitan  obelisks,  now  rise  on 
opposite  shores  of  Ihe  western  ocean,  memorials  of  the  world's 
first  empire-builder. 




TT^GYPT  had  now  become  the  controlling  power  in  the  far- 
JQ^  reaching  group  of  civilizations  clustering  in  and  about  the 
eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  centre,  perhaps  the  nucleus, 
of  the  civilized  world  of  that  day.  As  she  had  been  for  over 
two  thousand  years  the  dominant  civilizing  force  in  the  great 
complex  of  eastern  Mediterranean  states,  so  she  was  now  like- 
wise its  political  arbiter  and  economic  cerftre.  Seated  astride 
both  the  inter-continental  and  the  inter-oceanic  highway,  Kgypt 
was  building  up  and  dominating  the  world  of  contiguous 
Africa  and  Eurasia.  Traditional  limits  disappeared,  the  currents 
of  life  eddied  no  longer  within  the  landmarks  of  tiny  kingdoms, 
but  pulsed  from  end  to  end  of  a  great  empire,  embracing  many 
kingdoms  and  tongues,  from  the  upper  Nile  to  the  upper  Eu- 
phrates. The  wealth  of  Asiatic  trade,  circulating  through  the 
eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,,  which  once  flowed  down  the 
Euphrates  to  Babylon,  was  thus  diverted  to  the  Nile  Delta,  long 
before  united  by  canal  with  the  Red  Sea.  All  the  world  traded  in 
the  Delta  markets.  Assyria  was  still  in  her  infancy  and  Babylonia 
no  longer  possessed  any  political  influence  in  the  west*  The 
Pharaoh  looked  forward  to  an  indefinite  lease  of  power  throughout 
the  vast  empire  which  he  had  conquered. 

The  administration  and  organization  of  this  Empire  represent 
the  earliest  efforts  of  a  government  to  devise  an  imperial  system. 
Our  scanty  sources  reveal  little  regarding  it.  The  whole  region  of 
neighbouring  Asia  was  under  the  general  control  of  a  *  govern  or 
of  the  north  countries  * :  Thutmose's  general,  Thutiy,  having  been 
the  first  to  hold  that  office.  To  bridle  the  turbulent  Asiatic  dynasts 
it  was  necessary  permanently  to  station  troops  throughout  Syria, 
Strongholds  named  after  the  Pharaoh  were  established  and 
troops  placed  in  them  as  garrisons  under  deputies  with  power  to 
act  as  the  Pharaoh's  representatives,  Thutmose  III  erected  one 
such  at  the  south  end  of  Lebanon;  he  resuscitated  another  founded 
by  his  predecessors  at  some  city  on  the  Phoenician  coast,  where 

CHAP.  V,  i]  REVOLTS  IN  ASIA  89 

we  find  a  sanctuary  of  Amon,  the  State-god  of  Egypt,  and  there 
was  probably  such  a  temple  in  each  of  the  garrison  towns.  Yet 
another  stronghold  at  Ikathi,  In  farthest  Naharin,  was  doubtless 
his  foundation.  Remains  of  an  Egyptian  temple  found  by  Renan 
at  Byblus  probably  belong  to  this  period.  In  local  administration 
the  city-kings  were  allowed  to  rule  their  little  states  with  great 
freedom,  as  long  as  they  paid  the  annual  tribute  with  promptness 
and  regularity.  When  such  a  ruler  died  his  son,  who,  as  already 
noted,  had  been  aducated  at  Thebes,  was  installed  in  the  father's 
place.  The  Asiatic  conquests  were  therefore  rather  a  series  of 
tributary  kingdoms  than  provinces:  the  latter,  indeed,  represent 
a  system  of  foreign  government  as  yet  in  its  infancy,  or  only 
roughly  foreshadowed  in  the  rule  of  the  viceroy  of  Kush.  How 
the  local  government  of  the  city-kings  was  related  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  *  governor  of  the  north  countries'  is  entirely  un- 
certain. Apparently  his  office  was  largely  a  fiscal  one,  for  Thutiy, 
Thutmose's  governor,  adds  to  his  name  the  phrase  'filling  the 
treasury  with  lapis  lazuli,  silver  and  gold.'  But  it  is  evident  that 
the  dynasts  collected  their  own  taxes  and  rendered  a  part  to  the 
Pharaoh.  How  large  a  part  this  may  have  been  we  do  not  know; 
nor  have  we  the  slightest  idea  as  to  the  amount  of  the  Pharaoh's 
total  revenue  from  Asia. 

When  the  news  of  Thutmose  Ill's  death  reached  Asia  the 
opportunity  was  as  usual  improved  by  the  dynasts,  who  made 
every  preparation  to  throw  off  the  irksome  obligation  of  the 
annual  tribute.  All  Naharin,  including  the  Mitanni  princes,  and 
probably  also  the  northern  coast  cities,  were  combined  or  at  least 
simultaneous  in  the  uprising.  With  all  his  father's  energy  the 
young  Amenhotep  II  prepared  for  the  crisis  and  marched  into 
Asia  against  the  allies,  who  had  collected  a  large  army.  Leaving 
Egypt  with  his  forces  in  the  April  of  his  second  year  (1447  B.C.), 
Amenhotep  was  in  touch  with  the  enemy  in  northern  Palestine  in 
early  May  and  immediately  fought  an  action  at  Shemesh-Edom 
against  the  princes  of  Lebanon.  The  enemy  was  routed.  By 
May  1 2  he  had  crossed  the  Orontes  for  the  last  time  in  his  north- 
ward advance,  probably  at  Senzar,  and  turned  north-eastward  for 
the  Euphrates.  After  a  skirmish  with  the  Naharin  vanguard  he 
pushed  rapidly  on  and  captured  seven  of  the  rebellious  dynasts 
in  the  land  of  TikhsL  On  May  26,  fourteen  days  after  leaving 
the  Orontes,  he  arrived  at  Niy,  which  opened  its  gates  to  him; 
and  with  the  men  and  women  of  the  town  acclaiming  him  from 
the  walls  he  entered  the  place  in  triumph.  Ten  days  later,  on 
June  £,  he  had  rescued  a  garrison  of  his  troops  from  the  treachery 


of  the  revolting  town  of  Ikathi  and  punished  its  inhabitants.  As 
he  reached  his  extreme  limit,  which  probably  surpassed  his 
father's,  and  penetrated  Mitanni,  he  set  up  a  boundary  tablet,  as 
his  father  and  grandfather  had  done. 

His  return  was  a  triumphal  procession.  As  he  approached 
Memphis,  the  populace  assembled  in  admiring  crowds  while  his 
lines  passed,  driving  with  them  over  five  hundred  of  the  north 
Syrian  lords,  two  hundred  and  forty  of  their  women,  two  hundred 
and  ten  horses  and  three  hundred  chariots,  Fiis  herald  had  in 
charge  for  the  chief  treasurer  over  four-fifths  of  a  ton  of  gold  in 
the  form  of  vases  and  various  vessels,  besides  nearly  fifty  tons  of 
copper.  Proceeding  to  Thebes,  he  took  with  him  the  seven  kings 
of  Tikhsi,  who  were  hung  head  downward  on  the  prow  of  his 
royal  barge  as  he  approached  the  city.  lie  himself  sacrificed  them 
in  the  presence  of  Anion  and  hanged  their  bodies  on  the  walls  of 
Thebes,  reserving  one  for  a  lesson  to  the  Nubians,  as  we  shall  see. 
His  unexpected  promptness  and  energy  had  evidently  crushed 
the  revolt  before  It  had  been  able  to  muster  all  its  forces,  and 
so  far  as  we  know,  the  lesson  was  so  effective  that  no  further 
rising  against  his  suzerainty  in  Asia  was  ever  attempted.  Never- 
theless, so  customary  had  the  practice  of  war  become  in  the  career 
of  a  Pharaoh  that  Amenhotep*$  records  refer  to  the  expedition  as 
*his  first  campaign,'  although  no  second  campaign  in  Asia  is 
known  to  us. 

On  his  arrival  at  Thebes  the  young  Pharaoh  could  now  direct 
his  attention  to  the  other  extremity  of  his  empire.  I  le  dispatched 
an  expedition  into  Nubia,  bearing  the  body  of  the  seventh  king 
of  the  land  of  Tikhsi,  which  was  hung  up  on  the  walls  of  Napata, 
as  a  hint  of  what  the  Nubians  might  expect  should  they  attempt 
to  revolt  against  their  new  sovereign.  His  frontier  was  guarded 
by  Napata,  just  below  the  fourth  cataract,  and  the  region  of 
Karoy>  in  which  the  town  lay,  was  from  this  time  on  known  as 
the  southern  limit  of  Egyptian  administration*  To  this  point 
extended  the  jurisdiction  of  the  *  viceroy  of  Kush  and  governor  of 
the  south  countries/  The  entire  fertile  Dongola  province  of  to-day 
was  thus  included  in  the  Egyptian  administration*  Beyond  Amen- 
hotep's  boundary  tablets  which  he  set  up  at  this  southern  frontier, 
there  was  no  more  control  of  the  rude  Nubian  tribes  than  was 
necessary  to  keep  open  the  trade-routes  from  the  south  and 
prevent  the  barbarians  from  raiding  the  province* 

Thenceforward  Amenhotep  II  was  not  involved  in  war* 
Besides  his  now  vanished  mortuary  temple  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Nile,  by  that  of  his  father,  we  learn  of  a  number  of  other 


sumptuous  buildings  and  restorations.  We  are  able  to  discern 
little  of  him  personally,  but  he  seems  to  have  been  a  worthy  son 
of  tfee  great  king.  Physically  he  was  a  very  powerful  man  and 
claims  in  his  inscriptions  that  no  man  could  draw  his  bow.  The 
weapon  was  found  in  his  tomb  and  bears  the  words  after  his  name: 
*  Smiter  of  the  Troglodytes,  overthrower  of  Kush,  hacking  up 
their  cities..* the  great  Wall  of  Egypt,  protector  of  his  soldiers/ 
It  is  evidently  this  story  which  furnished  Herodotus  with  the 
legend  that  CamByses  was  unable  to  draw  the  bow  of  the  king  of 
Ethiopia.  He  celebrated  his  jubilee  on  the  thirtieth  anniversary 
of  his  appointment  as  crown  prince  and  erected  an  obelisk  in 
Elephantine  in  commemoration  of  the  event.  Dying  about  1420 
B.C.,  after  a  reign  of  some  twenty-seven  years,  he  was  interred  like 
his  ancestors  in  the  Valley  of  the  Kings*  Tombs,  where  his  body 
rests  to  this  day,  though  even  yet  a  prey  to  the  clever  tomb-robbers 
of  modern  Thebes,%who  in  November,  1901,  forced  the  tomb  and 
cut  through  the  wrappings  of  the  mummy  in  their  search  for 
royal  treasure  on  the  body  of  their  ancient  ruler.  Their  Theban 
ancestors  in  the  same  craft,  however,  had  three  thousand  years  ago 
taken  good  care  that  nothing  should  be  left  for  their  descendants. 

If  we  may  believe  a  folk-tale  which  was  in  circulation  some 
centuries  later,  Thutmose  IV,  Amenhotep  ITs  son,  was  not  at 
first  designed  to  be  his  father's  successor.  The  story  recounted 
how,  long  before  his  father's  death,  a  hunting  expedition  once 
carried  the  young  prince  into  the  desert  near  the  pyramids  of 
Gizeh,  where  the  Pharaohs  of  the  I Vth  Dynasty  had  already  slept 
over  thirteen  hundred  years.  Resting  in  the  shadow  of  the  great 
Sphinx  at  noon  time,  he  fell  asleep,  and  the  Sun-god,  with  whom 
the  Sphinx  in  his  time  was  identified,  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream, 
beseeching  him  to  clear  his  image  of  the  sand  which  already  at 
that  early  day  encumbered  it.  As  a  reward  the  Sun-god  at  the 
same  time  promised  him  the  kingdom.  The  prince  made  a  vow 
to  do  as  the  great  god  desired,  and  immediately  upon  his  accession 
the  young  king  hastened  to  redeem  his  vow.  He  cleared  the 
gigantic  figure  of  the  Sphinx  and  recorded  the  whole  incident  on 
a  stela  in  the  vicinity.  A  later  version,  made  by  the  priests  of  the 
palace,  was  engraved  on  a  huge  granite  architrave  taken  from  the 
neighbouring  Khafre  temple  and  erected  against  the  breast  of  the 
Sphinx  between  his  fore-legs,  where  it  still  stands. 

Thutmose  IV  was  also  early  called  upon  to  maintain  the  empire 
in  Asia.  While  we  know  nothing  of  his  operations  there,  he  was 
afterward  able  to  record  in  the  state  temple  at  Thebes  the  spoil, 
*which  his  majesty  captured  in  Naharin  the  wretched,  on  his 


first  victorious  campaign/  The  immediate  result  of  his  appearance 
in  Naharin  was  to  quiet  all  disaffection  there  as  far  as  the  vassal- 
princes  were  concerned.  He  returned  by  way  of  Lebanon,  where 
he  forced  the  chiefs  to  furnish  him  with  a  cargo  of  cedar  for  the 
sacred  barge  of  Amon  at  Thebes.  Arriving  at  Thebes,  he  settled 
a  colony  of  the  prisoners,  possibly  from  the  city  of  Gezer  in 
Palestine,  in  the  enclosure  of  his  mortuary  temple,  which  he  had 
erected  by  those  of  his  ancestors  on  the  plain  at  Thebes*  Perhaps 
the  recognition  of  a  common  enemy  in  the  Khetif  now  necessitated 
a  rapprochement  between  the  Pharaoh  and  Mitanni,  for  the  latter 
was  soon  to  suffer  from  the  aggressions  of  the  king  of  Kheta  (the 
Hittites).  Thutmose,  evidently  desiring  a  powerful  friend  in  the 
north,  inaugurated  an  entirely  new  Egyptian  policy  on  the 
northern  frontier  of  the  Asiatic  empire,  viz.  that  of  alliance  with 
a  leading  and  once  hostile  power.  It  was  a  good  policy  but  its 
success  depended  upon  the  wisdom  with  which  the  Asiatic  ally 
was  chosen.  Thutmose  IV  was  not  wholly  successful  in  his 
selection.  What  he  knew  of  the  Kheta  we  cannot  now  determine. 
He  chose  as  his  northern  ally  Artatama^  the  Mitannian  king,  and 
sending  to  him.,  desired  his  daughter  in  marriage.  After  some 
proper  display  of  reluctance^  Artatama  consented,  and  the  Mitan- 
nian princess  was  sent  to  Egypt,  where  she  probably  received  an 
Egyptian  name,  Mutemuya,  and  became  the  mother  of  the  next 
king  of  Egypt,  Amcnhotep  III.  This  alliance  with  Mitanni  for- 
bade all  thought  of  future  conquest  by  the  Pharaoh  east  of  the 
Euphrates1,  and  in  harmony  with  this  policy  a  friendly  alliance 
was  also  cemented  with  Babylonia, 

Thutmose's  momentous  operations  in  Asia  were  followed  by  a 
brief  war  in  Nubia  in  his  eighth  year,  which  it  is  probable  he  did 
not  long  survive.  He  was  therefore  xinable  to  beautify  Thebes 
and  adorn  the  state  temple  as  his  fathers  had  done.  But  the 
respect  in  which  he  held  his  grandfather,  Thutmose  III,  led  him 
to  the  completion  of  a  notable  work  of  the  latter.  For  thirty-five 
years  the  last  obelisk  planned  by  Thutmose  III  had  been  lying 
unfinished  at  the  southern  portal  of  the  Karnak  temple  enclosure 
or  temenos.  His  grandson  now  had  it  engraved  in  the  old  con- 
queror's name,  recorded  also  upon  it  his  own  pious  deed  in  con- 
tinuing the  work,  and  erected  the  colossal  shaft,  one  hundred  and 

1  On  the  basis  of  a  decorative  list  of  foreign  countries  shown  as  captives 
on  the  bases  of  the  columns  in  Amcnhotep  Ill's  Soleb  temple,  it  has  some- 
times been  supposed  that  this  Pharaoh  ruled  the  lands  of  Mesopotamia;  but 
the  Amarna  Letters  arc  quite  decisive  on  this  point,  the  Egyptian  empire 
never  included  Mesopotamia, 


five-and-a-half  feet  high,  the  largest  surviving  obelisk,  at  the 
southern  portal  of  the  enclosure,  where  he  had  found  it  lying.  It 
now  stands  before  the  Lateran  in  Rome.  Not  long  after  this 
gracious  act,  which  may  possibly  have  been  in  celebration  of  his 
own  jubilee,  Thutmose  IV  was  gathered  to  his  fathers  (about 
1411  B.C.)  and  was  buried  in  the  valley  where  they  slept. 

His  son,  the  third  of  the  Amenhoteps,  was  the  most  luxurious 
and  splendid,  as  he  was  also  the  last,  of  the  great  Egyptian  em- 
perors. He  was  JDut  the  great-grandson  of  Thutmose  III,  but 
with  him  the  high  tide  of  Egyptian  power  was  already  slowly  on 
the  ebb,  and  he  was  not  the  man  to  stem  the  tide.  Nevertheless 
in  the  administration  of  his  great  empire  Amenhotep  III  began 
well.  Toward  the  close  of  his  fourth  year  trouble  in  Nubia  called 
him  south.  After  defeating  the  enemy  decisively  somewhere  above 
the  second  cataract,  Amenhotep  marched  southward  for  a  month, 
taking  captives  and  spoil  as  he  went.  It  is  difficult  to  determine 
the  exact  limit  of  kis  southern  advance.  In  the  land  of  Karoy, 
with  which  the  reader  is  now  acquainted  as  the  region  about 
Napata,  he  collected  great  quantities  of  gold  for  his  Theban 
buildings,  and  at  Kebehu-Hor,  or  *the  Pool  of  Horus/  he  erected 
his  tablet  of  victory,  but  we  are  unable  to  locate  the  place  with 
certainty.  It  was  certainly  not  much  in  advance  of  the  frontier 
of  his  father.  This  was  the  last  great  invasion  of  Nubia  by  the 
Pharaohs.  It  was  constantly  necessary  to  punish  the  outlying 
tribes  for  their  incessant  predatory  incursions  into  the  Nile  valley; 
but  the  valley  itself,  as  far  as  the  fourth  cataract,  was  completely 
subjugated,  and  as  far  as  the  second  cataract  largely  Egyptianized. 
This  process  went  steadily  forward  until  the  country  up  to  the 
fourth  cataract  was  effectually  engrafted  with  Egyptian  civiliza- 
tion. Egyptian  temples  had  now  sprung  up  at  every  larger  town, 
and  the  Egyptian  gods  were  worshipped  therein;  the  Egyptian 
arts  were  learned  by  the  Nubian  craftsmen,  and  everywhere  the 
rude  barbarism  of  the  upper  Nile  was  receiving  the  stamp  of 
Egyptian  culture.  Nevertheless  the  native  chieftains,  under  the 
surveillance  of  the  viceroy,  were  still  permitted  to  retain  their 
titles  and  honours,  and  doubtless  continued  to  enjoy  at  least  a 
nominal  share  in  the  government.  We  find  them  as  far  north  as 
Ibrim,  which  had  marked  the  southern  limit  of  Amenhotep  Ill's 
levy  of  Nubian  auxiliaries,  and  was  therefore  probably  the 
extreme  point  to  which  local  administration  solely  by  Egyptian 
officials  extended  southward.  In  race  it  should  be  noted  that  the 
population  of  these  regions  ruled  by  Egypt  on  the  upper  Nile 
was  composed  of  Nubians,  not  of  negroes.  While  some  negroes 


filtered  into  the  southern  Nubian  provinces  of  Egypt,  the  Egyptian 
frontier  at  the  fourth  cataract  evidently  did  not  include  any  negro 
territory,  which  was  at  that  time,  as  at  present.,  well  south  of  the 
fourth  cataract.  The  first  appearance  of  real  negroes  on  the 
Egyptian  monuments,  that  is,  their  first  appearance  in  history,  is, 
as  H.  Junker  has  argued,  to  be  dated  in  the  Egyptian  empire, 
beginning  with  the  age  of  Thutmosc  III;  but  even  the  empire 
never  included  any  exclusively  negro  territory. 

In  AsiaAmenhotep  III  enjoyed  unchallengcdfsuprcmacy;  at  the 
court  of  Babylon,  even,  his  suzerainty  in  *  Canaan/  as  they  called 
Syria-Palestine,  was  acknowledged;  and  when  the  dynasts  at- 
tempted to  involve  Kurigalzu,  king  of  Babylon,  in  an  alliance  with 
them  against  the  Pharaoh,  he  wrote  them  an  unqualified  refusal, 
stating  that  he  was  in  alliance  with  the  Pharaoh,  and  even  threatened 
them  with  hostilities  if  they  formed  a  hostile  alliance  against 
Egypt  (see  p.  232).  All  the  powers:  Babylonia,  Assyria,  Mitanni 
and  Alashiya  (?  Cyprus),  were  exerting  every  effort  to  gain  the 
friendship  of  Egypt.  A  scene  of  world  politics,  such  as  is  unknown 
before  in  history,  now  unfolds  before  us.  From  the  Pharaoh's  court 
as  the  centre  radiated  a  host  of  lines  of  communication  with  all  the 
great  peoples  of  the  age.  These  are  revealed  to  us  in  the  Tell  el- 
Amarna  Letters,  perhaps  the  most  interesting  mass  of  documents 
surviving  from  the  early  Blast  (see  below,  p.  128).  In  this  corre- 
spondence we  look  out  across  the  kingdoms  of  1  lither  Asia  as  one 
might  see  them  on  a  stage,  each  king  playing  his  part  before  the 
great  throne  of  the  Pharaoh,  Five  letters  survive  from  the  corre- 
spondence between  Amenhotcp  III  and  Kadashman-Knlil,  king 
of  Babylonia;  one  from  the  Pharaoh  and  the  others  from  the 
Babylonian*  The  latter  is  constantly  in  need  of  gold  and  insistently 
importunes  his  brother  of  Egypt  to  send  him  large  quantities  of 
the  precious  metal,  which,  he  says,  is  as  plentiful  as  dust  in  Egypt, 
according  to  the  reports  of  the  Babylonian  messengers.  Con- 
siderable friction  results  from  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Babylonian 
king  at  the  amounts  with  which  Amenhotcp  favours  him.  He 
refers  to  the  fact  that  Amenhotep  had  received  from  his  father  a 
daughter  in  marriage,  and  makes  this  relationship  a  reason  for 
further  gifts  of  gold.  As  the  correspondence  goes  on  another 
marriage  is  negotiated  between  a  daughter  of  Amenhotep  and 
Kadashman-Enlil  or  his  son.  Similarly  the  Pharaoh  enjoys  the 
most  intimate  connection  with  Shuttarna,  the  king  of  Mitanni, 
the  son  of  Artatama,  with  whom  his  father,  Thutmosc  IV,  had 
maintained  the  most  cordial  relations.  Indeed  Amenhotep  was 
perhaps  the  nephew  oFShuttarna,  from  whom^  in  the  tenth  year  of 


the  Pharaoh's  reign,  he  received  a  daughter,  Gilukhipa,  in  marriage 
(p.  300).  In  celebration  of  this  union  Amenhotep  issued  a  series 
of  scarab-beetles  of  stone  bearing  an  inscription  commemorating 
the  event,  and  stating  that  the  princess  brought  with  her  a  train 
of  three  hundred  and  seventeen  ladies  and  attendants.  On  the 
death  of  Shuttarna  the  alliance  was  continued  under  his  son, 
Tushratta,  from  whom  Amenhotep  later  received,  as  a  wife  for 
his  son  and  successor,  a  second  Mitannian  princess,  Tadukhipa, 
the  daughter  of  %ushratta.  The  correspondence  between  the  two 
kings  is  very  illuminating  and  may  serve  as  an  example  of  such 
communications.  The  following  is  a  letter  of  Tushratta  to  his 
Egyptian  ally  (No.  xix) : 

Speak  unto  Nimuria  (I.e.  Amenhotep  III),  the  great  king,  the  king  of 
Egypt,  my  brother,  my  son-in-law,  who  loves  me  and  whom  I  love,  saying: 
Tushratta,  the  great  king,  thy  father-in-law,  who  loves  thee,  the  king  of 
Mitanni,  thy  brother-  It  is  well  with  me.  With  thee  may  it  be  well,  with 
thy  house,  with  my  sister  and  with  the  rest  of  thy  wives,  thy  sons,  thy 
chariots,  thy  horses,  thy  army,  thy  land,  and  all  thy  possessions,  may  it  be 
very  well  indeed.  In  the  time  of  thy  fathers,  they  were  on  very  friendly 
terms  with  my  fathers.  Now  them  hast  increased  (this  friendship)  still  more 
and  with  my  father  thou  hast  been  on  very  friendly  terms  indeed.  Now, 
therefore,  since  thou  and  I  are  on  mutually  friendly  terms,  thou  hast  made 
(it)  ten  times  greater  than  (with)  my  father.  May  the  gods  cause  this  friend- 
ship of  ours  to  prosper.  May  Teshub  (the  god  of  Mitanni),  my  lord,  and 
Amon  eternally  proclaim  it  as  it  is  now. 

And  when  my  brother  sent  his  messenger,  Mane,  my  brother  verily 
said:  'Send  me  thy  daughter  for  my  wife,  to  be  queen  of  Egypt.7  I  did  not 
grieve  the  heart  of  my  brother,  but  I  spoke  formerly:  *I  will  indeed  gratify 
(thee).'  And  the  one  my  brother  asked  for  I  presented  to  Mane,  and  he 

looked  upon  her.  When  he  saw  her,  he  greatly (?).  Now  may  he  bring 

her  safely  to  my  brother's  land,  and  may  Ishtar  and  Amon  make  her  corre- 
spond to  my  brother's  wish. 

Gilia,  my  messenger,  has  brought  to  me  my  brother's  words:  when  I 
heard  them,  then  they  seemed  to  me  very  good,  and  I  was  very  glad  indeed 
and  said:  *It  is  inviolable  (?)  that  we  maintain  friendship  between  us  and 
with  one  another.'  Behold,  in  view  of  these  words,  we  will  maintain  friend- 
ship forever.  Now  when  I  wrote  unto  my  brother  and  spoke,  verily  I  said : 
4  We  will  be  very  friendly  indeed,  and  between  us  we  shall  be  good  friends '5 
and  I  said  to  my  brother:  'Let  my  brother  grant  me  ten  times  greater 
measure  than  to  my  father,'  and  I  asked  of  my  brother  a  great  deal  of  gold, 
saying:  *Much  more  than  to  my  father  let  my  brother  give  me  and  may 
my  brother  send  me,  Thou  sentest  any  father  a  great  deal  of  gold:  a  large 
offering  vessel  of  gold,  and  vessels  of  gold,  thou  sentest  him  5  thou  sentest 
(him?)  a  tablet  of  gold  as  if  it  were  alloyed  with  copper.... So  let  my 
brother  send  gold  in  very  great  quantity  which  cannot  be  counted,... and 
may  my  brother  send  more  gold  than  my  father  received.  For  in  my  brother's 
land  gold  is  as  common  as  dust.7 


In  response  to  similar  entreaties,  Amenhotep  sent  a  gift  of 
twenty  talents  of  gold  to  the  king  of  Assyria,  and  gained  his 
friendship  also.  The  vassalship  of  the  king  of  Alashiya  continued, 
and  he  regularly  sent  the  Pharaoh  large  quantities  of  copper,  save 
when  on  one  occasion  he  excused  himself  because  his  country 
had  been  visited  by  a  pestilence.  So  complete  was  the  under- 
standing between  Kgypt  and  this  land  that  even  the  extradition 
of  the  property  of  one  of  its  citizens  who  had  died  in  Egypt  was 
regarded  by  the  two  kings  as  a  matter  of  eoursa,  and  a  messenger 
was  sent  to  Egypt  to  receive  the  property  and  bring  it  back  for 
delivery  to  the  wife  and  son  of  the  deceased.  Thus  courted  and 
flattered,  the  object  of  diplomatic  attention  from  all  the  great 
powers,  Amenhotep  found  little  occasion  for  anxiety  regarding 
his  Asiatic  empire. 

The  Syrian  vassals  were  now  the  grandsons  of  the  men  whom 
Thutmose  III  had  conquered;  they  had  grown  thoroughly 
habituated  to  the  Egyptian  allegiance.  It  Was  not  without  its 
advantages  in  rendering  them  free  from  all  apprehension  of 
attack  from  without.  An  Egyptian  education  at  the  Pharaoh's 
capital  had,  moreover,  made  him  many  a  loyal  servant  among  the 
children  of  the  dynasts,  who  had  succeeded  disloyal  or  lukewarm 
fathers  in  Syria,  They  protest  their  fidelity  to  the  Pharaoh  on  all 
occasions;  they  inform  the  court  at  the  first  sign  of  disloyalty 
among  their  fellows,  and  are  even  commissioned  to  proceed  against 
rebellious  princes.  Throughout  the  land  in  the  larger  cities  are 
garrisons  of  Egyptian  troops,  consisting  of  infantry  and  chariotry. 
They  are  no  longer  solely  native  Egyptians,  but  to  a  large  extent 
Nubians  and  Sherden,  roving,  predatory  bands  of  sea-robbers, 
perhaps  the  ancestors  of  the  Sardinians,  though  their  name  has 
also  been  associated  with  Sardes  (see  p.  282)*  From  now  on  they 
took  service  in  the  Egyptian  army  in  ever  larger  and  larger 
numbers.  These  forces  of  the  Pharaoh  were  maintained  by  the  • 
dynasts,  and  one  of  their  self-applied  tests  of  loyalty  in  writing  to 
the  Pharaoh  was,  as  we  frequently  learn,  their  readiness  and 
faithfulness  in  furnishing  supplies,  Syria  thus  enjoyed  a  stability 
of  government  and  widespread  public  security  such  as  had  never 
before  been  hers.  The  roads  were  safe  from  robbers,  caravans 
were  convoyed  from  vassal  to  vassal,  and  a  word  from  the  Pharaoh 
was  sufficient  to  bring  any  of  his  subject-princes  to  his  knees* 
Amenhotep  himself  was  never  obliged  to  carry  on  a  war  In  Asia. 
It  was  deemed  sufficient,  as  we  shall  later  see,  to  send  troops 
tinder  the  command  of  an  efficient  officer,  who  found  no  difficulty 
in  coping  with  the  situation  for  a  generation  after  Amenhotep's 
accession.  See  further,  pp,  107,  123  sgy. 


Trade  now  developed  as  never  before.  The  only  foreign  com- 
merce of  Egypt  herself,  which  the  monuments  clearly  disclose  to 
us,  was  carried  on  by  the  Pharaohs  themselves,  reminding  us  of 
Solomon's  trafficking  as  a  horse-merchant  and  his  ventures  in 
partnership  with  Hiram  of  Tyre.  But  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  Pharaohs  made  foreign  merchandizing  their  own  ex- 
clusive prerogative,  though  we  shall  probably  never  know  how 
many  great  merchants  of  Egypt  were  able  to  follow  the  example 
of  Hatshepsut  and  her  royal  predecessors,,  as  far  back  as  the  Vth 
Dynasty,  in  their  impressive  voyages  to  Punt.  It  is  evident  that 
the  Nile,  from  the  Delta  to  the  cataracts,  was  now  alive  with  the 
freight  of  all  the  world,  which  flowed  into  it  from  the  Red  Sea 
fleets  and  from  long  caravans  passing  back  and  forth  through  the 
Isthmus  of  Suez,  bearing  the  rich  stuffs  of  Syria,  the  spices  and 
aromatic  woods  of  the  east,  the  weapons  and  chased  vessels  of 
the  Phoenicians,  and  a  myriad  of  other  things,  which  brought 
their  Semitic  names *in to  the  hieroglyphic  and  their  use  into  the 
life  of  the  Nile-dwellers,  Parallel  with  the  land  traffic  through  the 
isthmus  were  the  routes  of  commerce  on  the  Mediterranean, 
thickly  dotted  with  the  richly  laden  galleys  of  Phoenicia,  con- 
verging upon  the  Delta  from  all  quarters  and  bringing  to  the 
markets  of  the  Nile  the  decorated  vessels  or  damascened  bronzes 
from  the  Mycenaean  industrial  settlements  of  the  Aegean*  A 
tomb-painting  of  Egyptian  Thebes  shows  us  several  Phoenician 
craft  of  Egyptian  models  tied  up  at  Nile  docks,  with  Syrian  crews 
and  merchants  trafficking  in  the  Egyptian  bazaars.  The  products 
of  Egyptian  industry  were  likewise  in  use  in  the  palace  of  the 
sea-kings  of  Cnossus,  in  Rhodes,  and  in  Cyprus,  where  numbers 
of  Pharaonic  monuments  of  this  age  have  been  found.  Scarabs 
and  bits  of  glazed  ware  with  the  name  of  Amenhotep  III  or  his 
queen  Tiy  have  also  been  discovered  on  the  mainland  of  Greece 
at  Mycenae — the  earliest  dated  tokens  of  high  civilization  on 
the  continent  of  Europe.  See  vol.  i,  p.  176. 

The  diffusion  of  Nile-valley  civilization  which  had  been  going 
on  from  prehistoric  times  was  now  more  rapid.  The  eastern 
Mediterranean  peoples,  especially,  were  feeling  the  impact  of 
Egyptian  culture.  In  Crete  Egyptian  religious  forms  had  been 
introduced,  in  one  case  seemingly  under  the  personal  leadership 
of  an  Egyptian  priest.  Aegean  artists  were  powerfully  influenced 
by  the  incoming  products  of  Egypt.  Egyptian  landscapes  appear 
in  their  metal  work,  and  the  lithe  animal  forms  in  instantaneous 
postures  which  were  caught  by  the  pencil  of  the  Theban  artists 
were  now  common  in  Crete.  The  superb  decorated  ceilings  of 

C.A.H.  II 


Thebes  likewise  appear  in  the  great  tomb  at  Orchomenus,  Even 
the  pre-Greek  writing  of  Crete  shows  traces  of  the  influence  of 
the  hieroglyphics  of  the  Nile.  The  men  of  the  Aegean  .world, 
the  men  of  Keftiu,  who  brought  these  things  to  their  countrymen, 
were  now  a  familiar  sight  upon  the  streets  of  Thebes,  where  the 
wares  which  they  offered  were  also  modifying  the  art  of  Egypt* 
The  plentiful  silver  of  the  north  now  came  in  with  the  northern 
strangers  in  great  quantities,  and,  although  under  the  Hyksos 
the  baser  metal  had  been  worth  twice  as  mucbr  as  gold,  the  latter 
now  and  permanently  became  the  more  valuable  medium.  The 
ratio  was  now  about  one  and  two-thirds  to  one,  and  the  value  of 
silver  steadily  fell  until  Ptolemaic  times,  when  the  ratio  was 
twelve  to  one. 

Such  intercourse  required  protection  and  regulation.  Roving 
bands  of  Lycian  pirates  infested  the  coasts  of  the  eastern  Medi- 
terranean; they  boldly  entered  the  harbours  of  Alashiya  and 
plundered  the  towns,  and  even  landed  on  tKe  coast  of  the  Delta. 
Amenhotep  III  was  therefore  obliged  to  develop  marine  police 
which  patrolled  the  coast  of  the  Delta  and  constantly  held  the 
mouths  of  the  river  closed  against  all  but  lawful  coiners.  Citstoni- 
houses  were  also  maintained  by  these  police  officials  at  the  same 
places,  and  all  merchandise  not  consigned  to  the  king  was  dutiable. 
The  income  from  this  source  must  have  been  largc?  but  we  have 
no  means  of  estimating  it.  All  the  land-routes  leading  into  the 
country  were  similarly  policed,  and  foreigners  who  could  not 
satisfactorily  explain  their  business  were  turned  back,  while 
legitimate  trade  was  encouraged,  protected  and  properly  taxed* 


The  influx  of  slaves,  chiefly  of  Semitic  race,  which  had  begun 
under  Thutmose  III,  still  continued,  and  the  king's  chief  scribe 
distributed  them  throughout  the  land  and  enrolled  them  among 

the  tax-paying  serfs.  As  this  host  of  foreigners  intermarried  with 
the  natives,  the  large  infusion  of  strange  blood  began  to  make 
itself  felt  in  a  new  and  composite  type  of  face,  if  we  may  trust 
the  artists  of  the  day*  The  incalculable  wealth  which  had  now 
been  converging  upon  the  coffers  of  the  Pharaoh  for  over  a 
century  also  began  to  exert  a  profound  influence,  which,  as  under 
like  conditions,  in  later  history,  was  far  from  wholesome.  On  New 
Year's  Day  the  king  presented  his  nobles  with  a  profusion  of 


costly  gifts  which  would  have  amazed  the  Pharaohs  of  the 
Pyramid  Age,  In  the  old  days  the  monarch  rewarded  a  faithful 
nobl&  with  land,  which,  in  order  to  pay  a  return,  must  be  properly 
cultivated  and  administered,  thus  fostering  simplicity  and  whole- 
some country  virtues  on  a  large  domain;  but  the  favourite  now 
received  convertible  wealth,  which  required  no  administration  to 
be  utilized.  The  luxury  and  display  of  the  metropolis  supplanted 
the  old  rustic  simplicity  and  sturdy  elemental  virtues.  From  the 
Pharaoh  down  tc?  the  humblest  scribe  this  change  was  evident, 
if  in  nothing  else  than  the  externals  of  costume;  for  the  simple 
linen  kilt  from  the  hips  to  the  knees,  which  once  satisfied  all,  not 
excluding  the  king,  had  now  given  way  to  an  elaborate  costume, 
with  long  plaited  skirt,  and  a  rich  tunic  with  flowing  sleeves*  Under 
Thutmose  IV  even  the  simple  and  long-revered  Pharaonic  costume 
had  been  displaced  by  an  elaborate  royal  garment  in  the  new 
mode.  The  unpretentious  head-dress  of  the  old  time  was  replaced 
by  an  elaborately  curled  wig  hanging  down  upon  the  shoulders; 
while  the  once  bare  feet  were  shod  in  elegant  sandals,  with  taper- 
ing toes  curled  up  at  the  tips.  A  noble  of  the  landed  class  from 
the  court  of  an  Amenemhet  or  Senusret,  could  he  have  walked 
the  streets  of  Thebes  in  Amenhotep  IIFs  day,  would  almost  have 
been  at  a  loss  to  know  in  what  country  he  had  suddenly  found 
himself;  while  his  own  antiquated  costume,  which  had  survived 
only  among  the  priests,  would  have  awakened  equal  astonishment 
among  the  fashionable  Thebans  of  the  day.  He  would  not  have 
felt  less  strange  than  a  noble  of  Elizabeth's  reign  in  the  streets  of 
modern  London.  Cf.  p.  421. 

All  "about  him  he  would  have  found  elegant  chateaux  and 
luxurious  villas,  with  charming  gardens  and  summer-houses 
grouped  about  vast  temples,  such  as  the  Nile-dweller  had  never 
seen  before.  The  wealth  and  the  captive  labour  of  Asia  and  Nubia 
were  being  rapidly  transmuted  into  noble  architecture,  and  at 
Thebes  a  new  and  fundamental  chapter  in  the  history  of  the 
world's  architecture  was  being  daily  written.  Amenhotep  gave 
himself  with  appreciation  and  enthusiasm  to  such  works,  and 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  his  architects  all  the  resources  which 
they  needed  for  an  ampler  practice  of  their  art  than  had  ever 
before  been  possible.  There  were  among  them  men  of  the  highest 
gifts,  and  one  of  them,  who  bore  the  same  name  as  the  king, 
gained  such  a  wide  reputation  for  his  wisdom  that  his  sayings 
circulated  in  Greek  some  twelve  hundred  years  later  among  the 
'Proverbs  of  the  Seven  Wise  Men*;  and  in  Ptolemaic  times  he 
was  finally  worshipped  as  a  god  in  the  Ptah-temple  of  Karnak, 


and  took  his  place  among  the  Innumerable  deities  of  Egypt  as 
*Amenhotep,  son  of  Hapu.' 

Under  the  fingers  of  such  men  as  these  the  old  and  traditional 
elements  of  Egyptian  building  were  imbued  with  new  life  and 
combined  into  new  forms  in  which  they  took  on  a  wondrous 
beauty  unknown  before.  Besides  this,  the  unprecedented  resources 
of  wealth  and  labour  at  the  command  of  such  an  architect  enabled 
him  to  deal  with  such  vast  dimensions  that  the  element  of  size 
alone  must  have  rendered  his  buildings  in  tiie  highest  degree 
impressive.  But  of  the  two  forms  of  temple  which  now  developed, 
the  smaller  is  not  less  effective  than  the  larger,  it  was  a  simple 
rectangular  cella,  or  choly  of  holies/  of  modest  dimensions,  with  a 
door  at  each  end,  surrounded  by  a  portico,  the  whole  being  raised 
upon  a.  base  of  about  half  the  height  of  the  temple  walls.  With 
the  door  looking  out  between  two  graceful  columns,  and  the 
fagade  happily  set  in  the  retreating  vistas  of  the  side  colonnades, 
the  whole  is  so  successfully  proportioned  £hat  the  trained  eye 
immediately  recognizes  the  hand  of  a  master  who  appreciated  the 
full  value  of  simple  constructive  lines.  Indeed,  the  architects  of 
Napoleon's  expedition  who  brought  it  to  the  notice  of  the  modern 
world  were  charmed  with  it,  and  thought  that  they  had  discovered 
in  it  the  origin  of  the  Greek  peripteral  temple*  The  other  and 
larger  type  of  temple,  which  now  reached  its  highest  development, 
differs  strikingly  from  the  one  just  discussed;  and  perhaps  most 
fundamentally  in  the  fact  that  its  colonnades  were  all  within  and 
not  visible  from  the  outside.  The  *holy  of  holies/  as  of  old,  was 
surrounded  by  a  series  of  chambers,  larger  than  before,,  as  rendered 
necessary  by  the  rich  and  elaborate  ritual  which  had  arisen* 
Before  It  was  a  large  colonnaded  hall,  often  called  the  hypostyle, 
while  in  front  of  this  hall  lay  an  extensive  forecourt  surrounded 
by  a  columned  portico,  In  front  of  this  court  rose  two  towers 
(together  called  a  4  pylon'),  which  formed  the  fagade  of  the  temple, 
Their  walls  inclined  inward,  they  were  crowned  by  a  hollow 
cornice.*  and  the  great  door  of  the  temple  opened  between  them* 
While  the  masonry,  which  was  of  sandstone  or  limestone,  did  not 
usually  contain  large  blocks,  huge  architraves,  thirty  or  forty  feet 
long  and  weighing  one  or  two  hundred  tons,  were  not  unknown* 
Nearly  all  the  surfaces  except  those  on  the  columns  were  em- 
bellished with  flat  reliefs,  the  outside  walls  showing  the  king  in 
battle,  while  on  the  inside  he  appeared  in  the  worship  of  the 
gods,  and  all  surfaces  with  slight  exception  were  highly  coloured. 
Before  the  vast  double  doors  of  cedar  of  Lebanon,  mounted  in 
bronze,  rose,  one  on  either  side,  a  pair  of  obelisks,  towering  high 


above  the  pylon-towers;  while  colossal  statues  of  the  king,  each 
hewn  from  a  single  block,  were  placed  with  backs  to  the  pylon, 
on  ekher  side  of  the  door.  In  the  use  of  these  elements  and  this 
general  arrangement  of  the  parts,  already  common  before  Amen- 
hotep's  reign,  his  architects  created  a  radically  new  type,  destined 
to  survive  in  frequent  use  to  this  day  as  one  of  the  noblest  forms 
of  architecture.  Cf.  p.  410. 

At  Luxor,  the  old  southern  suburb  of  Thebes,  which  had  now 
grown  into  the  cfty,  there  was  a  small  Xllth  Dynasty  temple  to 
Amon,  in  front  of  which  Amenhotep  planned  a  vast  new  sanc- 
tuary. Its  great  hall  was  laid  out  with  a  row  of  gigantic  columns 
on  either  side  of  the  central  axis,  quite  surpassing  in  height  any 
pier  ever  before  employed  by  the  Egyptians.  Nor  were  they  less 
beautiful  for  their  great  size,  being  masterpieces  of  proportion, 
with  capitals  of  the  graceful,  spreading  papyrus-flower  type. 
These  columns  wei;e  higher  than  those  ranged  on  both  sides  of 
the  middle,  thus  producing  a  higher  roof  over  the  central  aisle  or 
nave  and  a  lower  roof  over  the  side  aisles,  the  difference  in  level 
being  filled  with  tall  grated  stone  windows,  the  whole  forming  a 
clerestory,  which,  it  would  seem,  the  Theban  architects  of  Amen- 
hotep III  developed  out  of  the  light-chutes  (the  embryonic 
clerestory)  of  the  Old  Kingdom,  already  found  some  fifteen 
hundred  years  earlier  at  Gizeh.  Thus  were  produced  the  funda- 
mental elements  in  the  basilica  and  cathedral  architecture  of 
Europe.  Unfortunately  the  vast  hall  was  unfinished  at  the  death 
of  the  king,  and  his  son  was  too  ardent  an  enemy  of  Amon  to 
carry  out  the  work  of  his  father.  His  later  successors  walled  up 
the  magnificent  nave,  using  for  this  purpose  some  of  the  drums 
from  the  columns  of  the  side  aisles  which  were  never  set  up,  and 
the  whole  stands  to-day  a  mournful  wreck  of  an  unfinished  work 
of  epoch-making  importance  in  the  history  of  architecture. 

Discerning  for  the  first  time  the  possibilities  of  a  monumental 
city — a  city  which  should  itself  form  a  vast  and  symmetrically 
developed  monument — Amenhotep  now  proceeded  to  give  the 
great  buildings  of  the  city  a  unity  which  they  had  not  before 
possessed.  With  the  river  as  a  great  central  avenue,  the  spacious 
temple  precincts  were  ranged  on  both  sides  of  the  stately  stream, 
while  imposing  avenues  of  sphinxes  led  down  to  either  shore. 
The  king  also  laid  out  a  beautiful  garden  in  the  interval  of  over 
a  mile  and  a  half  which  separates  the  Karnak  from  the  Luxor 
temple,  and  connected  the  great  temples  by  avenues  of  rams 
carved  in  stone,  each  bearing  a  statue  of  the  Pharaoh  between  the 


Nor  did  the  western  plain  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  behind 
which  the  conquerors  slept,  suffer  by  comparison  with  the  new 
glories  of  Karnak  and  Luxor,  Along  the  foot  of  the  rugged  -cliffs, 
from  the  modest  chapel  of  Amenhotep  I  on  the  north,  there 
stretched  southward  in  an  imposing  line  the  mortuary  temples  of 
the  emperors.  At  the  south  end  of  this  line,  but  a  little  nearer 
the  river,  Amenhotep  III  erected  his  own  mortuary  sanctuary, 
the  largest  temple  of  his  reign.  Two  gigantic  colossi  of  the  king, 
nearly  ^seventy  feet  high,  each  cut  from  one  blbck  and  weighing 
over  seven  hundred  tons,  besides  a  pair  of  obelisks,  stood  before 
the  pylon,  which  was  approached  from  the  river  by  an  avenue  of 
jackals  sculptured  in  stone.  Numerous  other  great  statues  of  the 
Pharaoh  were  ranged  about  the  colonnades  of  the  court.  A  huge 
stela  of  sandstone,  thirty  feet  high,  inwrought  with  gold  and 
encrusted  with  costly  stones,  marked  the  ceremonial  "Station  of 
the  King/  where  Amenhotep  stood  in  performing  the  official 
duties  of  the  ritual;  another,  over  ten  feet  high,  bore  a  record  of 
all  his  works  for  Amon,  while  the.  walls  and  floors  of  the  temple, 
overlaid  with  gold  and  silver,  displayed  the  most  prodigal  mag- 
nificence* The  fine  taste  and  technical  skill  required  for  such 
supplementary  works  of  the  craftsman  were  now  developed  to  a 
point  of  classical  excellence,  beyond  which  Egyptian  art  never 
passed.  But  this  sumptuous  building,  probably  the  greatest  work 
of  art  ever  wrought  in  Egypt,  has  vanished  utterly*  Only  the  two 
weather-beaten  colossi  which  guarded  the  entrance  still  look  out 
across  the  plain,  one  of  them  still  bearing  the  scribblings  in  Greek 
of  curious  tourists  in  the  times  of  the  Roman  Kmpire  who  came 
to  hear  the  marvellous  voice  of  Memnon  which  issued  from  it 
every  morning,  A  hundred  paces  behind  lies  prostrate  and 
shattered  in  two  the  vast  stela,  once  encrusted  with  gold  and 
costly  stones,  marking  the  'Station  of  the  King/  and  upon  it  one 
may  still  read  the  words  of  Amenhotep  regarding  the  temple: 
*My  majesty  has  done  these  things  for  millions  of  years.,  and  I 
know  that  they  will  abide  in  the  earth.'  We  shall  later  have 
occasion  to  observe  how  this  regal  temple  fell  a  prey  to  the 
impiety  of  Amenhotep's  degenerate  descendants  within  two 
hundred  years  of  his  death* 

In  the  days  of  their  splendour,  the  general  effect  of  these 
Theban  buildings  must  have  been  imposing  in  the  extreme;  the 
brilliant  hues  of  the  polychrome  architecture,  with  columns  and 
gates  overwrought  in  gold,  and  floors  overlaid  with  silver^  the 
whole  dominated  by  towering  obelisks  clothed  in  glittering  metal, 
rising  high  above  the  rich  "green  of  the  nodding  palms  and 


tropical  foliage  which  framed  the  mass — all  this  must  have  pro- 
duced an  impression  both  of  gorgeous  detail  and  overwhelming 
grandeur,  of  which  the  sombre  ruins  of  the  same  buildings.  Im- 
pressive as  they  are,  offer  little  hint  at  the  present  day.  As  at 
Athens  in  the  days  of  her  glory,  the  state  was  fortunate  in  the 
possession  of  men  of  sensitive  and  creative  mind,  upon  whose 
quick  imagination  her  greatness  had  profoundly  wrought,  until 
they  were  able  to  embody  her  external  manifestations  in  forms  of 
beauty,  dignity  a!hd  splendour.  Thus  had  Thebes  become  a 
worthy  seat  of  empire,  the  first  monumental  city  of  antiquity. 

Under  such  conditions  sculpture  flourished  as  never  before. 
Along  with  a  tireless  patience  and  nicety  in  the  development  of 
detail,  the  sculptor  had  at  the  same  time  gained  a  discernment 
of  individual  traits  and  a  refinement  of  feeling,  a  delicacy  and 
flexibility  combined  with  strength,  before  unknown.  These 
qualities  were  sometimes  carried  into  work  of  such  ample  pro- 
portions that  the  sculptor's  command  of  them  under  the  circum- 
stances is  surprising,  although  not  all  of  the  colossal  portrait 
statues  are  successful  in  these  particulars.  The  success  attained 
in  the  sculpture  of  impressive  animal  forms  by  the  artists  of  this 
reign  marked  the  highest  level  of  such  work  in  the  history  of 
Egyptian  art,  and  Ruskin  has  insisted  with  his  customary  con- 
viction that  the  two  lions  of  Amenhotep  IIFs  reign  now  in  the 
British  Museum  are  the  finest  embodiment  of  animal  majesty 
which  have  survived  to  us  from  any  ancient  people.  Especially  in 
relief  were  the  artists  of  this  age  masters.  In  such  works  we  may 
study  the  abandoned  grief  of  the  two  sons  of  the  High  Priest  of 
Memphis  as  they  follow  their  father's  body  to  the  tomb,  and  note 
how  effectively  the  artist  has  contrasted  with  their  emotion  the 
severe  gravity  and  conventional  decorum  of  the  great  ministers 
of  state  behind  them,  who  themselves  are  again  in  striking  con- 
trast with  a  heartless  Beau  Brummell  of  that  distant  day,  who  is 
affectedly  arranging  the  perfumed  curls  of  his  elaborate  wig. 
The  artist  who  wrought  such  a  piece  was  a  master  of  ripe  and 
matured  culture,  an  observer  of  life,  whose  work  exhibits  alike 
the  pathos  and  the  wistful  questioning  of  human  sorrow,  recog- 
nizing both  the  necessity  and  the  cruel  indifference  of  official 
conventionality,  and  seeing,  amid  all,  the  play  of  the  vain  and 
ostentatious  fashions  of  the  hour.  Such  a  work  of  art  exhibits  the 
same  detachment  and  capacity  to  contemplate  and  criticize  life, 
that  had  already  arisen  among  the  social  thinkers  of  the 
Egyptian  Feudal  Age,  and  which  some  modern  writers  would 
have  us  believe  first  appeared  in  the  literary  art  of  Aristophanes. 


Now,  too,  the  Pharaoh's  deeds  of  prowess  inspired  the  sculptors 
of  the  time  to  design  more  elaborate  compositions  than  they  had 
ever  before  attempted.  The  battle  scenes  on  the  noble  chariot  of 
Thutmose  IV  exhibit  an  unprecedented  complexity  in  drawing, 
and  this  tendency  continued  in  the  XlXth  Dynasty. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  work  of  the  craftsmen  in  furnish- 
ing and  embellishing  the  temples.  While  the  magnificent  jewellery 
of  the  Middle  Kingdom  was  never  later  surpassed,  and  possibly 
never  equalled  (p.  41 6sq.\  nevertheless  the  reigii  of  Amenhotep  III 
and  his  successor  marked  the  Grand  Age  in  all  the  refinements  of 
artistic  craftsmanship,  especially  as  revealed  in  the  palaces  of  the 
Pharaoh  and  the  villas  of  his  nobles.  Such  works  as  these,  together 
with  temples  and  gardens,  made  the  western  plain  of  Thebes  a 
majestic  prospect  as  the  observer  advanced  from  the  river, 
ascending  Amenhotep's  avenue  of  sculptured  jackals.  On  the  left, 
behind  the  temple  and  nearer  the  cliffs,  appeared  a  palace  of  the 
king,  of  rectangular  wooden  architecture  in  bright  colours;  very 
light  and  airy,  and  having  over  the  front  entrance  a  gorgeous 
cushioned  balcony  with  graceful  columns,  in  which  the  king 
showed  himself  to  his  favourites  on  occasion.  Innumerable  pro- 
ducts of  the  industrial  artists,  which  fill  the  museums  of  Kurope, 
indicate  with  what  tempered  richness  and  delicate  beauty  such  a 
royal  chateau  was  furnished  and  adorned.  Magnificent  vessels 
in  gold  and  silver,  with  figures  of  men  and  animals,  plants  and 
flowers  rising  from  the  brim,  glittered  on  the  king's  table  among 
crystal  goblets,  glass  vases  (made  by  the  sons  of  the  craftsmen 
who  produced  the  earliest  known  glass  vessels),  and  grey  glazed 
bowls  inlaid  with  pale  blue  designs*  The  walls  were  covered  with 
woven  tapestry  which  skilled  judges  have  declared  equal  to  the 
best  modern  work*  Besides  painted  pavements  depicting  animal 
life,  the  walls  also  were  adorned  with  blue  glazed 'tiles,  'the  rich 
colour  of  which  shone  through  elaborate  designs  in  gold  leaf, 
while  glazed  figures  were  employed  in  encrusting  larger  surfaces. 
The  ceilings  were  a  deep  blue  sky  across  which  floated  soaring 
birds  done  in  bright  colours.  Ceiling,  walls  and  floor  merged  in 
a  unified  colour  scheme  which  was  developed  *with  fine  and 
intelligent  consideration  of  the  room  as  a  whole*  Of  the  painting 
of  the  time  the  best  examples  were  in  the  palaces,  but  these 
buildings,  being  of  wood  and  sun-dried  brick,  have  perished, 
Enough  has  survived  however  to  show  us  that  in  all  the  refined 
arts  it  was  an  age  like  that  of  Louis  XV.  It  is  evident  that 
literature  did  not  lag  behind  the  other  arts?  but  unhappily  chance 
has  preserved  to  us  little  of  the  literature  of  this  remarkable  age* 


There  is  a  triumphant  hymn  to  Thutmose  III,  and  we  shall  read 
portions  of  the  remarkable  Sun-hymn  of  Ikhnaton;  but  of 
narrative,  song  and  legend,  which  must  have  flourished  from  the 
rise  of  the  Empire,  our  surviving  documents  date  almost  exclu- 
sively from  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  The  music  of  the  period  was  more 
elaborate  than  ever  before,  for  the  art  had  made  progress  since 
the  days  of  the  old  simplicity.  The  harp  was  now  a  huge  instru- 
ment as  tall  as  a  man,  and  had  some  twenty  strings;  the  lyre  had 
been  introduced  from  Asia,  and  the  full  orchestra  contained  the 
harp,  the  lyre,  the  lute  and  the  double  pipes. 

In  the  midst  of  sumptuous  splendour,  such  as  no  ruler  of  men 
had  ever  enjoyed  before,  this  great  emperor  of  the  east  devoted 
himself  to  his  life  of  luxury  and  the  beautification  of  his  imperial 
city.  Around  his  palace  on  the  west  side  of  the  river  he  laid  out 
an  exclusive  quarter  which  he  gave  to  his  queen,  Tiy.  He  ex- 
cavated a  large  lake^in  the  enclosure,  about  a  mile  long  and  over 
a  thousand  feet  wide,  and  at  the  celebration  of  his  coronation 
anniversary  in  his  twelfth  year,  he  opened  the  sluices  for  filling 
it,  and  sailed  out  upon  it  in  the  royal  barge  with  his  queen,  in 
such  a  gorgeous  festival  'fantasia7  as  we  find  in  the  Arabian 
Nights  in  the  days  of  the  notorious  Harun  el-Rashid.  Such 
festivals,  now  common  in  Thebes,  enriched  the  life  of  the  fast 
growing  metropolis  with  a  kaleidoscopic  variety  which  may  be 
compared  only  with  similar  periods  in  Rome  under  the  emperors. 
The  religious  feasts  of  the  seventh  month  were  celebrated  with 
such  opulent  splendour,  that  the  month  quickly  gained  the  epithet, 
'That  of  Amenhotep,'  a  designation  still  surviving  among  the 
natives  of  modern  Egypt,  who  employ  it  without  the  faintest 
knowledge  of  the  imperial  ruler,  their  ancestor,  whose  name  is 
perpetuated  in  it. 

Amenhotep  III  was  very  fond  of  hunting,  and  when  his  scouts 
brought  him  word  that  a  herd  of  wild  cattle  had  appeared  among 
the  hills  bordering  the  Delta,  he  would  leave  the  palace  at  Memphis 
in  the  evening,  sail  north  all  night  and  reach  the  herd  in  the  early 
morning.  On  one  occasion  there  were  no  less  than  one  hundred 
and  seventy  wild  cattle  in  the  enclosure,  into  which  his  beaters 
had  driven  them*  Entering  it  in  his  chariot  the  king  himself  slew 
fifty-six  of  the  savage  beasts  on  the  first  day,  to  which  number, 
after  four  days  interval  of  rest,  he  added  probably  twenty  more  at 
a  second  onslaught.  Amenhotep  thought  the  achievement  worthy 
of  commemoration  and  issued  a  series  of  scarabs  bearing  a  record 
of  the  feat.  When  the  chase-loving  king  had  completed  ten  years 
of  lion-hunting  he  distributed  to  the  nobles  of  the  court  a  similar 


memorial  of  his  prowess,  which,  after  the  usual  royal  titulary  of 
himself  and  his  queen,  bore  the  words:  *  Statement  of  lions  which 
his  majesty  brought  down  with  his  own  arrows  from  the  ye^r  one 
to  the  year  ten:  fierce  lions,  102.'  Some  thirty  or  forty  of  these 
scarabs  of  the  lion-hunt  still  survive, 

It  will  be  seen  that  in  these  things  a  new  and  modern  ten- 
dency was  maturing.  The  divine  Pharaoh  was  constantly  being 
exhibited  in  human  relations,  and  the  affairs  of  the  royal  house 
were  made  public  property.  This  is  nowhere  Clearer  than  in  the 
emperor's  marriage.  While  still  crown  prince,  or  at  least  early  in 
his  reign,  he  married  a  remarkable  woman  of  low  birth,  named 
Tiy.  The  evidence  usually  cited  to  prove  her  of  foreign  birth  is 
doubtful,  and  the  remains  of  the  bodies  of  her  parents  disclose 
them  to  be  Egyptians.  The  criticisms  of  this  marriage  were  met 
by  the  young  Pharaoh  with  unflinching  boldness.  I  fe  issued  a 
large  number  of  scarabs,  carved  in  stone  and  engraved,  with  a 
record  of  the  marriage,  in  which  the  untitled  parentage  of  his 
queen  frankly  follows  her  name  in  the  royal  titulary  itself, 
which  declares  her  to  be  the  queen-consort.  But  the  record  closes 
with  the  words:  *She  is  the  wife  of  a  mighty  king  whose  southern 
boundary  is  as  far  as  Karoy  and  northern  as  far  as  Naharin/ 
Recalling  the  vast  extent  of  his  sovereignty  from  the  Sudan  to 
the  Upper  Euphrates,  the  emperor  thus  bade  any  who  might 
reflect  upon  the  humble  origin  of  the  queen  to  remember  the 
exalted  station  which  she  now  occupied*  l<Yom  the  beginning  the 
new  queen  exerted  a  powerful  influence  aver  Amenhotep,  and  he 
immediately  inserted  her  name  in  the  official  caption  placed  at 
the  head  of  royal  documents.  Her  power  continued  throughout 
his  reign>  and  was  the  beginning  of  a  remarkable  era  characterized 
by  the  prominence  of  the  queens  in  state  affairs  and  cm  public 
occasions,  a  peculiarity  which  we  find  only  under  Amenhotcp  III 
and  his  immediate  successors.  The  mime  of  the  queen,  therefore, 
not  even  a  woman  of  royal  birth,  thus  constantly  appearing  at  the 
head  of  official  documents  side  by  side  with  that  of  the  Pharaoh, 
was  a  frequent  reminder  of  the  more  human  and  less  exalted 
relations  into  which  the  sovereign  had  now  entered.  In  constant 
intercourse  with  the  nations  of  Asia  he  was  likewise  gradually 
forced  from  his  old  superhuman  state,  suited  only  to  the  Nile, 
into  less  provincial  and  more  modern  relations  with  his  neighbours 
of  Babylon  and  MJtanni,  who  in  their  letters  called  him  *  brother.* 
This  lion-hunting,  bull-baiting  Pharaoh,  who  had  made  a  woman 
of  lowly  birth  his  queen,  was  far  indeed  from  the  godlike  and 
unapproachable  immobility  of  his  divine  ancestors.  It  was  as  if 

V,  n]  THE  CLOUD  IN  THE  NORTH  107 

the  emperor  of  China  or  the  Dalai  Lama  of  Tibet  were  all  at  once 
to  make  his  personal  doings  known  on  a  series  of  medals.  Whether 
consciously  or  not,,  the  Pharaoh  had  assumed  a  modern  standpoint, 
which  must  inevitably  lead  to  sharp  conflict  with  the  almost 
irresistible  inertia  of  tradition  in  an  oriental  country. 

Meantime  all  went  well;  the  lines  of  the  coming  internal 
struggle  were  not  yet  clearly  drawn,  and  of  the  first  signs  of 
trouble  from  without  Amenhotep  was  unconscious.  A  veritable 
*  Caesar  divus'  he  presided  over  the  magnificence  of  Thebes.  In 
the  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign  he  celebrated  his  first  royal  jubilee, 
and  we  have  a  record  of  his  third  jubilee  in  the  year  thirty-six* 
On  this  occasion  the  old  monarch  was  still  able  to  grant  the  court 
an  audience  and  receive  their  congratulations.  But  ominous  signs 
of  trouble  had  by  this  time  appeared  on  the  northern  horizon. 
Mitanni  had  been  invaded  by  the  Hittites,  but  Tushratta,  the 
Mitannian  king,  had^been  able  to  repel  them,  and  sent  to  Amen- 
hotep a  chariot  and  pair,  besides  two  slaves,  as  a  present  from 
the  booty  which  the  Hittites  had  left  in  his  hands.  The  provinces 
of  Egypt  in  northern  Syria  had  not  been  spared.  The  Hittites 
had  invaded  Katna  in  the  Orontes  valley,  and  carried  off  the 
image  of  Amon-Re,  with  the  name  of  Amenhotep  on  it.  Nukh- 
ashshi,  which  perhaps  lay  farther  north,  suffered  a  similar  invasion. 
See  pp.  262,  301. 

All  this  was  not  without  the  connivance  of  treacherous  vassals 
of  the  Pharaoh,  who  were  themselves  attempting  the  conquest 
of  territory  on  their  own  account.  The  afterward  notorious 
Aziru  and  his  father,  Abd-Ashirta,  were  leaders  in  the  movement, 
entering  Katna  and  Nukhashshi  from  the  south  and  plundering 
as  they  went.  Others  who  had  made  common  cause  with  them 
threatened  Ubi,  the  region  of  Damascus.  Aki-izzi  of  Katna  and 
Rib-Addi  of  Byblus  quickly  reported  the  defection  of  the  Pharaoh's 
vassals.  The  situation  was  far  more  critical  than  it  appeared  to 
the  Pharaoh,  for  he  had  no  means  of  recognizing  the  seriousness 
of  the  Hittite  advance.  Amenhotep,  therefore,  instead  of  marching 
with  his  entire  army  immediately  into  nox*th  Syria,  as  Thutmose 
III  would  have  done,  sent  troops  only.  These  of  course  had  no 
trouble  in  momentarily  quelling  the  turbulent  dynasts  and  putting 
a  brief  stop  to  their  aggressions  against  the  loyal  vassals;  but  they 
were  quite  unable  to  cope  with  the  southern  advance  of  the 
Hittites,  who  secured  a  footing  in  northern  Naharin,  of  the  greatest 
value  in  their  further  plans  for  the  conquest  of  Syria.  Furthermore, 
the  king's  long  absence  from  Syria  was  telling  upon  Egyptian 
prestige  there,  and  another  threatening  danger  to  his  Asiatic 

io8  EGYPT'S  ZENITH  [CHAP.  V,  n 

possessions  is  stated  to  have  begun  from  the  day  when  the  king 
had  last  left  Sidon.  An  invasion  of  Habiru  (Khabiru),  perhaps 
desert  Semites,  such  as  had  from  time  to  time  inundated  Syria 
and  Palestine  from  time  immemorial,  was  now  taking  place.  It 
was  of  such  proportions  that  it  may  fairly  be  called  an  immigra- 
tion. Before  Amenhotep  Ill's  death  it  had  become  threatening, 
and  thus  Rib-Addi  of  Byblus  later  wrote  to  Amenhotep  II Fs  son: 
*  Since  thy  father  returned  from  Sidon,  since  that  time,  the  lands 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Habiru/  See  further,  p.  123. 

Under  such  threatening  conditions  as  these  the  old  Pharaoh, 
whom  we  may  well  call  *  Amenhotep  the  Magnificent,'  drew  near 
his  end.  His  brother  of  Mitanni,  with  whom  he  was  still  on  terms 
of  intimacy,  probably  knowing  of  his  age  and  weakness,  sent  the 
image  of  Ishtar  of  Nineveh  for  the  second  time  to  Egypt,  doubt- 
less in  the  hope  that  the  far-famed  goddess  might  be  able  to 
exorcise  the  evil  spirits  which  were  causing  Amenhotep's  infirmity 
and  restore  the  old  king  to  health.  But  all  such  means  were  of  no 
avail,  and  about  1375  B.C.,  after  nearly  thirty-six  years  upon  the 
throne,  *  Amenhotep  the  Magnificent'  passed  away  and  was 
buried  with  the  other  emperors,  his -fathers,  in  the  Valley  of  the 
Kings*  Tombs. 




A  MENHOTEP  IV,  the  young  and  inexperienced  son  of 
jL\.  Amenhotep  III  and  the  queen  Tiy,  inherited  a  difficult 
situation.  The  conflict  of  new  forces  with  tradition  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  already  felt  by  his  father.  The  task  before  him  was 
so  to  manipulate  these  conflicting  forces  as  eventually  to  give 
reasonable  play  -  to  the  new  and  modern  tendency,  but  at  the 
same  time  to  conserve  enough  of  the  old  to  prevent  a  catastrophe. 
It  was  a  problem  of  practical  statesmanship,  but  Amenhotep  IV 
saw  it  chiefly  in  its  ideal  aspects*  His  mother,  Tiy,  and  his 
queen,  Nofretete,  perhaps  a  woman  of  Asiatic  birth,  and  a 
favourite  priest.  Eye,  the  husband  of  his  nurse,  formed  his 
immediate  circle.  The  first  two  probably  exercised  a  powerful 
influence  over  him,  and  were  given  a  prominent  share  in  the 
government,  at  least  as  far  as  its  public  manifestations  were  con- 
cerned: for,  in  a  manner  quite  surpassing  his  father's  similar 
tendency,  he  constantly  appeared  in  public  with  both  his  mother 
and  his  wife*  The  lofty  though  impracticable  aims  which  he  had 
in  view  must  have  found  a  ready  response  in  these  his  two  most 
influential  counsellors.  Thus,  while  Egypt  was  in  sore  need  of  a 
vigorous  and  skilled  administrator,  the  young  king  was  in  close 
counsel  with  a  priest  and  two  perhaps  gifted  women,  who,  how- 
ever able,  were  not  of  the  fibre  to  show  the  new  Pharaoh  what 
the  empire  really  demanded.  Instead  of  gathering  the  army  so 
sadly  needed  in  Naharin,  as  Thutmose  III  would  have  done 
Amenhotep  IV  immersed  himself  heart  and  soul  in  the  thought 
of  the  time,  and  the  philosophizing  theology  of  the  priests  was 
of  more  importance  to  him  than  all  the  provinces  of  Asia.  In  such 
contemplations  he  gradually  developed  ideals  and  purposes  which 
make  him  the  most  remarkable  of  all  the  Pharaohs,  and,  we  may 
even  say,  the  first  individual  in  human  history. 

The  profound  influence  of  Egypt's  imperial  position  had  not 
been  limited  to  the  externals  of  life,  to  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  people,  to  the  rich  and  prolific  art,  pregnant  with  new 


possibilities  of  beauty,  but  had  extended  likewise  to  thought  and 
religion.  In  the  Old  Kingdom  the  Sun-god  was  conceived  as  a 
Pharaoh,  whose  kingdom  was  Egypt.  With  the  expansion  of  the 
Egyptian  kingdom  into  a  world-empire  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
domain  of  the  god  should  likewise  expand.  As  the  kingdom  had 
long  since  found  expression  in  religion,  so  now  the  empire  was  a 
powerful  influence  upon  religious  thought.  This  is  evident  in  the 
remark  of  a  great  military  leader  like  Thutmose  III  regarding 
his  god  (Anion):  '.He  seeth  the  whole  earth  'hourly.'  If  this  was 
true  it  was  because  the  sword  of  the  Pharaoh  had  carried  the 
power  of  Egypt's  god  to  the  limits  of  Egypt's  empire. 

While  this  was  a  more  or  less  mechanical  and  unconscious 
process,  it  was  accompanied  by  an  intellectiial  awakening*  which 
shook  the  old  Egyptian  traditions  to  the  foundations  and  set  the 
men  of  the  age  to  thinking  in  a  larger  world.  Of  what  stuff 
Thutmose  III  was  made  we  have  already  seen  (p.  87).  The  idea 
of  universal  power,  of  a  world-empire,  was  visibly  and  tangibly 
bodied  forth  in  his  career.  The  first  human  personality  of  world- 
wide aspects  was  sure  to  affect  men's  ideas  of  divine  personality. 
There  is  a  touch  of  universalism  now  discernible  in  the  theology  of 
the  empire:  it  is  directly  due  to  such  impressions  as  Thutmose  III 
and  his  successors  made.  Egypt  was  forced  out  of  the  immemorial 
isolation  of  her  narrow  valley  into  world-relations,  with  which  the 
theology  of  the  time  must  reckon — relations  with  which  the  Sun- 
god  was  inextricably  involved,  Commercial  connections^  main- 
tained from  an  immemorially  remote  past,  had  resulted  in  the 
Middle  "Kingdom  in  a  literature  of  adventure  in  far-off  countries., 
as  illustrated  by  such  tales  as  the  Shipwrecked  Sailor  or  the  Story 
of  Sinuhe  (voL  i,  p.  348),  but  such  knowledge  of  distant  lands  had 
done  little  toward  bringing  the  great  world  without  into  the  purview 
of  Egyptian  religious  thinking*  The  limits  of  the  dominion  of  the 
Egyptian  gods  had  been  fixed  as  the  outer  fringes  of  the  Nile 
valley  long  before  the  outside  world  was  familiar  to  the  Nile- 
dwellers;  and  merely  commercial  intercourse  with  a  larger  world 
had  not  been  able  to  shake  the  tradition.  Many  a  merchant  had 
seen  a  stone  fall  in  distant  Babylon  and  in  Thebes  alike>  but  it 
had  not  occurred  to  him,  or  to  any  man  in  that  tar-off  age,  that 
the  same  natural  force  reigned  in  these  widely  separated  countries* 
Many  a  merchant  of  that  day,  too,  had  seen  the  sun  rise  behind 
the  Babylonian  ziggurats,  as  it  did  among  the  clustered  obelisks 
of  Thebes;  but  the  thought  of  the  age  had  not  yet  come  to  terms 
with  such  far-reaching  facts  as  these.  It  was  universalism  expressed 
in  terms  of  imperial  pvwwr  which  first  caught  the  imagination  of 
the  thinking  men  of  the  empire,  and  disclosed  to  them  the 


universal  sweep  of  the  Sun-god's  dominion  as  a  physical  fact.  In 
the  Ancient  East  monotheism  was  but  imperialism  in  religion. 
Already  under  Amenhotep  III  an  old  name  for  the  material  sun, 
'Aton/  had  come  into  prominent  use,  where  the  name  of  the 
Sun-god  might  have  been  expected.  Thus,  he  called  the  royal 
barge  on  which  he  sailed  with  Tiy  on  her  beautiful  lake,  'Aton 
gleams/  and  a  company  of  his  body-guard  bore  the  new  god's 
name.  He  appended  to  his  own  name  the  epithet,  'dawning  like 
Aton/  or  even  calied  himself  'the  shining  Aton/  A  cult  of  the 
newly  named  Sun-god  had  really  been  inaugurated  and  there  was 
probably  a  chapel  dedicated  to  him  at  Heliopolis.  Now  and 
again  he  had  even  been  designated  as  'the  sole  god'  by  Amen- 
hotep IIFs  contemporaries. 

Amenhotep  IV  was  soon  closely  associated  with  the  new  ideas. 
Like  some  other  rulers  of  his  line,  he  had  been  crowned  in 
Hermonthis,  known  as  the  'Upper  Egyptian  Heliopolis,'  where 
the  Solar  theology  Was  strong,  and  a  brother  of  his  mother  was 
high-priest  there.  Early  in  his  reign  we  find  him  there  engaged 
in  the  worship  of  Aton,  in  a  temple  of  the  god,  of  which  he  may 
have  been  the  builder.  He  made  no  attempt  to  conceal  the 
identity  of  the  new  deity  with  the  old  Sun-god,  Re,  He  assumed 
the  office  of  high-priest  of  Aton  with  the  same  title,  'Great  Seer/ 
as  that  of  the  high-priest  of  Re  at  Heliopolis.  But,  however 
evident  the  Heliopolitan  origin  of  the  new  state-religion  might 
be,  it  was  not  merely  Sun-worship;  the  word  Aton  was  employed 
in  place  of  the  old  word  for  'god'  (neter)y  and  the  god  was 
evidently  conceived  to  be  far  more  than  the  merely  material  sun. 
The  king  was  evidently  deifying  the  light  or  the  vital  heat  which 
he  found  accompanying  all  life.  It  plays  an  important  part  similar 
to  that  which  we  find  it  assuming  in  the  early  cosrnogonic 
philosophies  of  the  Greeks.  Thence,  as  we  might  expect,  the 

fod  is  stated  to  be  everywhere  active  by  means  of  his  'rays/  In 
is  age  of  the  world  it  is  perfectly  certain  that  the  king  could  not 
have  had  the  vaguest  notion  of  the  physico-chemical  aspects  of 
his  assumption,  any  more  than  had  the  early  Greeks  in  dealing 
with  a  similar  thought;  yet  the  fundamental  idea  is  surprisingly 
true,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  marvellously  fruitful. 

The  most  ancient  symbol  of  the  Sun-god  was  a  pyramid,  and, 
as  a  falcon,  the  figure  of  that  bird  was  also  used  to  designate  him. 
These,  however,  were  intelligible  only  in  Egypt,  and  Amenhotep 
IV  had  a  wider  arena  in  view.  The  new  symbol  depicted  the  sun  as  a 
disk  from  which  diverging  beams  radiated  downward^  each  ray 
terminating  in  a  human  hand.  It  was  a  masterly  symbol^  suggesting  a 
power  issuing  from  its  celestial  source^  and  putting  its  hand  upon  the 


and  the  affairs  of  men.  As  far  back  as  the  Pyramid  Texts 
the  rays  of  the  Sun-god  had  been  likened  to  his  arms  and  had 
been  conceived  as  an  agency  on  earth.  The  outward  symbol  of  his 
god  thus  broke  sharply  with  tradition;  but  it  was  capable  of 
practical  introduction  in  the  many  different  countries  making  up 
the  empire,  and  could  be  understood  at  a  glance  by  any  intelligent 
foreigner,  which  was  far  from  the  case  with  any  of  the  traditional 
symbols  of  Egyptian  religion.  To  indicate  the  imperial  power  of 
Aton,  Ameiihotep  IV  now  enclosed  the  god's  full  name,  as  already 
introduced  by  his  father,  in  two  royal  cartouches,  suggesting  for 
the  god  an  earthly  dominion  like  that  of  the  Pharaoh. 

His  zeal  for  the  new  cult  was  evident  from  the  beginning. 
He  sent  an  expedition  to  the  sandstone  quarries  of  Silsileh  to 
secure  the  great  shaft  for  an  obelisk  to  be  erected  in  Amen- 
hotep  Ill's  Karnak  temple  of  Aton,  and  the  chief  nobles  of  his 
court  were  in  charge  of  the  works  at  the  quarry,  Thebes  was 
now  called  'City  of  the  Brightness  of  Aton,*  and  the  temple- 
quarter,  *  Brightness  of  Aton  the  Great';  while  the  Aton  sanctuary 
itself  bore  the  name  of  *Gem-Aton/  a  term  of  uncertain  meaning. 
Although  the  other  gods  were  still  tolerated  as  of  old,  it  was 
nevertheless  inevitable  that  the  priesthood  of  Amon  should  view 
with  growing  jealousy  the  brilliant  rise  of  a  strange  god  in  their 
midst,  an  artificial  creation  of  which  they  knew  nothing,  save 
that  much  of  the  wealth  formerly  employed  in  the  enrichment  of 
Amon's  sanctuary  was  now  lavished  on  the  intruder.  The  priest- 
hood of  Amon  was  now  a  rich  and  influential  body,  and  the  high- 
priest  of  Amon  was  also  the  supreme  head  of  the  organization 
including  all  the  priests  of  the  nation,  besides  sometimes  holding 
the  chief  treasurership  of  the  empire,  or  even  the  office  of  grand 
vizier.  The  Amonite  priesthood  had  installed  Thutmosc  III  as 
king;  and  coiild  they  have  supplanted  with  one  of  their  own  tools 
the  young  dreamer  who  now  held  the  throne,  they  would  of  course 
have  done  so  at  the  first  opportunity.  But  Amcnhotep  IV  pos- 
sessed unlimited  personal  force  of  character,  and  he  was  moreover 
the  son  of  a  line  of  rulers  too  strong  and  too  illustrious  to  be  thus 
set  aside,  even  by  the  most  powerful  priesthood  in  the  land*  A 
hitter  conflict  ensued,  in  which  the  issue  was  sharply  drawn 
between  Aton  and  the  old  gods.  It  rendered  Thebes  intolerable 
to  the  young  king*  lie  decided  to  break  with  the  priesthoods  and 
to  make  Aton  the  sole  god,  not  merely  in  his  own  thought,  but 
in  very  fact*  As  far  as  their  external  and  material  manifestations 
and  equipment  were  concerned,  the  annihilation  of  the  old  gods 
could  be  and  was  accomplished  without  delay.  The  priesthoods,, 


including  that  of  Amon,  were  dispossessed,  the  official  temple- 
worship  of  the  various  gods  throughout  the  land  ceased,  and  their 
names,  were  erased  wherever  they  could  be  found  upon  the 

The  persecution  of  Amon  was  especially  severe.  The  cemetery 
of  Thebes  was  visited  and  in  the  tombs  of  the  ancestors  the  hated 
name  of  Amon  was  hammered  out  wherever  it  appeared  upon  the 
stone.  The  rows  on  rows  of  statues  of  the  great  nobles  of  the  old 
and  glorious  days  *of  the  empire)  ranged  along  the  walls  of  the 
Karnak  temple,  were  not  spared,  and  the  god's  name  was  invari- 
ably erased.  Stone-cutters  climbed  to  the  tops  of  Hatshepsut's 
lofty  obelisks  and  cut  out  the  name  of  Amon  to  the  very  apex. 
The  royal  statues  of  his  ancestors,  including  even  the  king's 
father,  were  not  respected;  and,  what  was  worse,  as  the  name  of 
that  father,  Amenhotep,  contained  the  name  of  Amon,  the  young 
king  was  placed  in  the  unpleasant  predicament  of  being  obliged 
to  cut  out  his  own  father's  name  in  order  to  prevent  the  name  of 
Amon  from  appearing  'writ  large'  on  all  the  temples  of  Thebes. 
Even  the  private  living  apartments  of  Amenhotep  III  in  his 
splendid  Theban  palace  at  modern  Medinet  Habu  were  invaded, 
and  the  king's  name  erased  in  the  sumptuous  wall  decorations. 
Frequently  the  word  *  gods'  was  not  permitted  to  remain  on  the 
old  monuments;  and  the  walls  of  the  temples  at  Thebes  were 
painfully  searched  in  order  that  the  compromising  word  might  be 
blotted  out  (see  p.  206).  And  then  there  was  the  embarrassment 
of  the  king's  own  name,  likewise  Amenhotep,  meaning  *  Amon 
rests'  or  'is  satisfied/  which  could  not  be  spoken  or  placed  on  a 
monument.  It  was  of  necessity  also  banished  and  the  king  assumed 
in  its  place  the  name  'Ikhnaton,'  which  means  'Aton  is  satisfied/ 
or  'He  in  whom  Aton  is  satisfied.' 

This  terrible  revolution,  violating  all  that  was  dearest  and  most 
sacred  in  Egyptian  life,  must  have  been  a  devastating  experience  for 
the  youthful  king,  perhaps  not  yet  nineteen  at  this  time1.  Thebes 

1  In  view  of  the  supposed  youth  of  this  extraordinary  king,  attention 
has  very  appropriately  been  called  to  the  remarkable  career  of  El-Hakim 
ibn-'AzIz  (A.D.  996—1021).,  who  began  to  rule  at  Cairo  as  a  lad  of  eleven. 
He  exerted  a  great  influence  in  religious  conflicts  between  Shiites  and 
Sunnites  and  issued  extraordinary  heretical  decrees  when  only  sixteen  years 

of  age  (Moller,  Z.  ^eg^  LVI  (1920),  p.  100  so.).  On  the  other  hand,  Sethe 
has  offered  very  cogent  reasons  for  rejecting  the  identification  of  the  alleged 
body  of  Ikhnaton  found  in  his  coffin  as  certainly  that  of  our  heretical 
Pharaoh  ('Beitragezur  Geschichte  Amenophis  IV,'  Nachrichten  der  GeselL 
der  Wiss.  %u  Gottingen,  PUL~hist.  Klasse,  1921,  Heft  2,  pp.  122-130). 
Sethe  believes  the  king  was  at  least  25  to  26  years  old  at  his  accession. 



had  become  an  impossible  place  of  residence.  In  his  father's  palace, 
which  he  doubtless  occupied,  he  found  unsightly  gaps  in  the  lovely 
wall  decorations  where  once  his  father's  cartouche  had  stood.  As 
he  looked  across  the  city  he  saw  stretching  along  the  western  plain 
that  imposing  line  of  mortuary  temples  of  his  fathers  which  he 
had  violated.  They  now  stood  silent  and  empty.  The  towering 
pylons  and  obelisks  of  Karnak  and  Luxor  were  not  a  welcome 
reminder  of  all  that  his  fathers  had  contributed  to  the  glory  of 
Amon,  and  the  unfinished  hall  of  his  father  at  Luxor,  with  the 
superb  columns  of  the  nave,  still  waiting  for  the  roof,  could 
hardly  have  stirred  pleasant  memories  in  the  heart  of  the  young 
reformer.  A  doubtless  long  contemplated  plan  was  therefore 
undertaken.  A  ton,  the  god  of  the  empire.,  should  possess  his  own 
city  in  each  of  the  three  great  divisions  of  the  empire:  Egypt, 
Asia  and  Nubia,  and  the  god's  Egyptian  city  should  be  made  the 
royal  residence.  It  must  have  been  an  enterprise  requiring  some 
time,  but  the  three  cities  were  duly  founded.  The  Aton-city  of 
Nubia  was  located  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  somewhere  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  third  cataract,  and  was  thus  in  the  heart  of  the 
Egyptian  province.  It  was  named  *Gem-Aton*  after  the  Aton- 
temple  in  Thebes.  In  Syria  the  Aton-city  is  unknown,  but 
Ikhnaton  will  not  have  done  less  for  Aton  there  than  his  fathers 
had  done  for  Amon1. 

In  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign,  and  shortly  after  he  had  changed 
his  name,  the  king  was  living  in  his  own  Aton-city  in  Kgypt.  He 
chose  as  its  site  a  fine  and  spacious  bay  in  the  cliffs  about  one 
hundred  and  sixty  miles  above  the  Delta  and  nearly  three  hundred 
miles  below  Thebes.  He  called  it  Akhetaton,  *  I  ioir/xm  of  A  ton* — • 
it  is  known  in  modern  times  as  Tell  cl-Amarna.  In  addition  to  the 
town,  which  was  about  a  mile  wide  and  some  four  miles  long,  the 
territory  around  it  was  dcmarked  as  a  domain  belonging  to  the 
god,  and  included  the  plain  on  both  sides  of  the  river*  In  the 
cliffs  on  either  side,  fourteen  large  s/e/ae^  one  of  them  no  less 
than  twenty-six  feet  in  height,  were  cut  into  the  rock,  bearing 
inscriptions  determining  the  limits  of  the  entire  sacred  district 
around  the  city.  As  thus  laid  out  the  district  was  about  eight 

1  The  Aton-city  in  Syria  may  have  been  in  existence  under  Amcnhotep 

III,  The  effort  of  Borchardt  (jfcLD.O.G*,  No.  57,  March,  1917)  to  prove 
that  Akhctaton  (Amarna)  had  been  founded  a$  far  back  as  Thutmose  IV, 

and  to  shift  the  origins  and  the  essentials  of  the  A  ton  movement  to  the 
predecessors  of  Amenhotep  I V,  thus  depriving  him  of  all  historical  signi- 
ficance, has  been  completely  refuted  by  Schacfcr  (Z*  jfeg*)  LV3  1918, 
pp.  1—43).  See  also  below,  p.  205. 

VI,  i]    CITY  OF  AKHETATON:  TELL  EL-AMARNA       115 

miles  wide  from  north  to  south,  and  from  twelve  to  over  seventeen 
miles  long  from  cliff  to  cliff.  The  region  thus  demarked  was  then 
legally  conveyed  to  Aton  by  the  king's  own  decree,  saying:  'Now 
as  for  the  area  within  the.,, landmarks  from  the  eastern  mountain 
(cliffs)  to  the  western  mountain  of  Akhetaton  opposite,  it  belongs 
to  my  father,  Aton,  who  is  given  life  forever  and  ever:  whether 
mountains  or  cliffs,  or  swamps... or  uplands,  or  fields,  or  waters, 
or  towns,  or  shores,  or  people,  or  cattle,  or  trees,  or  anything 
which  Aton,  my  father,  has  made — I  have  conveyed  it  to  Aton, 
my  father,  forever  and  ever/ 

The  city  thus  established  was  to  be  the  real  capital  of  the 
empire,  for  the  king  himself  said :  *  The  whole  land  shall  come 
hither,  for  the  beautiful  seat  of  Akhetaton  shall  be  another  seat 
(capital),  and  I  will  give  them  audience  whether  they  be  north  or 
south  or  west  or  east/  The  royal  architect,  Bek,  was  sent  to  the 
first  cataract  to  procure  stone  for  the  new  jtemple,  or  we  should 
rather  say  temples,  for  no  less  than  three  were  now  built  in  the 
new  city,  one  for  the  queen-mother,  Tiy,  and  another  for  the 
princess  Beketaton  ('Maidservant  of  Aton'),  besides  the  state- 
temple  of  the  king  himself.  Around  the  temples  rose  the  palace 
of  the  king  and  the  chateaux  of  his  nobles,  one  of  whom  describes 
the  city  thus:  'Akhetaton,  great  in  loveliness,  mistress  of  pleasant 
ceremonies,  rich  in  possessions,  the  offerings  of  Re  in  her  midst. 
At  the  sight  of  her  beauty  there  is  rejoicing.  She  is  lovely  and 
beautiful;  when  one  sees  her  it  is  like  a  glimpse  of  heaven.  Her 
number  cannot  be  calculated.  When  the  Aton  rises  in  her  he 
fills  her  with  his  rays,  and  he  embraces  (with  his  rays)  his  beloved 
son,  son  of  eternity,  who  came  forth  from  Aton  and  offers  the 
earth  to  him  who  placed  him  on  his  throne,  causing  the  earth  to 
belong  to  him  who  made  him/ 

It  becomes  more  and  more  evident  that  all  that  was  devised 
and  done  in  the  new  city  and  in  the  propagation  of  the  Aton  faith 
bears  the  stamp  of  Ikhnaton's  individuality.  A  king  who  did  not 
hesitate  to  erase  his  own  father's  name  on  the  monuments  in 
order  to  destroy  Amon,  the  great  foe  of  his  revolutionary  move- 
ment, was  not  one  to  stop  halfway;  and  the  men  about  him,  in 
spite  of  his  youth,  must  have  been  irresistibly  swayed  by  the 
young  Pharaoh's  unbending  will.  But  Ikhnaton  understood 
enough  of  the  old  policy  of  the  Pharaohs  to  know  that  he  must 
hold  his  party  by  practical  rewards,  and  the  leading  partisans  of 
his  movement,  like  Merire,  enjoyed  liberal  bounty  at  his  hands. 
Thus  one  of  his  priests  of  Aton,  and  at  the  same  time  his  master 
of  the  royal  horse,  named  Eye,  who  had  by  good  fortune  happened 


to  marry  the  nurse  of  the  king,  renders  this  very  evident  in  such 
statements  as  the  following:  'He  doubles  to  me  my  favours  in 
silver  and  gold';  or  again,  addressing  the  king,  'How  prosperous 
is  he  who  hears  thy  teaching  of  life !  He  is  satisfied  with  seeing 
thee  without  ceasing/  The  general  of  the  army,  Mai,  enjoyed 
similar  bounty,  boasting  of  it  in  the  same  way:  'He  hath  doubled 
to  me  any  favours  like  the  numbers  of  the  sand,  I  am  the  head  of 
the  officials,  at  the  head  of  the  people;  my  lord  has  advanced  me 
because  I  have  carried  out  his  teaching,  anil  I  hear  his  word 
without  ceasing.  My  eyes  behold  thy  beauty  every  day,  O  my  lord, 
wise  like  Aton,  satisfied  with  truth.  How  prosperous  is  he  who 
hears  thy  teaching  of  life!'  Although  there  must  have  been  a 
nucleus  of  men  who  really  appreciated  the  ideal  aspects  of  the 
king's  teaching,  it  is  thus  evident  that  many  were  not  uninflu- 
enced by  'the  loaves  and  the  fishes.* 

Among  such  royal  favours  there  was  one  which  no  Kgyptian 
noble  could  fail  to  welcome.  This  was  the  beautiful  cliff-tomb 
which  the  king  commanded  his  craftsmen  to  hew  out  of  the 
eastern  cliffs  for  each  one  of  his  favourites.  The  old  mortuary 
practices  were  not  all  suppressed  by  Ikhnaton,  and  it  was  still 
necessary  for  a  man  to  be  buried  in  die  'eternal  house/  with  its 
endowment  for  the  support  of  the  deceased  in  the  hereafter.  But 
that  eternal  house  was  no  longer  disfigured  with  hideous  demons 
and  grotesque  monsters  which  should  confront  the  dead  in  the 
future  life;  and  the  magic  paraphernalia  necessary  to  meet  and 
vanquish  the  dark  powers  of  the  nether  world,  which  filled  the 
tombs  of  the  old  order  at  Thebes,  were  completely  banished. 
The  tomb  now  became  a  monument  to  the  deceased;  the  walls  of 
its  chapel  bore  fresh  and  natural  pictures  from  the  life  of  the 
people  in  Akhetaton,  particularly  the  incidents  in  the  official 
career  of  the  dead  man,  and  preferably  his  intercourse  with  the 
king*  Thus  the  city  of  Akhetaton  is  now  better  known  to  us  from 
its  cemetery  than  from  its  ruins* 

Throughout  these  tombs  the  nobles  take  delight  in  reiterating, 
both  in  relief  and  inscription,  the  intimate  relation  between  Aton 
and  the  king.  Over  ancl  over  again  they  show  the  king  and  the 
queen  standing  together  under  the  disk  of  Amon,  whose  rays? 
terminating  in  hands,  descend  and  embrace  the  king.  The  vulture- 
goddess,  Mut,  who,  since  the  hoary  age  of  the  Thinxtcs  had 
appeared  on  all  the  monuments  extending  her  protecting  wings 
over  the  Pharaoh's  head,  had  long  since  been  banished.  The 
nobles  constantly  pray  to  the  god  for  the  king^  saying  that  he 
4  came  forth  from  thy  rays/  or  *thou  hast  formed  him  out  of  thine 

VI,  i]  THE  ATON  FAITH  07 

own  rays';  and  interspersed  through  their  prayers  were  numerous 
current  phrases  of  the  Aton  faith,  which  had  now  become  con- 
ventional,, replacing  those  of  the  old  orthodox  religion,  which  it 
must  have  been  very  awkward  for  them  to  cease  using.  Thus  they 
demonstrated  how  zealous  they  had  been  in  accepting  and 
appropriating  the  king's  new  teaching.  On  state  occasions,  instead 
of  the  old  stock  phrases,  with  innumerable  references  to  the 
traditional  gods,  every  noble  who  would  enjoy  the  king's  favour 
was  evidently  obliged  to  show  his  familiarity  with  the  Aton  faith 
and  the  king's  position  in  it  by  a  liberal  use  of  these  allusions. 
The  source  of  such  phrases  was  really  the  king  himself,  as  we 
have  before  intimated,  and  something  of  the  'teaching*  whence 
they  were  taken,  so  often  attributed  to  him,  is  preserved  in  the 
tombs  to  which  we  have  referred, 

Of  all  the  monuments  left  by  this  unparalleled  revolution,  the 
Aton  hymns  are  by  far  the  most  remarkable;  and  from  them  we 
may  gather  an  intimation  of  Ikhnaton's  beliefs.  Two  hymns  to 
Aton,  both  of  which  the  nobles  had  engraved  on  the  walls  of 
their  tomb  chapels,  were  probably  written  by  the  king;  and  the 
longer  and  finer  of  the  two  is  worthy  of  being  known  in  modern 
literature.  The  titles  of  the  separate  strophes  are  the  addition  of 
the  present  writer,  and  in  the  translation  no  attempt  has  been 
made  to  do  more  than  to  furnish  an  accurate  rendering.  It  will 
be  observed  that  Psalm  civ  shows  a  notable  similarity  to  our 
hymn  both  in  the  thought  and  the  sequence  (see  w.  20—23, 
1 6-1 8,  25-27,  24,  19,  2,  5). 


When  thou  settest  in  the  western  horizon  of  the  sky, 

The  earth  is  in  darkness  like  the  dead  5 

They  sleep  in  their  chambers, 

Their  heads  are  wrapped  up, 

Their  nostrils  are  stopped, 

And  none  seeth  the  other. 

While  all  their  things  are  stolen, 

Which  are  under  their  heads, 

And  they  know  it  not. 

Every  lion  cometh  forth  from  his  den5 

All  serpents,  they  sting. 

Darkness. . . . 

The  world  is  in  silence, 

He  that  made  them  resteth  in  his  horizon. 



Bright  is  the  earth  when  thou  risest  in  the  horizon. 

When  thou  shinest  as  Aton  by  day 

Thou  drivest  away  the  darkness. 

When  thou  seiidest  forth  thy  rays, 

The  Two  Lands  (Egypt)  are  in  daily  festivity., 

Awake  and  standing  upon  their  feet 

When  thou  hast  raised  them  up. 

Their  limbs  bathed,  they  take  their  clothing,?, 

Their  arms  uplifted  in  adoration  to  thy  dawning 

(Then)  in  all  the  world  they  do  their  work. 


All  cattle  rest  upon  their  pasturage, 

The  trees  and  the  plants  flourish, 

The  birds  flutter  in  their  marshes, 

Their  wings  uplifted  in  adoration  to  thee. 

All  the  sheep  dance  upon  their  feet, 

All  winged  things  fly. 

They  live  when  thou  hast  shone  upon  them. 


The  barques  sail  up-stream  and  down-stream  alike. 
Every  highway  is  open  because  thou  dawnest. 
The  fish  in  the  river  leap  up  before  thee. 

Thy  rays  are  in  the  midst  of  the  great  green  sea, 


Creator  of  the  germ  in  woman, 

Maker  of  seed  in  man, 

Giving  life  to  the  son  in  the  body  of  his  mother, 

Soothing  him  that  he  may  not  weep, 

Nurse  (even)  in  the  womb, 

Giver  of  breath  to  animate  every  one  that  he  makcth ! 

When  he  cometh  forth  from  the  womb.., on  the  day  of  his  birth, 

Thou  openest  his  mouth  in  speech, 

Thou  suppliest  his  necessities, 


When  the  fledgling  in  the  egg  chirps  m  the  shell, 

Thou  givest  him  breath  therein  to  preserve  him  alive. 

When  thou  hast  brought  him  together  (?) 

To  (the  point  of)  bursting  it  in  the  egg, 

He  cometh  forth  from  the  egg 

To  chirp  with  all  his  might  (I). 

He  goeth  about  upon  his  two  feet 

When  he  hath  come  forth  therefrom. 

VI,  i]  THE  ROYAL  ATON  HYMN  119 

How  manifold  are  thy  works! 
They  are  hidden  from  before  (us), 
O  sole  God,  whose  powers  no  other  possesseth. 
Thou  didst  create  the  earth  according  to  thy  heart 
While  thou  wast  alone: 
Men,  all  cattle,  large  and  small, 
All  that  are  upon  the  earth, 
That  go  about  upon  their  feet; 
(All)  Aat  are  on  high, 
That  fly  with  their  wings. 
The  foreign  countries,  Syria  and  Kush, 
The  land  of  Egypt, 
Thou  settest  every  man  into  his  place, 
Thou  suppliest  their  necessities. 
Every  one  has  his  possessions. 
And  his  days  are  reckoned. 
The  tongues  are  divers  in  speech, 
Their  fc*rms  likewise  and  their  skins  are  distinguished. 
(For)  thou  makest  different  the  strangers. 

This  royal  hymn,  of  which  the  above  lines  are  a  part,  doubtless 
represents  an  excerpt,  or  a  series  of  fragments  excerpted,  from 
the  ritual  of  Aton,  as  it  was  celebrated  from  day  to  day  in  the 
Aton  temple  at  Amarna.  Unhappily,  it  was  copied  in  the  cemetery 
in  but  one  tomb.  The  other  tombs  were  likewise  supplied  with 
their  devotional  inscriptions,  from  the  current  paragraphs  and 
stock  phrases  which  made  up  the  knowledge  of  the  new  faith  as 
understood  by  the  scribes  and  painters  who  decorated  these 
tombs.  It  should  not  be  forgotten,  therefore,  that  the  fragments 
of  the  Aton  faith  which  have  survived  to  us  in  the  Amarna 
cemetery,  our  chief  source,  have  thus  filtered  mechanically  through 
the  indifferent  hands  and  the  starved  and  listless  minds  of  a  few 
petty  bureaucrats  on  the  outskirts  of  a  great  religious  and  intel- 
lectual movement.  Nevertheless  in  this  great  hymn  the  uni- 
versalism  of  the  empire  finds  full  expression  and  the  royal  singer 
sweeps  his  eye  from  the  far-off  cataracts  of  the  Nubian  Nile  to 
the  remotest  lands  of  Syria.  It  is  clear  that  he  is  projecting  a 
world-religion  and  endeavouring  to  displace  by  it  the  nationalism 
which  had  preceded  it  for  twenty  centuries.  He  bases  the  uni- 
versal sway  of  God  upon  his  fatherly  care  of  all  men  alike,  irre- 
spective of  race  or  nationality,  and  he  calls  Aton  '  the  father  and 
the  mother  of  all  that  he  had  made/  To  the  proud  and  exclusive 
Egyptian  he  points  to  the  all-embracing  bounty  of  the  common 
father  of  humanity,  even  placing  Syria  and  Nubia  before  Egypt 
in  his  enumeration. 


Ikhnaton  thus  grasped  the  idea  of  a  world-lord,  as  the  creator 
of  nature;  but  the  king  likewise  saw  revealed  the  creator's 
beneficent  purpose  for  all  his  creatures,  even  the  meanest.  He 
discerned  in  some  measure  the  goodness  of  the  All-Father  as  did 
He  who  bade  us  consider  the  lilies.  The  picture  of  the  lily-grown 
marshes,  where  the  flowers  are  *  drunken*  in  the  intoxicating 
radiance  of  Aton,  where  the  birds  unfold  their  wings  and  lift 
them  'in  adoration  of  the  living  A  ton,*  where  the  cattle  dance 
with  delight  in  the  sunshine.,  and  the  fish  in  the  river  beyond  leap 
up  to  greet  the  light,  the  universal  light  whose  beams  arc  even 
'in  the  midst  of  the  great  green  sea*- — all  this  discloses  a  discern- 
ment of  the  presence  of  Cod  in  nature,  and  an  appreciation  of 
the  revelation  of  God  in  the  visible  world  such  as  we  find  centuries 
later  in  the  Hebrew  psalms,  and  in  our  own  poets  of  nature  since 

While  Ikhnaton  recognized  clearly  the  power,  and  especially 
the  beneficence  of  God,  it  may  be  due  to  the  accidents  of  pre- 
servation that  our  surviving  sources  for  the  Aton  faith  do  not 
disclose  a  very  spiritual  conception  of  the  deity  nor  any  attribu- 
tion to  him  of  ethical  qualities  beyond  those  which  Re  had  long 
been  supposed  to  possess.  Our  sources  do  not  show  us  that  the 
king  had  perceptibly  risen  from  a  discernment  of  the  beneficence 
to  a  conception  of  the  righteousness  in  the  character  of  God, 
nor  for  His  demand  for  this  in  the  character  of  men.  Never- 
theless., there  is  in  Ikhnaton's  *  teaching/  as  it  is  fragmentarily 
preserved  in  the  hymns  and  tomb-inscriptions  of  his  nobles,  a  con- 
stant emphasis  upon  'truth*  such  as  is  not  found  before  or  since. 
The  king  always  attaches  to  his  name  the  phrase  *  living  in 
truth/  and  that  this  phrase  was  not  meaningless  is  evident  in 
his  daily  life  (c£  p.  399).  To  him  it  meant  acceptance  of  the  daily 
facts  of  living  in  a  simple  and  unconventional  manner.  For  him 
what  was  was  right,  and  its  propriety  was  evident  by  Its  very 
existence*  Thus,  his  family  life  was  open  and  unconcealed  before 
the  people.  He  took  the  greatest  delight  in  his  children,  and 
appeared  with  them  and  the  queen,  their  mother,  on  all  possible 
occasions,  as  if  he  had  been  but  the  humblest  scribe  in  the  Aton- 
temple.  He  had  himself  depicted  on  the  monuments  while  enjoy- 
ing the  most  familiar  and  unaffected  intercourse  with  his  family, 
and  whenever  he  appeared  in  the  temple  to  offer  sacrifice  the 
queen  and  the  daughters  she  had  borne  him  participated  in  the 
service-  All  that  was  natural  was  to  him  true,  and  he  never  failed 
practically  to  exemplify  this  belief,  however  radically  he  was 
obliged  to  disregard  tradition.  See  p,  4x1  sq* 


The  art  of  the  age  was  unavoidably  affected  by  this  extra- 
ordinary revolution,  and  the  king's  interest  in  the  new  art  is 
evident.  Bek,  his  chief  sculptor,  appended  to  his  title  the  words, 
'whom  his  majesty  himself  taught.'  Thus,  the  artists  of  his  court 
were  taught  to  make  the  chisel  and  the  brush  tell  the  story  of 
what  they  actually  saw.  The  result  was  a  simple  and  beautiful 
realism  that  saw  more  clearly  than  any  art  had  ever  seen  before. 
They  caught  the  instantaneous  postures  of  animal  life:  the 
coursing  hound,  tfhe  fleeing  game,  the  wild  bull  leaping  in  the 
swamp;  for  all  these  belonged  to  the  e  truth/  in  which  Ikhnaton 
lived.  The  king's  person,  as  we  have  indicated,  was  no  exception 
to  the  law  of  the  new  art;  the  artists  represented  Ikhnaton  as  they 
saw  him.  The  monuments  of  Egypt  bore  what  they  had  never 
borne  before,  a  Pharaoh  depicted  in  the  natural  and  unaffected 
relations  of  life,  not  frozen  in  the  conventional  posture  demanded 
by  the  traditions  of  court  propriety. 

This  unparalleled*revolution  in  art  has  now  been  unexpectedly 
revealed  to  us  in  all  its  wondrous  beauty  and  freedom  by  the 
extraordinary  works  of  the  artist-craftsman  preserved  in  the  tomb 
of  Tutenkhamon.  Of  the  finest  pieces  found  among  this  sumptu- 
ous furniture  of  Ikhnaton's  son-in-law  several  were  made  at 
Amarna,  and  were  carried  back  thence  by  Tutenkhamon  to 
Thebes  on  his  return  thither.  See  further,  pp.  415  sqq* 


Wholly  absorbed  in  the  exalted  religion  to  which  he  had  given 
his  life,  stemming  the  tide  of  tradition  that  was  daily  as  strong 
against  him  as  at  first,  this  young  revolutionary  of  twenty-five 
was  beset  with  too  many  enterprises  and  responsibilities  of  a 
totally  different  nature,  to  give  much  attention  to  the  affairs  of 
the  empire  abroad.  Indeed,  as  we  shall  see,  he  probably  did  not 
realize  the  necessity  of  doing  so  until  it  was  far  too  late.  On  his 
accession  his  sovereignty  in  Asia  had  immediately  been  recognized 
by  the  Hittites  and  the  powers  of  the  Euphrates  valley.  Tushratta 
of  Mitanni  wrote  to  the  queen-mother,  Tiy,  requesting  her 
influence  with  the  new  king  for  a  continuance  of  the  old  friend- 
ship which  he  had  enjoyed  with  Ikhnaton's  father,  and  to  the 
young  king  he  wrote  a  letter  of  condolence  on  the  death  of  his 
father,  Amenhotep  III,  not  forgetting  to  add  the  usual  requests  for 
plentiful  gold.  Burraburiash  of  Babylon  sent  similar  assurances  of 
sympathy,  and  a  son  of  his  later  sojourned  at  Ikhnaton's  court  and 


married  a  daughter  of  the  latter,  and  her  Babylonian  father-in-law 
sent  her  a  noble  necklace  of  over  a  thousand  gems.  But  such 
intercourse  did  not  last. 

The  advance  of  the  Hittites  across  the  Syrian  frontiers  of  the 
Egyptian  empire,,  already  threatening  in  Amenhotep  I  IPs  time, 
had  now  created  a  serious  situation  in  Asia.  The  leading  group 
of  these  remarkable  peoples  of  Asia  Minor.,  who  still  form  one  of 
the  greatest  problems  in  the  study  of  the  early  Orient,  had  now 
coalesced  into  a  powerful  empire  with  which  *the  Kgyptians  had 
first  come  into  contact  under  Thutmose  III,  who  called  the  new 
power  *  Great  Kheta,*  as  perhaps  distinguished  from  the  less 
important  independent  Hittite  peoples  (see  chap.  xi).  We  shall 
use  the  word  Hittite  to  designate  this  empire  of  Great  Kheta, 
When  Ikhnaton  ascended  the  throne,  Seplel  (cuneiform,  Shub- 
biluliuxna),  the  king  of  the  Hittites,  wrote  him  a  letter  of  con- 
gratulation, and  to  all  appearances  had  only  the  friendliest 
intentions  toward  Egypt,  For  the  first  invasions  of  the  most 
advanced  Hittites,  like  that  which  Tushratta  of  Mitanni  repulsed, 
he  may  indeed  not  have  been  responsible.  Even  after  Ikhnaton's 
removal  to  Akhetaton,  his  new  capital,  some  Hittite  embassy 
appeared  there  with  gifts  and  greetings;  and  the  tomb  of  Merire 
provides  us  with  the  first  Egyptian  representation  of  Hittites, 
But  Ikhnaton  must  have  regarded  the  old  relations  as  no  longer 
desirable,  for  the  Hittite  king  asks  him  why  he  has  ceased  the 
correspondence  which  his  father  had  maintained.  If  he  realized 
the  situation,  the  Pharaoh  had  good  reason  indeed  for  abandoning 
the  connection;  for  the  Hittite  empire  now  stood  on  the  northern 
threshold  of  Syria,,  the  greatest  power  in  Asia,,  and  the  most 
formidable  enemy  which  had  ever  confronted  Egypt* 

At  this  juncture  Egypt  lost  her  staunchest  friend  and  supporter 
on  the  upper  Euphrates,  the  kingdom  of  Mitanni,  whose  rulers 
had  been  close  relatives  of  the  Egyptian  sovereigns  since  the 
reign  of  Ikhnaton *s  grandfather.  Tushratta,  the  reigning  king  of 
Mitanni,  was  suddenly  slain  by  one  of  his  own  sons,,  and  a  ruinous 
civil  war  followed.  Taking  advantage  ofMitanni's  internal  weak- 
ness,  Shubbiluliurna,  who'  had  long  been  fighting  with  Tushratta, 
gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Tushratta's  son  Mattiuaza,  and 
then  forced  Mitanni  to  accept  his  new  son-in-law  as  king* 
Mitanni,  Egypt's  northern  ally,  was  thus  suddenly  shifted  to  the 
Hittite  side  in  the  international  struggle  in  western  Asia,  Among 
the  Pharaoh's  Asiatic  vassals,  likewise,  the  situation  had  meantime 
gone  from  bad  to  worse.  Immediately  on  Ikhnaton's  accession 
the  disaffected  dynasts*  who  had  been  temporarily  suppressed  by 


his  father,  resumed  their  operations  against  the  faithful  vassals  of 
Egypt.  The  exact  sequence  of  events  is  not  clear.  With  the 
co-operation  of  the  unfaithful  Egyptian  vassals  Abd-Ashirta  and 
his  son  Aziru,  who  were  at  the  head  of  an  Amorite  kingdom  on 
the  upper  Orontes,  together  with  Itakama,  a  Syrian  prince  who 
had  been  conquered  by  the  Hittites  and  who  had  seized  Kadesh 
as  his  kingdom,  the  Hittites  took  possession  of  Amki,  the  plain 
on  the  north  side  of  the  lower  Orontes,  between  Antioch  and  the 
Amanus.  Three  faithful  vassal  kings  of  the  vicinity  marched  to 
recover  the  Pharaoh's  lost  territory  for  him,  but  were  met  by 
Itakama  at  the  head  of  Hittite  troops  and  driven  back.  All  three 
wrote  immediately  to  the  Pharaoh  of  the  trouble  and  complained 
of  Itakama.  Aziru  of  Amor  had  meantime  advanced  upon  the 
Phoenician  and  north  Syrian  coast  cities,  which  he  captured  as 
far  as  Ugarit  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orontes,  slaying  their  kings 
and  appropriating  their  wealth.  Simyra  and  Byblus  held  out, 
however,  and,  as  tlfe  Hittites  advanced  into  Nukhashshi,  on  the 
lower  Orontes,  Aziru  co-operated  with  them  and  captured  Niy, 
whose  king  he  slew.  Tunip  was  now  in  such  grave  danger  that 
her  elders  wrote  the  Pharaoh  a  pathetic  letter  beseeching  his 
protection  (pp.  83,  308). 

Meanwhile,  Rib-Addi,  a  faithful  vassal  of  Byblus,  where  there 
was  an  Egyptian  temple,  writes  to  the  Pharaoh  the  most  urgent 
appeals,  stating  what  is  going  on,  and  asking  for  help  to  drive 
away  Aziru's  people  from  Simyra,  knowing  full  well  that,  if  it 
falls,  his  own  city  of  Byblus  is  likewise  doomed.  But  no  help 
comes.  Several  Egyptian  deputies  have  been  charged  with  the 
investigation  of  affairs  at  Simyra,  but  they  did  not  succeed  in 
doing  anything,  and  the  city  finally  fell.  Aziru  had  no  hesitation 
in  slaying  the  Egyptian  deputy  resident  in  the  place,  and  having 
destroyed  it,  was  now  free  to  move  against  Byblus.  Rib-Addi 
wrote  in  horror  of  these  facts  to  the  Pharaoh,  stating  that  the 
Egyptian  deputy,  resident  in  Kumidi  in  northern  Palestine,  was 
now  in  danger.  But  the  wily  Aziru  so  used  his  friends  at  court 
that  he  escaped.  With  Machiavellian  skill  and  cynicism,  he 
explains  in  letters  to  the  Pharaoh  that  he  is  unable  to  come  and 
give  an  account  of  himself  at  the  Egyptian  court,  as  he  had  been 
commanded  to  do,  because  the  Hittites  are  in  Nukhashshi,  and 
he  fears  that  Tunip  will  not  be  strong  enough  to  resist  them! 
Fortunately  the  letter  from  the  elders  of  Tunip  shows  what  they 
thought  about  his  presence  in  Nukhashshi.  To  the  Pharaoh's 
demand  that  he  immediately  rebuild  Simyra,  which  he  had 
destroyed  (as  he  claimed,  to  prevent  it  from  falling  into  the  hands 


of  the  Hittites),  he  replies  that  he  is  too  hard  pressed  in  defending 
the  king's  cities  in  Nukhashshi  against  the  Hittites;  but  that  he 
will  do  so  within  a  year.  Ikhnaton  is  reassured  by  Aziru's  promises 
to  pay  the  same  tribute  as  that  paid  by  the  cities  which  he  has 
taken.  Such  acknowledgment  of  Egyptian  suzerainty  by  the 
turbulent  dynasts  everywhere  must  have  left  in  the  Pharaoh  a 
feeling  of  security  which  the  situation  by  no  means  justified.  He 
therefore  wrote  Aziru  granting  him  the  year  which  he  had  asked 
for  before  he  appeared  at  court,  but  Aziru  tontrivcd  to  evade 
Khani,  the  Egyptian  bearer  of  the  king's  letter,  which  was  thus 
brought  back  to  Kgypt  without  being  delivered.  It  shows  the 
astonishing  leniency  of  Ikhnaton  in  a  manner  which  would 
indicate  that  he  was  opposed  to  measures  of  force  such  as  his 
fathers  had  employed.  Aziru  immediately  wrote  to  the  king 
expressing  his  regret  that  an  expedition  against  the  Hittites  in  the 
north  had  deprived  him  of  the  pleasure  of  meeting  the  Pharaoh's 
envoy,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  had  made  ail  haste  homeward  as 
soon  as  he  had  heard  of  his  coming  (p.  307  jy.).  The  claims  of  the 
hostile  dynasts  were  so  skilfully  made  that  the  resident  Egyptian 
deputies  actually  did  not  seem  to  know  who  were  the  faithful 
vassals  and  who  the  secretly  rebellious.  In  particular,  a  large 
collection  of  letters  from  Rib-Addi  to  Egypt  throw  astonishing 
light  upon  the  network  of  intrigue  and  the  difficulty  of  distin- 
guishing friend  from  foe.  Sec  pp.  303  $%$?* 

In  the  south,  where  the  movement  of  the  1  labiru  (Aramaean 
Semites?)  may  be  compared  with  that  of  the  I  littites  in  the  north, 
similar  conditions  evidently  prevailed.  Knots  of  their  warriors 
were  now  appearing  everywhere  and  taking  service  as  mercenary 
troops  under  the  dynasts.  Under  various  adventurers  the  I  labiru 
were  frequently  the  real  masters,  and  Palestinian  cities  like 
MegiddOj  Askalon  and  Gezer  wrote  to  the  Pharaoh  for  succour 
against  them.  The  last-named  city,  together  with  Askalon  and 
Lachish,  united  against  Abdi-Khiba,  the  pro-Egyptian  dynast 
in  Jerusalem,  already  at  this  time  an  important  stronghold  of 
southern  Palestine;  and  the  faithful  officer  sent  urgent  dispatches 
to  Ikhnaton  explaining  the  danger  and  appealing  for  aid  against 
the  I  labiru  and  their  leaders*  Abdi-Khiba  was  well  acquainted 
with  Ikhnaton 's  cuneiform  scribe,  and  he  adds  to  several  of  his 
dispatches  a  postscript  addressed  to  his  friend  in  which  the  urgent 
sincerity  of  the  man  is  evident:  'To  the  scribe  of  my  lord,  the 
king,  Abdi-Khiba  thy  servant.  Bring  these  words  plainly  before 
my  lord  the  king:  "The  whole  land  of  my  lord,  the  king*  is 
going  to  ruin'V  See  p,  317. 

VI,  H]  THE  HABIRU  125 

Fleeing  in  terror  before  the  Habiru,  who  burned  the  towns  and 
laid  waste  the  fields,  many  of  the  Palestinians  forsook  their  towns 
and  took  to  the  hills,  or  sought  refuge  in  Egypt,  where  (as  we 
learn  from  Egyptian  sources)  the  Egyptian  officer  in  charge  of 
some  of  them  said  of  them:  *They  have  been  destroyed  and  their 
town  laid  waste,  and  fire  has  been  thrown  (into  their  grain?),... 
Their  countries  are  starving,  they  live  like  goats  of  the  mountain. 
...A  few  of  the  Asiatics,  who  knew  not  how  they  should  live, 
have  come  (beggftig  a  home  in  the  domain  ?)  of  Pharaoh,  after 

the  manner  of  your  father's  fathers  since  the  beginning Now 

the  Pharaoh  gives  them  into  your  hand  to  protect  their  borders.' 
The  task  of  those  to  whom  the  last  words  are  addressed  was 
hopeless.  Both  in  Syria  and  Palestine  the  provinces  of  the  Pharaoh 
had  gradually  passed  entirely  out  of  Egyptian  control,  and  in  the 
south  a  state  of  complete  anarchy  had  resulted,  in  which  the 
hopeless  Egyptian  party  at  last  gave  up  any  attempt  to  maintain 
the  authority  of  the  Pharaoh,  and  those  who  had  not  perished 
joined  the  enemy.  The  caravans  of  Burraburiash  of  Babylonia 
were  plundered  by  the  king  of  Accho  and  a  neighbouring  con- 
federate, and  Burraburiash  wrote  peremptorily  demanding  that 
the  loss  be  made  good  and  the  guilty  punished,  lest  his  trade  with 
Egypt  become  a  constant  prey  of  such  marauding  dynasts.  But 
what  he  feared  had  come  to  pass,  and  the  Egyptian  empire  in 
Asia  was  for  the  time  at  an  end. 

At  Akhetaton,  the  new  and  beautiful  capital,  the  splendid 
temple  of  Aton  resounded  with  hymns  to  the  new  god  of  the 
empire,  while  the  empire  itself  was  no  more.  The  tribute  of 
Ikhnaton's  twelfth  year  was  received  at  Akhetaton  as  usual,  and 
the  king,  borne  in  his  gorgeous  palanquin  on  the  shoulders  of 
eighteen  soldiers,  went  forth  to  receive  it  in  state.  The  habit  of 
generations,  and  a  fast  vanishing  apprehension  lest  the  Pharaoh 
might  appear  in  Syria  with  his  army,  still  prompted  a  few 
sporadic  letters  from  the  dynasts,  assuring  him  of  their  loyalty, 
which  perhaps  continued  in  the  mind  of  Ikhnaton  the  illusion 
that  he  was  still  lord  of  Asia.  The  storm  which  had  broken  over 
his  Asiatic  empire  was  not  more  disastrous  than  that  which 
threatened  the  fortunes  of  his  house  in  Egypt.  But  he  was  stead- 
fast as  before  in  the  propagation  of  his  new  faith.  At  his  command 
temples  of  Aton  had  now  arisen  all  over  the  land.  He  devoted 
himself  to  the  elaboration  of  the  temple  ritual  and  the  tendency 
to  theologize  somewhat  dimmed  the  earlier  freshness  of  the  hymns 
to  the  god. 

Meanwhile,  the  national  convulsion  which  his  revolution  had 


precipitated  was  producing  the  most  disastrous  consequences 
throughout  the  land.  The  Aton  faith  disregarded  some  of  the 
most  cherished  beliefs  of  the  people,  especially  those  regarding 
the  hereafter.  Osiris,  their  old  time  protector  and  friend  in  the 
world  of  darkness,  was  banished  from  the  tomb,  and  the  magical 
paraphernalia  which  was  to  protect  them  from  a  thousand  foes 
was  gone.  Some  of  them  tried  to  put  Aton  into  their  old  usages; 
but  he  was  not  a  folk-god  who  lived  out  in  yonder  tree  or  spring, 
and  lie  was  too  far  from  their  homely  round'  of  daily  needs  to 
touch  their  lives.  The  people  could  understand  nothing  of  the 
refinements  involved  in  the  new  faith.  They  only  knew  that  the 
worship  of  the  old  gods  had  been  interdicted,  and  a  strange  deity 
of  whom  they  had  no  knowledge  and  could  gain  none  was  forced 
upon  them.  Such  a  decree  of  the  state  could  have  had  no  more 
effect  upon  their  practical  worship  in  the  end  than  did  that  of 
Theodosius  when  he  ban  "shed  the  old  gods  of  Kgypt  in  favour  of 
Christianity,  eighteen  hundred  years  after  IKhnaton's  revolution. 
Long  after  the  death  of  Theodosius  the  old  so-called  pagan 
gods  continued  to  be  worshipped  by  the  people  in  Upper  Kgypt; 
for  in  the  course  of  such  attempted  changes  in  the  customs 
and  traditional  faith  of  a  whole  people,  the  span  of  one  man's  life 
is  insignificant  indeed.  The  Aton-faith  remained  but  the  cherished 
theory  of  the  idealist,  Ikhnaton,  and  a  little  court-circle;  it  never 
really  became  the  religion  of  the  people  (see  p.  207)* 

Added  to  the  secret  resentment  and  opposition  of  the  people, 
we  must  consider  also  far  more  dangerous  forces.  During  all  of 
Ikhnaton's  reign  a  powerful  priestly  party,  openly  or  secretly,  did 
all  in  its  power  to  undermine  him.  Among  the  army  and  its 
leaders,  the  neglect  and  loss  of  the  Asiatic  empire  must  have 
turned  against  the  king  many  a  strong  man,  and  aroused  indigna- 
tion among  those  whose  grandfathers  had  served  under  Thutmose 
III.  The  memory  of  what  had  been  done  in  those  glorious  days 
must  have  been  sufficiently  strong  to  fire  the  hearts  of  the  military 
class  and  set  them  looking  for  a  leader  who  would  recover  what 
had  been  lost.  Ikhnaton  might  appoint  one  of  his  favourites  to 
the  command  of  the  army,  but  his  ideal  aims  and  his  high  motives 
for  peace  would  be  as  unpopular  as  they  were  unintelligible  to 
his  commanders.  One  such  man,,  an  officer  named  Uarmhab,  had 
now  been  long  in  the  service  of  Ikhnaton  and  enjoying  the  royal 
favour;  he  contrived  not  only  to  win  the  support  of  the  military 
class,  but  he  also  gained  the  favour  of  the  priests  of  Arnon,  who 
were  of  course  looking  for  some  one  who  could  bring  them  the 
opportunity  they  coveted.  Thus,  both  the  people  and  the  priestly 


and  military  classes  alike  were  fomenting  plans  to  overthrow  the 
hated  dreamer  in  the  palace  of  the  Pharaohs,  of  whose  thoughts 
they  understood  so  little. 

To  increase  Ikhnaton's  danger,  fortune  had  decreed  him  no 
son,  and  he  was  obliged  to  depend  for  support,  as  the  years  passed, 
upon  his  son-in-law,  a  noble  named  Sakere,  who  had  married  his 
eldest  daughter,  Meritaton,  'Beloved  of  Aton/  Ikhnaton  had 
probably  never  been  physically  strong;  his  spare  face,  with  the 
lines  of  an  ascetic^  shows  increasing  traces  of  the  cares  which 
weighed  so  heavily  upon  him.  He  finally  nominated  Sakere  as 
his  successor  and  appointed  him  at  the  same  time  co-regent.  He 
survived  but  a  short  time  after  this,  and  about  1358  B.C.,  having 
reached  his  seventeenth  regnal  year,  he  succumbed  to  the  over- 
whelming forces  that  were  against  him.  In  a  lonely  valley  some 
miles  to  the  east  of  his  city  he  was  buried  in  a  tomb  which  he  had 
excavated  in  the  rock  for  himself  and  family,  and  where  his 
second  daughter,  I^Ieketaton,  already  rested.  His  coffin  was 
eventually  carried  by  his  friends  to  Thebes,  where  it  was  found 
by  modern  excavation  in  the  tomb  of  his  mother,  Queen  Tiy. 
Elliot  Smith's  examination  of  the  skeleton,  for  such  the  body 
found  in  his  coffin  now  is,  has  shown  it  to  be  that  of  a  man  less 
than  thirty  years  of  age  at  his  death1*  And  he  had  reigned  at 
least  sixteen  years! 

»  Thus  disappeared  the  most  remarkable  figure  in  earlier  oriental 
history.  The  sumptuous  inscriptions  on  his  beautiful  coffin,  now 
in  the  Museum  at  Cairo,  call  him  *the  living  Aton's  beautiful 
child  who  lives  forever,  and  is  true  (or  just,  or  righteous)  in  sky 
and  earth/  To  his  own  nation  he  was  afterwards  known  as  'the 
criminal  of  Akhetaton';  but  however  much  we  may  censure  him 
for  the  loss  of  the  empire,  which  he  allowed  to  slip  from  his 
fingers,  however  much  we  may  condemn  the  fanaticism  with  which 
he  pursued  his  aim,  even  to  the  violation  of  his  own  father's  name 
and  monuments,  there  died  with  him  such  a  spirit  as  the  world 
had  never  seen  before — a  brave  soul,  undauntedly  facing  the 
momentum  of  immemorial  tradition,  and  thereby  stepping  out 
from  the  long  line  of  conventional  and  colourless  Pharaohs,  that 
he  might  disseminate  ideas  far  beyond  and  above  the  capacity  of 
his  age  to  understand.  Among  the  Hebrews,  seven  or  eight 
hundred  years  later,  we  look  for  such  men;  but  the  modern  world 
has  yet  adequately  to  value  or  even  acquaint  itself  with  this  man, 
who,  in  an  age  so  remote  and  under  conditions  so  adverse,  became 
not  only  the  world's  first  idealist  and  the  world's  first  individual? 
but  also  the  earliest  monotheist,  and  the  first  prophet  of  inter- 

*  The  identification  has,  however,  been  denied  by  Sethe,  see  p.  113,  n. 


nationalism — the  most  remarkable  figure  of  the  Ancient  World 
before  the  Hebrews. 

Ikhnaton's  followers  had  prayed  that  his  teaching  might 
endure  'till  the  swan  be  black  and  the  raven  white,  till  the 
mountains  rise  up  and  move  away^  and  water  flows  uphill* — and 
who  shall  say  that  it  has  not  survived  in  modern  belief?  But  the 
young  king's  death  left  it  politically  helpless.  Sakere  was  quite 
unequal  to  the  task  before  him,  and  after  an  obscure  and  ephemeral 
reign  at  Akhetaton  lie  disappeared,  to  be  followed  by  Tutenkhaton 
('Living-Image-of-Aton'),  another  son-in-law  of  Ikhnaton,  who 
had  married  the  king's  third  daughter,  Knkhosnepaaton  ('She- 
lives-by-the-Aton ').  Compelled  to  compromise,  he  forsook  his 
father-in-law's  city  and  transferred  the  court  to  Thebes,  which 
had  not  seen  a  Pharaoh  for  twenty  years.  For  a  time  Akhetaton 
maintained  a  precarious  existence,  and  the  manufacturies  of 
coloured  glass  and  faience  which  had  flourished  there  during  the 
reign  of  Ikhnaton  soon  languished.  Then  tKe  place  was  gradually 
forsaken,  until  not  a  soul  was  left  in  its  solitary  streets.  The  roofs 
of  the  houses  fell  in,  the  walls  tottered  and  collapsed,  the  temples 
fell  a  prey  to  the  vengeance  of  the  Theban  party,  and  the  once 
beautiful  city  of  A  ton  was  gradually  transformed  into  a  desolate 
ruin.  Known  to-day  as  Tell  el-A mania,  it  still  stands  as  time  and 
the  priests  of  Amon  left  it*  One  may  walk  its  ancient  streets, 
where  the  walls  of  the  houses  are  still  several  feet  high,  and  strive 
to  recall  to  its  forsaken  dwellings  the  life  of  the  Aton- worshippers 
who  once  Inhabited  them.  Here  in  a  low  brick  room,  which  had 
served  as  an  archive-chamber  for  Ikhnaton's  Foreign  Office,  were 
found  in  1887  niorcthan  three  hundred  and  fifty  cuneiform  letters 
and  dispatches  in  which  we  can  trace  his  intercourse  and  dealings 
with  the  kings  and  rulers  of  Asia,  and  the  gradual  disintegration 
of  his  empire  there.  Here  were  the  more  than  fifty  dispatches  of 
the  unfortunate  Rib-Addi  of  Byblus.  After  the  modern  name  of 
the  place,  the  whole  correspondence  is  generally  called  the  Tell 
cl-Amarna  Letters,  The  systematic  excavation  of  the  place  has 
cleared  street  after  street  and  revealed  such  houses  as  the  studio 
of  the  royal  architect  Thutmosc,  with  the  finest  works  of 
sculpture  which  have  survived  from  the  revolution.  All  the  other 
A  ton-cities  likewise  perished  utterly;  but  (Jem-Aton  in  Nubia 
flourished  for  a  thousand  years,  and- — -strange  irony !— there  was 
afterward  a  temple  there  to  'Amen,  lord  of  (Jem-Aton.* 

On  reaching  Thebes,  Tutenkhaton  was  soon  obliged  by  the 
priests  of  Amon  to  permit  the  resumption  of  Amon-worship,  and 
to  begin  restoring  the  disfigured  names  of  Amon  and  the  other 
gods,,  expunged  from  the  monuments  by  Ikhnaton-  His  restora- 

VI,  n]  TUTENKHAMON  129 

tions  are  found  as  far  south  as  Soleb  in  Nubia.  Of  this  work  of 
restoration  Tutenkhaton  left  a  record  in  which  he  says:  'When 
his  majesty  (i.e.  he  himself)  was  crowned  as  king,  the  temples  of 
the  gods  and  goddesses  were  [desolatjed  from  Elephantine  as  far 
as  the  marshes  of  the  Delta — Their  holy  places  were  forsaken  (?) 
and  had  become  overgrown  tracts... their  sanctuaries  were  like 
that  which  has  never  been,  and  their  houses  were  trodden  roads. 
The  land  was  in  an  evil  pass,  and  as  for  the  gods,  they  had  for- 
saken this  land.  If  people  were  sent  to  Syria  to  extend  the  borders 
of  Egypt,  they  prospered  not  at  all;  if  men  prayed  to  a  god  for 
succour,  he  came  not;,.. if  men  besought  a  goddess  likewise, 
she  came  not  at  all.'  He  was  at  the  same  time  forced  to  change 
his  name  to  Tutenkhamon,  'Living-Image-of-Amon,'  while  his 
wife's  name  similarly  became  Enkhosnamon  (e  She4ives-by~ 
Amon'),  showing  that  the  new  king  was  at  last  completely  in 
the  hands  of  the  priestly  party.  The  empire  which  he  ruled  was 
still  no  mean  one,  extending  as  it  did  from  the  Delta  of  the  Nile 
to  the  fourth  cataract.  He  even  received  occasional  tribute  from 
the  north  which,  as  his  viceroy  of  Kush,  Huy,  claimed,  came 
from  Syria.  He  may  thus  have  recovered  sufficient  power  in 
Palestine  to  collect  some  tribute  or  at  least  some  spoil,  which 
fact  may  then  have  been  interpreted  to  include  Syria  also. 

Tutenkhamon  reigned  at  least  six  years,  and  it  is  improbable 
that  he  survived  much  longer.  His  name  is  better  known  than 
that  of  any  other  Pharaoh,  owing  to  the  fact  that  in  October, 
1922,  his  tomb  and  its  magnificent  equipment  were  discovered 
almost  intact — the  first  royal  burial  ever  so  found  in  Egypt1.  It 
soon  became  evident  that  the  new  material  furnished  a  surprising 
revelation  of  the  art  of  that  revokitionary  movement  in  Egyptian 
life,  religion  and  art,  which  reached  its  tragic  close  in  the  reign 
of  Tutenkhamon.  In  this  revelation  lies  their  chief  importance,, 
rather  than  in  any  new  and  direct  light  on  the  political  history  of 
this  troubled  time.  The  condition  of  the  tomb  itself  is  an  im- 
portant item  of  evidence  on  political  conditions,  for  the  indications 
are  quite  clear  that  Tutenkhamon's  tomb  was  robbed  not  long 
after  his  death,  and  this  fact  is  a  significant  revelation  of  the 
unsafe  conditions  which  followed  his  reign2. 

1  In  the  late  Earl  of  Carnarvon's  excavations  in  the  Valley  of  the  Kings* 
Tombs  at  Thebes,  under  the  immediate  direction  of  Mr  Howard  Carter. 
In  the  whole  range  of  archaeological  excavation  this  is  the  most  important 
body  of  materials  which  has  ever  fallen  to  the  fortunate  lot  of  the  excavator. 

2  Very  important   evidence   on   the  political   conditions  following   the 
death  of  Tutenkhamon  is  contained  in  the  extraordinary  cuneiform  archives 

C.A.H.  II 

130  EGYPT  UNDER  IKHNATON         [CHAP.  VI,  n 

Tutenkhamon  was  succeeded  by  another  of  the  worthies  of  the 
Akhetaton  court.  Eye,  the  master  of  horse,  who  had  married 
Ikhnaton's  nurse,  Tiy.  He  had  laid  Tutenkhamon  away  in  his 
tomb,  and  one  cannot  but  wonder  how  much  he  or  his  sub- 
ordinates had  to  do  with  its  early  robbery  at  a  time  when  all  the 
court  and  functionaries  who  officiated  at  the  royal  funeral  still 
vividly  remembered  the  splendour  of  Tutenkhamon's  burial  equip- 
ment. Ere  long  Eye  too  passed  away,  and  it  would  appear  that  one 
or  two  other  ephemeral  pretenders  gained  the*  ascendency  either 
now  or  before  his  accession.  Anarchy  ensued,  Thebes  was  a  prey 
to  plundering  bands,  who  forced  their  way  into  the  royal  cemetery 
and  robbed  the  tombs  of  the  great  emperors.  The  prestige  of  the 
old  Theban  line  which  had  been  dominant  for  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years,  the  illustrious  family  which  two  hundred  and  thirty 
years  before  had  cast  out  the  Hyksos  and  built  the  greatest 
empire  the  east  had  ever  seen,  was  now  totally  eclipsed  (1350 
B.C.).  Manetho  places  Harmhab,  the  rcstoVer  who  now  gained 
the  throne,  at  the  close  of  the  XVII  1th  Dynasty;  but,  so  far  as 
we  know,  he  was  not  of  royal  blood  nor  any  kin  of  the  now  fallen 
house.  His  accession  marks  the  complete  restoration  of  the  old 
order  and  the  beginning  of  a  new  epoch* 

discovered  at  "Bo^haz  KeuL,  if  we  may  trust  the  translations  possible  at  this 

early  stage  of  our  efforts  to  understand  the  Hittitc  language  or  languages. 
One  of  these  Hittitc  tablets,  according  to  the  translation  of  Prof,  Sayce 
(Ancient  Rgypt)  1922,  Part  m,  pp.  66—7),  gives  an  account  of  an  embassy 
of  the  *  Egyptians/  whose  *  ruler/  named  *Bib-khuru-riyus*  had  just  diect 
Thereupon  the  *  queen  of  Kgypt/  named  *Dakhamun/  sent  an  ambassador 
to  the  Hittite  court  and  sought  the  hand  of  a  Hittitc  prince  in  marriage, 
Prof.  Sayce  concludes  that  4Rtb~khuru-riya8'  is  Tutenkhamon  (Nebkhep- 
rure)  and  that  'Dakhamun*  is  *the  ciueen  of  Tut-onkh-amen.  *  .Onkh~s- 
Amcn.1  He  states  further,  *a  form  IVonkh-s-amon  might  yield  Da-kh- 
amcn.'  This  equation  between  *  Dakhamun9  and  an  alleged  Egyptian, 
*Onkh»s-Amcn/  is  definitely  accepted  a*?  certain  by  Prof.  Petrie  (ibid,  p,  70) 
in  an  appendix  to  Prof*  Sayce's  article.  It  should  be*  noted,  however,  that 
the  name  of  Tutenkhamon's  queen  contains  the  consonants  *nft-s-n~*mn) 
which  may  be  approximately  vocalized  as  Enkhos~cn~Amon»  and  that  the 
form  discussed  by  Prof,  Sayce  and  Prof,  Petrie  omits  the  consonant  n  (the 
preposition  *by*  or  *  through').  The  *'£V  which  this  identification  proposes 
to  prefix  to  the  name  of  the  queen  is  presumably  the  feminine  article,  It  is 
quite  inconceivable  that  the  proposition  (*She-livt«-by-Amon1')>  forming  the 
name  of  the  queen,  could  receive  the  article,  nor  docs  any  such  form  ever 
appear  on  the  monuments.  In  view  of  these  difficulties  and  of  the  still 
undeveloped  stage  of  our  understanding  of  Hittite  it  would  seem  the  better 
part  of  caution  to  employ  this  Hittitc  cuneiform  document  with  reserve. 




IN  the  service  of  Ikhnaton,  as  we  have  already  noticed,  there 
had  been  an  able  organizer  and  skilful  man  of  affairs  quite 
after  the  manner  of  Thutmose  III.  Harmhab,  as  he  was  called, 
belonged  to  an  old  family  once  monarchs  of  Alabastronpolis.  He 
had  been  entrusted  with  important  missions  and  had  served  the 
royal  house  with  distinction.  A  man  of  popularity  with  the  army, 
he  had  won  also  the  support  of  the  priesthood  of  Amon  at 
Thebes.  Eventually  his  power  and  influence  were  such  that,  in 
the  troublous  times  under  Ikhnaton's  feeble  successors,  it  was 
only  necessary  for  him  to  proceed  to  Thebes  to  be  recognized  as 
the  ruling  Pharaoh.  The  energy  which  had  brought  him  his 
exalted  office  was  immediately  evident  in  his  administration  of  it. 
He  was  untiring  in  restoring  to  the  land  the  orderly  organization 
which  it  had  once  enjoyed.  After  remaining  at  least  two  months 
at  Thebes  adjusting  his  affairs  there,  he  sailed  for  the  north  to 
continue  this  work.  'His  majesty  sailed  down  stream — He 
organized  this  land,  he  adjusted  it  according  to  the  time  of  Re' 
(i.e.  as  when  the  Sun-god  was  Pharaoh).  At  the  same  time  he  did 
not  forget  the  temples,  which  had  been  so  long  closed  under  the 
Aton  regime.  *He  restored  the  temples  from  the  pools  of  the 
Delta  marshes  to  Nubia.  He  shaped  all  their  images  in  number 
more  than  before,  increasing  the  beauty  in  that  which  he  made. 
...He  raised  up  their  temples;  he  fashioned  a  hundred  images 
with  all  their  bodies  correct  and  with  all  splendid  costly  stones. 
He  sought  the  precincts  of  the  gods  which  were  in  the  districts 
in  this  land;  he  furnished  them  as  they  had  been  since  the  time 
of  the  first  beginning.  He  established  for  them  daily  offerings 
every  day.  All  the  vessels  of  their  temples  were  wrought  of  silver 
and  gold.  He  equipped  them  with  priests  and  with  ritual  priests 
and  with  the  choicest  of  the  army.  He  transferred  to  them  lands 
and  cattle,  supplied  with  all  equipment/  Among  other  works  of 
this  kind  he  set  up  a  statue  of  himself  and  his  queen  in  the  temple 
of  Horus  of  Alabastronpolis  on  which  he  frankly  recorded  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  gradually  risen  from  the  rank  of  a  simple 
official  of  the  king  to  the  throne  of  the  Pharaohs* 


Thus  Amon  received  again  his  old  endowments  and  the 
incomes  of  all  the  disinherited  temples  were  restored.  The  people 
resumed  in  public  the  worship  of  all  the  innumerable  gods  which 
they  had  practised  in  secret  during  the  supremacy  of  Aton.  The 
sculptors  of  the  king  were  sent  throughout  the  land  continuing 
the  restoration  begun  by  Tutenkhamon,  reinserting  on  the  monu- 
ments defaced  by  Ikhnaton  the  names  of  the  gods  whom  he  had 
dishonoured  and  erased.  At  Thebes  Harmhab  razed  to  the  ground 
the  temple  of  Aton  and  used  the  materials  for  building  two  pylons, 
extending  the  temple  of  Amon  on  the  south;  and  the  materials 
which  he  left  unused  were  employed  in  similar  works  by  his  suc- 
cessors. In  the  ruined  pylons  of  Amon  at  Karnak  to-day  one  may 
pick  out  the  blocks  which  formed  the  sanctuary  of  Aton,  still 
bearing  the  royal  names  of  the  despised  Aton-worshippers. 
Everywhere  the  name  of  the  hated  Ikhnaton  was  treated  as  he 
had  those  of  the  gods.  At  Akhetaton  his  tomb  was  wrecked  and 
its  reliefs  chiselled  out;  while  the  tombs  of  his  nobles  there  were 
violated  in  the  same  way*  Every  effort  was  made  to  annihilate  all 
trace  of  the  reign  of  such  a  man;  and  when  in  legal  procedure  it 
was  necessary  to  cite  documents  or  enactments  from  his  reign  he 
was  designated  as  *that  criminal  of  Akhetaton.*  The  triumph  of 
Amon  was  thus  complete;  as  the  royal  favourites  of  Ikhnaton 
had  once  sung1  the  good  fortune  of  the  disciples  of  Aton,  so  now 
Harmhab's  courtiers  recognized  clearly  the  change  in  the  wind 
of  fortune,  and  they  sang:  *Iiow  bountiful  are  the  possessions  of 
him  who  know  the  gifts  of  that  god  (Amon),  the  king  of  gods. 
Wise  is  he  who  knows  him,  favoured  is  he  who  serves  him,  there 
is  protection  for  him  who  follows  him.*  The  priest  of  Amon, 
Neferhotep>  who  uttered  these  words,  was  at  the  moment  receiving 
the  richest  tokens  of  the  king's  favour*  Such  men  exulted  in  the 
overthrow  of  Amon's  enemies:  *  Woe  to  him  who  assails  thecl 
Thy  city  endures  but  he  who  assails  thee  is  overthrown.  Fie  upon 
him  who  sins  against  thee  in  any  land.... The  sun  of  him  who 
knew  thee  not  has  set,  but  he  who  knows  thee  shines*  The  sanc- 
tuary of  him  who  assailed  thee  is  overwhelmed  in  darkness,  but 
the  whole  earth  is  in  light/ 

There  were  other  directions  in  which  the  restoration  of  what 
Harmhab  regarded  as  normal  conditions  was  not  so  easy.  Gross 
laxity  in  the  supervision  of  the  local  administration  had  character- 
ized the  reign  of  Ikhnaton  and  his  successors;  and  those  abuses 
which  always  arise  under  such  conditions  in  the  Orient  had  grown 
to  excess.  Everywhere  the  local  official  long  secure  from  close 
inspection  on  the  part  of  the  central  government,  had  revelled  in 


extortions,  practised  upon  the  long-suffering  masses,  until  the 
fiscal  and  administrative  system  was  honey-combed  with  bribery 
and  corruption  of  all  sorts.  To  ameliorate  these  conditions 
Harmhab  first  informed  himself  thoroughly  as  to  the  extent  and 
character  of  the  evils,  and  then  in  his  private  chamber  he  dictated 
to  his  personal  scribe  a  remarkable  series  of  highly  specialized 
laws  to  suit  every  case  of  which  he  had  learned.  They  were  all 
directed  against  the  practice  of  extortion  from  the  poor  by  fiscal 
and  administrative  officials.  The  penalties  were  severe.  A  tax- 
collector  found  guilty  of  dealing  thus  with  the  poor  man  was 
sentenced  to  have  his  nose  cut  off,  followed  by  banishment  to 
Tharu,  the  desolate  frontier  city  far  out  in  the  sands  of  the 
Arabian  desert  toward  Asia.  The  troops  used  in  administration 
and  stationed  in  the  north  and  south  were  accustomed  to  steal 
the  hides  of  the  Pharaoh's  loan-herds  from  the  peasants  responsible 
for  them.  'They  went  out  from  house  to  house,  beating  and 
plundering  without  leaving  a  hide/  In  every  such  demonstrable 
case  the  new  law  enacted  that  the  peasant  should  not  be  held 
responsible  for  the  hides  by  the  Pharaoh's  overseer  of  cattle.  The 
guilty  soldier  was  severely  dealt  with:  'As  for  any  citizen  of  the 
army  concerning  whom  one  shall  hear,  saying:  "he  goeth  about 
stealing  hides ";  beginning  with  this  day  the  law  shall  be  executed 
against  him  by  beating  with  a  hundred  blows,  opening  five  wounds, 
and  taking  away  the  hides  which  he  took/ 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  connected  with  the  discovery 
of  such  local  misgovernment  was  collusion  with  the  local  officials 
by  inspecting  officers  sent  out  by  the  central  government.  The 
corrupt  superiors,  for  a  share  in  the  plunder,  would  overlook  the 
very  extortions  which  they  had  been  sent  on  journeys  of  inspection 
to  discover  and  prevent.  This  evil  had  been  rooted  out  in  the 
days  of  the  aggressive  Thutmose  III,  but  it  was  now  rampant 
again,  and  Harmhab  apparently  revived  the  methods  of  Thutmose 
III  for  controlling  it.  In  the  introduction  and  application  of  the 
new  laws  Harmhab  went  personally  from  end  to  end  of  the 
kingdom.  At  the  same  time  he  improved  the  opportunity  to  look 
for  fitting  men  with  whom  he  could  lodge  the  responsibility  for 
an  efficient  administration  of  justice.  In  order  to  discourage 
bribery  among  the  local  judges  he  took  an  unprecedented  step. 
He  remitted  the  tax  of  gold  and  silver  levied  upon  all  local 
officials  for  judicial  duties,  permitting  them  to  retain  the  entire 
income  of  their  offices,  in  order  that  they  might  have  no  excuse 
for  illegally  enriching  themselves.  But  he  went  still  further;  while 
organizing  the  local  courts  throughout  the  land  he  passed  a  most 


stringent  law  against  the  acceptance  of  any  bribe  by  a  member  of 
a  local  court  or  'council';  *Now?  as  for  any  official  or  any  priest 
concerning  whom  it  shall  be  heard,  saying:  "He  sits  to  execute 
judgment  among  the  council  appointed  for  judgment  and  he 
commits  a  crime  against  justice  therein";  it  shall  be  counted 
against  him  as  a  capital  crime.  Behold  my  majesty  has  done  this 
to  improve  the  laws  of  Egypt.'  In  order  to  keep  his  executive 
officials  in  close  touch  with  himself,  as  well  as  to  lift  them  above 
all  necessity  of  accepting*  any  income  from  "a  corrupt  source, 
Harmhab  had  them  provided  for  with  great  liberality.  They  went 
out  on  inspection  several  times  a  month,  and  on  these  occasions, 
either  just  before  their  departure  or  immediately  after  their 
return,  the  king  gave  them  a  sumptuous  feast  in  the  palace  court, 
appearing  himself  upon  the  balcony,  addressing  each  man  by 
name  and  throwing  down  gifts  among  them.  These  sane  and 
philanthropic  reforms  give  II  arm  hah  a  high  place  in  the  history 
of  humane  government;  especially  when  we  remember  that,  even 
since  the  occupation  of  the  country  by  the  English.,  the  evils  at 
which  he  struck  have  been  found  exceedingly  persistent  and 
difficult  to  root  out. 

If  Harmhab  had  any  ambition  to  leave  a  reputation  as  a  con- 
queror, the  times  were  against  him.  1 1  is  accession  fell  at  a  time 
when  all  his  powers  and  all  his  great  ability  were  necessarily 
employed  exclusively  in  rc< organizing  the  kingdom  after  the  long 
period  of  unparalleled  laxity  which  preceded  him.  He  performed 
his  task  with  a  strength  and  skill  not  less  than  were  required  for 
great  conquest  abroad;  while  at  the  same  time  he  showed  a  spirit 
of  humane  solicitude  for  the  amelioration  of  the  conditions  among 
the  masses,  which  has  never  been  surpassed  in  Kgypt,  from  his 
time  until  the  present  day.  Although  a  soldier,  with  all  the  qualities 
which  that  calling  implies  In  the  Ancient  Kast,  yet,  when  he  became 
king,  he  could  truly  say:  *  Behold  his  majesty  spent  the  whole 
time  seeking  the  welfare  of  Kgypt/  A  list  of  names  of  foreign 
countries  on  the  wall  near  his  great  code  of  laws  contains  the 
conventional  enumeration  of  conquests  abroad,  which  are  prob- 
ably not  to  be  taken  very  seriously;  the  name  of  the  Hittites 
appears  among  them,  but  later  conditions  show  that  he  could 
have  accomplished  no  effective  retrenchment  of  their  power  in 
Syria.  On  the  contrary,  we  should  possibly  place  in  his  reign  the 
treaty  of  alliance  and  friendship,  referred  to  by  Ramses  II  some 
fifty  years  later,  as  having  existed  before.  liannhab  therefore 
seems  to  have  enjoyed  a  long  and  peaceful  reign.  In  the  days  of 
Ramses  II  the  reigns  of  Ikhmiton  and  the  other  A  ton-worshippers 

VII,  i]  SETI  I  IN  PALESTINE  135 

had  apparently  been  added  to  Harmhab's  feign,  increasing  it  by 
twenty-five  years  or  more,  so  that  a  lawsuit  of  the  former's  time 
refers  to  events  of  the  'fifty-ninth  year'  of  Harmhab.  He  therefore 
probably  reigned  some  thirty-five  years. 

Whether  or  not  Harmhab  succeeded  in  founding  a  dynasty  we 
do  not  know.  It  is  impossible  to  discover  any  certain  connection 
between  him  and  Ramses  I,  who  now  (1315  B.C.)  succeeded  him. 
Seemingly  too  old  to  accomplish  anything,  it  was,  nevertheless, 
this  aged  king  whS  planned  and  began  the  vast  colonnaded  hall, 
the  famous  hypostyle  of  Karnak,  afterwards  continued  and  com- 
pleted by  his  successors.  In  his  second  year  he  found  the  new 
responsibility  beyond  his  strength  and  he  associated  as  co-regent 
with  himself  his  son  Seti  I,  then  probably  about  thirty  years  old. 

Within  a  year  after  the  establishment  of  the  co-regency  the  old 
king  died  (1314  B.C.).  Seti  I  must  have  already  laid  all  his  plans 
and  organized  his  army  in  readiness  for  an  attempt  to  recover 
the  lost  empire  of  Aslk.  The  information  which  Seti  I  now  received 
as  to  the  state  of  the  country  betrays  a  condition  of  affairs  quite 
such  as  we  should  expect  would  have  resulted  from  the  tendency 
already  evident  in  the  letters  of  Abdi-Khiba  of  Jerusalem  to 
Ikhnaton.  They  showed  us  the  Bedouins  of  the  neighbouring 
desert  pressing  into  Palestine  and  taking  possession  of  the  towns, 
whether  in  the  service  of  the  turbulent  dynasts  or  on  their  own 
responsibility.  These  letters  were  corroborated  by  Egyptian 
monuments,  portraying  the  panic-striken  Palestinians  fleeing  into 
Egypt  before  their  foes.  Seti  Ps  messengers  now  brought  him 
Information  of  the  very  same  character  regarding  the  Bedouins. 
They  reported:  *  Their  tribal  chiefs  are  in  coalition  and  they  are 
gaining  a  foothold  in  Palestine;  they  have  taken  to  cursing  and 
quarrelling,  each  of  them  slaying  his  neighbour,  and  they  dis- 
regard the  laws  of  the  palace/  It  was  among  these  desert  invaders 
that,  as  some  authorities  think,  the  movement  of  the  Hebrews 
took  place  which  resulted  in  the  settlement  of  Palestine. 

Seti  was  able  to  anarch  out  from  Tharu  in  his  first  year,  and  as 
he  reached  the  frontier  of  Canaan — the  name  applied  by  the 
Egyptians  to  all  western  Palestine  and  Syria — he  captured  a 
walled  town,  which  marked  the  northern  limit  of  the  struggle  with 
the  Bedouins.  Thence  he  pushed  rapidly  northward,  capturing 
the  towns  of  the  plain  of  Megiddo  (Jezreel),  pushing  eastward 
across  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  and  erecting  his  tablet  of  victory 
in  the  Hauran,  and  westward  to  the  southern  slopes  of  Lebanon, 
where  he  took  the  forest-girt  city  of  Yenoam,  once  the  property 
of  the  temple  of  Amon,  after  its  capture  by  Thutmose  III,  nearly 


one  hundred  and  fifty  years  before.  Tlie  neighbouring  dynasts  of 
the  Lebanon  immediately  came  to  him  and  offered  their  allegiance. 
They  had  not  seen  a  Pharaoh  at  the  head  of  his  army  in  Asia  for 
over  fifty  years — not  since  Amcnhotep  III  had  left  Sidon;  and 
Seti  immediately  put  them  to  the  test  by  requiring  a  liberal 
contribution  of  cedar  logs.  In  Seti's  Karnak  reliefs  we  see  the 
subjects  of  the  Lebanon  felling  these  logs  in  his  presence,  and  he 
was  able  to  send  them  to  Egypt  by  water  from  the  harbours  which, 
like  his  great  predecessor,  Thutmose  III,  he  was  now  subduing. 
Having  thus  secured  at  least  the  southern  Phoenician  coast  and 
restored  the  water-route  between  Syria  and  Egypt  for  future 
operations,  Seti  returned  to  Egypt. 

The  return  of  a  victorious  Pharaoh  from  conquest  in  Asia,  so 
common  in  the  days  of  the  great  conquerors,  was  now  a  spectacle 
which  few  living  Egyptians  had  seen.  At  Tharu  outside  the  gate 
of  the  frontier  fortress  beside  the  bridge  over  the  fresh-water 
canal,  which  already  connected  the  Nile  with  the  Bitter  Lakes  of 
the  Isthmus  of  Suez,,  the  leading  men  of  SetFs  government  gathered 
in  a  rejoicing  group,  and  as  the  weary  lines  toiled  up  in  the  dust 
of  the  long  desert  march,  with  the  Pharaoh  at  their  head,  driving 
before  his  chariot-horses  the  captive  dynasts  of  Palestine  and 
Syria,  the  nobles  broke  out  in  acclamation.  At  Thebes  there  was 
festive  presentation  of  prisoners  and  spoil  before  Amon,  such  as 
had  been  common  enough  in  the  clays  of  the  empire,  but  which 
the  Thebans  had  not  witnessed  for  fifty  years  or  more.  This 
campaign  seems  to  have  been  sufficient  to  restore  southern 
Palestine  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Pharaoh,  and  probably  also  most 
of  northern  Palestine* 

The  western  border  of  the  Delta,  from  the  earliest  times  open 
to  Libyan  invasion,  was  always  a  more  or  less  uncertain  frontier. 
Seti  spent  his  entire  next  year*  the  second  of  his  reign,  in  the 
Delta,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  he  carried  on  operations  against 
the  Libyans  in  that  year*  In  any  case,  we  next  find  him  in  Galilee, 
storming  the  walled  city  of  Kadcsh,  which  must  not  be  confused 
with  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes*  Here  the  Amorite  kingdom  founded 
by  Abd-Ashirta  and  Aziru  (p.  123)  formed  a  kind  of  buffer 
state;  and  to  it  belonged  the  Galilean  Kadesh,  lying  between 
Palestine  on  the  south  and  the  southern  Hittite  frontier  in  the 
Orontes  valley  on  the  north.  It  was  necessary  for  Seti  to  subdue 
this  intermediate  kingdom  before  he  could  come  to  blows  with 
the  Hittites  lying  behind  it.  After  harrying  its  territory  and  prob- 
ably taking  Kadesh,  Seti  pushed  northward  against  the  Ilittitcs. 
Their  king,  Shubbiluliuma  (ligyptian  Seplel),  who  had  entered 


into  treaty  relations  with  Egypt  toward  the  close  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  was  now  long  dead;  his  son,  Murshil  (Egyptian 
Merasar)  was  probably  ruling  in  his  stead.  Somewhere  in  the 
Orontes  valley  Seti  came  into  contact  with  them,  and  the  first 
battle  between  the  Hittites  and  a  Pharaoh  occurred.  Of  the  char- 
acter and  magnitude  of  the  action  we  know  nothing;  we  have 
only  a  battle-relief  showing  Seti  in  full  career  charging  the  enemy 
in  his  chariot.  It  is,  however,  not  probable  that  he  met  the  main 
army  of  the  Hittites;  certain  it  is  that  he  did  not  shake  their 
power  in  Syria;  Kadesh  on  the  Orontes  and  all  Syria  north  of 
Palestine  remained  in  their  hands,  just  as  they  had  conquered  it 
at  the  close  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty.  At  most,  Seti  could  not 
have  accomplished  more  than  drive  back  their  extreme  advance^ 
thus  preventing  them  from  absorbing  any  more  territory  on 
the  south  or  pushing  southward  into  Palestine.  He  returned 
to  Thebes  for  another  triumph,  driving  his  Hittite  prisoners 
before  him,  and  presenting  them,  with  the  spoil,  to  the  god  of  the 
empire,  Amon  of  Karnak.  The  boundary  which  he  had  established 
in  Asia  roughly  coincided  inland  with  the  northern  limits  of 
Palestine,  and  must  have  included  also  Tyre  and  the  Phoenician 
coast  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Litany.  Though  much  increasing 
the  territory  of  Egypt  in  Asia,  it  represented  but  a  small  third  of 
what  she  had  once  conquered  there.  Under  these  circumstances 
it  would  have  been  quite  natural  for  Seti  to  continue  the  war  in 
Syria.  For  some  reason,  however,  he  did  not,  so  far  as  we  know, 
ever  appear  with  his  forces  in  Asia  again.  He  may  have  perceived 
the  changed  conditions  and  understood  that  the  methods  which 
had  built  up  the  empire  of  Thutmose  III  could  no  longer  apply 
with  a  power  of  the  first  rank  like  that  of  the  Hittites  already 
occupying  Syria.  He  therefore,  either  at  this  time  or  later, 
negotiated  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Hittite  king,  probably 
Mutallu  (Egyptian  Metella),  who  had  succeeded  his  father, 

At  home  Seti  still  found  much  to  do  in  merely  restoring  the 
disfigured  monuments  of  his  ancestors  surviving  from  the  Aton 
revolution,  which  he  did  with  characteristic  piety.  All  the  larger 
monuments  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  from  the  Nubian  temple  of 
Amada  on  the  south  to  Bubastis  on  the  north,  bear  records  of  his 
restoration.  At  all  the  great  sanctuaries  of  the  old  gods  his  build- 
ings were  now  rising  on  a  scale  unprecedented  in  the  palmiest 
days  of  the  empire — a  fact  which  shows  that  the  income,  even  of 
the  reduced  empire  of  Seti  I,  reaching  from  the  fourth  cataract  of 
the  Nile  to  the  sources  of  the  Jordan,  was  still  sufficient  to  support 


enterprises  of  imperial  scope.  He  continued  the  vast  colonnaded 
hall  at  Karnak  planned  and  begun  by  his  father.  It  surpassed  in 
size  even  the  enormous  unfinished  hypostyle  of  Amenhotep  III 
at  Luxor.  On  the  outside  of  the  north  wall  his  sculptors  engraved 
a  colossal  series  of  reliefs  portraying  his  campaigns.  Mounting 
from  the  base  to  the  coping  they  cover  the  entire  wall,  over  two 
hundred  feet  in  length.  Similar  works  existed  in  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  temples,,  but  they  have  all  perished,  and  Seti's  battle- 
reliefs  therefore  form  the  most  imposing  work  of  the  kind  now 
surviving  in  Egypt.  The  great  hall  which  it  was  to  adorn  was 
never  finished  by  him,  and  it  was  left  to  his  successors  to  com- 
plete it.  Like  his  fathers  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  he  erected  a 
large  mortuary  temple  on  the  western  plain  of  Thebes,  It  was 
located  at  the  northern  end  of  the  line  of  similar  sanctuaries  left 
by  the  earlier  kings,  and  as  Seti's  father  had  died  too  soon  to 
construct  any  such  temple,  it  was  also  dedicated  to  him.  This 
temple,  now  known  as  that  of  Kurna,  was  likewise  left  incomplete 
by  SetL  At  Ahytios  he  built  a  magnificent  sanctuary  dedicated  to 
the  great  gods  of  the  empire,  the  Osirian  triad  and  himself. 
Although  this  temple  has  lost  the  first  and  second  pylons,  its 
sculptures  make  it  perhaps  the  noblest  monument  of  Kgyptian 
art  still  surviving  in  the  land*  A  temple  at  Memphis,,  probably 
another  at  Heliopolis,  with  doubtless  others  in  the  Delta  of  which 
we  know  nothing,  and  in  Nubia  an  enormous  clifF-tomple  at  Abu 
Simbel,  left  incomplete  and  afterward  finished  by  his  son, 
Ramses  II,  completed  the  series  of  Seti's  greater  buildings.  The 
remarkable  art,  especially  the  sculpture  and  painting,  preserved 
in  these  and  other  monuments  of  Seti's  reign  show  clear  evidences 
of  the  Influence  of  lkhnaton*s  Amarna  school  of  art*  Indeed  the 
artistic  works  of  Seti's  time  are  hardly  thinkable  without  the 
influence  of  the  Amarna  age. 

These  works  drew  heavily  on  his  treasury,,  and  when  he  reached 
the  point  of  permanently  endowing  the  mortuary  service  of  the 
Abydos  temple,  he  found  it  necessary  to  seek  additional  sources 
of  income,  lie  therefore  turned  his  attention  to  the  possible 
resources  and  found  that  the  supply  of  gold  from  the  mountains 
of  the  Red  Sea  region  in  the  district  of  Gebel  Zebzira  was  seriously 
restricted  by  lack  of  water  along  the  desert  route.  At  the  main 
station,  some  thirty-seven  miles  east  of  Edfu,  a  well  was  dug  under 
his  own  superintendence,  yielding  a  plentiful  supply  of  water.  In 
all  probability  other  stations  farther  out  on  the  same  route  were 
erected.  Then  Scti  established  the  income  from  the  mines  thus 
reached  as  a  permanent  endowment  for  his  temple  at  Abydos, 

VII,  ii]        ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  SETI  I  IN  EGYPT  139 

and  called  down  terrifying  curses  on  any  posterity  who  should 
violate  his  enactments.  Yet  within  a  year  after  his  death  they  had 
ceased  to  be  effective  and  had  to  be  renewed  by  his  son.  In  a 
similar  effort  to  replenish  his  treasury  from  gold  mines  farther 
south  in  the  Wadi  Alaki,  Seti  dug  a  well  two  hundred  feet  deep 
on  the  road  leading  south-east  from  Kubban,  but  he  failed  to 
reach  water,  and  the  attempt  to  increase  the  gold-supply  from 
this  region  was  evidently  unsuccessful. 

Seti  I  seems  to  fhave  spent  his  energies  chiefly  upon  his  ex- 
tensive buildings,  and  beyond  his  ninth  year  we  know  practically 
nothing  of  his  reign.  He  did  not  forget  the  excavation  of  a  vast 
tomb  for  himself  in  the  Valley  of  the  Kings  at  Thebes,  exceeded 
in  the  length  of  its  gallery  only  by  that  of  Hatshepsut.  It  is  of 
complicated  construction  and  descends  into  the  mountain  through 
a  series  of  galleries  and  extensive  halls  no  less  than  four  hundred 
and  seventy  feet  in  oblique  depth.  The  king's  later  years  were 
disturbed  by  a  conflict  between  his  eldest  son  and  the  latter's 
younger  brother,  Ramses,  over  the  succession,  Ramses,  born  to 
Seti  by  one  of  his  queens  named  Tuya,  was  plotting  to  supplant 
his  eldest  brother,  and  during  their  father's  last  days  laid  his 
plans  so  effectively  that  he  was  ready  for  a  successful  coup  at  the 
old  king's  death.  Some  time  before  his  approaching  jubilee,  while 
the  obelisks  for  it  were  still  unfinished,  Seti  died  (about  1292 
B.C.),  having  reigned  over  twenty  years  since  his  own  father's 
death.  He  was  laid  to  rest  in  a  sumptuous  sarcophagus  of  alabaster 
in  the  splendid  tomb  which  he  had  excavated  in  the  western 
valley.  Preserved  by  happy  accident,  the  body,  like  many  others 
of  the  Pharaohs  whom  we  have  seen,  shows  him  to  have  been  one 
of  the  stateliest  figures  that  ever  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt* 


Whether  the  elder  brother  gained  the  throne  long  enough  to 
have  his  figure  inserted  in  his  father's  reliefs,  where  we  now  find 
traces  of  it,  or  whether  his  influence  as  crown  prince  had  accom- 
plished this,  we  cannot  tell.  In  any  case  Ramses  brushed  him 
aside  without  a  moment's  hesitation  and  seized  the  throne.  The 
only  public  evidence  of  his  brother's  claims — his  figure  inserted 
by  that  of  Seti  in  the  battle  with  the  Libyans — was  immediately 
erased  with  the  inscriptions  which  stated  his  name  and  titles; 
while  in  their  stead  the  artists  of  Ramses  II  inserted  the  figure  of 


their  new  lord,  with  the  title  *  crown  prince/  which  lie  had  never 
borne.  The  colour  which  once  carefully  veiled  all  traces  of  these 
alterations  has  now  long  since  disappeared,  disclosing  the  evidence 
of  the  bitter  conflict  of  the  two  princes  still  discernible  on  the 
north  wall  of  the  Karnak  hypostyle.  Such  was  the  accession  of  the 
famous  Pharaoh,  Ramses  IL  But  the  usual  court  devices  were 
immediately  resorted  to,  that  the  manner  of  the  Pharaoh's  actual 
conquest  of  the  throne  might  be  forgotten*  When  Ramses 
addressed  the  court  he  alluded  specifically  to  the  day  when  his 
father  had  set  him  as  a  child  before  the  nobles  and  proclaimed 
him  the  heir  to  the  kingdom.  The  grandees  knew  too  well  the 
road  to  favour  not  to  respond  in  fulsome  eulogies  enlarging  on 
the  wonderful  powers  of  the  king  in  his  childhood  and  narrating 
how  he  had  even  commanded  the  army  at  ten  years  of  age.  The 
young  monarch  showed  great  vigour  and  high  abilities,  and  if  his 
unfortunate  rival  left  a  party  to  dispute  his  claims,  no  trace  of 
their  opposition  is  now  discoverable. 

Hastening  at  once  to  Thebes,,  the  seat  of  power,  Ramses  lost 
no  time  in  making  himself  strong  there,  especially  gaining  the 
support  of  the  priests  of  Amon*  He  devoted  himself  also  with 
great  zeal  to  pious  works  in  memory  of  his  father  at  Thebes  and 
especially  at  Abydos,  where  he  found  his  father's  magnificent 
mortuary  temple  in  a  sad  state;  it  was  without  roof,  the  drums  of 
the  columns  and  the  blocks  for  the  half-raised  walls  lay  scattered 
in  the  mire,  and  the  whole  monument,  left  thus  unfinished  by 
Seti,  was  fast  going  to  destruction.  lie  carried  out  his  father's 
plans  and  completed  the  temple,  at  the  same  time  renewing  the 
landed  endowments  and  reorganizing  the  administration  of  its 
property  to  which  Ramses  now  added  herds,  the  tribute  of  fowlers 
and  fishermen,  a  trading-ship  on  the  Reel  Sea,  a  fleet  of  barges 
on  the  river,  slaves  and  serfs,  with  priests  and  officials  for  the 
management  of  the  temple-estate.  Perhaps  the  heavy  draughts 
upon  his  treasury  entailed  by  the  mortuary  endowments  or  his 
father  now  moved  Ramses  to  look  for  new  sources  of  income. 
However  this  may  be,  we  find  him  at  Memphis  in  his  third  year 
consulting  with  his  officials  regarding  the  possibility  of  opening 
up  the  "Wadi  Alftki  country  in  Nubia  and  developing  there  the 
gold  mines  which  Seti  I  had  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  exploit* 
The  result  of  the  ensuing  royal  command  was  a  letter  from  the 
viceroy  of  Kush  announcing  the  complete  success  of  the  under- 
taking* Such  enterprises  or  internal  exploitation  were  but  pre- 
paratory in  the  plans  of  Ramses.  His  ambition  held  him  to 
greater  purposes;  and  he  contemplated  nothing  less  than  the 

VI I,  IE]      RAMSES  II  AND  THE  HITTITE  LEAGUE          141 

recovery  of  the   great  Asiatic   empire,    conquered   by  his   pre- 
decessors of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty, 

When  Ramses  II  ascended  the  throne  the  Hittites  had  re- 
mained in  undisputed  possession  of  their  Syrian  conquests  for 
probably  more  than  twenty  years,  since  the  attempt  of  Seti  I  to 
dislodge  them.  The  long  peace  had  given  their  king,  Mutallu,  an 
opportunity,  of  which  he  made  good  use,  to  render  their  position 
in  Syria  impregnable.  Advancing  southward,  up  the  valley  of  the 
Orontes,  he  had  seized  Kadesh,  the  centre  of  the  Syrian  power 
in  the  days  of  Thutmose  III,  which,  we  remember,  had  given 
him  more  trouble  and  held  out  with  more  tenacious  resistance 
than  any  other  kingdom  in  Syria.  We  have  already  seen  the 
strategic  importance  of  the  district,  an  importance  which  was 
quickly  grasped  by  the  Hittite  king,  who  made  the  place  the 
bulwark  of  his  southern  frontier.  Ramses's  plan  for  the  war  was 
like  that  of  his  great  ancestor,  Thutmose  III:  he  proposed  first 
to  gain  the  coast,  that  he  might  use  one  of  its  harbours  as  a  base, 
enjoying  quick  and  easy  communication  with  Egypt  by  water. 
Our  sources  tell  us  nothing  of  his  operations  on  the  first  campaign, 
when  this  purpose  was  accomplished.  We  have  only  the  evidence 
of  a  limestone  stela  cut  into  the  face  of  the  rock  overlooking  the 
Dog  River  a  few  miles  north  of  Beirut.  The  monument  is  so 
weathered  that  only  the  name  of  Ramses  II  and  the  date  in  the 
'year  four'  can  be  read.  It  was  in  that  year,  there  (1289  B.C.), 
that  Ramses  pushed  northward  along  the  coast  of  Phoenicia  to 
this  point.  Unfortunately  for  Ramses,  this  preparatory  campaign, 
however  necessary,  gave  the  Hittite  king,  Mutallu,  an  oppor- 
tunity to  collect  all  his  resources  and  to  muster  all  available  forces 
from  every  possible  source1.  All  the  vassal  kings  of  his  extensive 
empire  were  compelled  to  contribute  their  levies  to  his  army.  We 
find  among  them  the  old  enemies  of  Egypt  in  Syria:  the  kings 
of  Naharin,  Arvad,  Carchemish,  Kode,  Kadesh,  Nuges  (Nukh- 
ashshi  ?),  Ekereth  (Ugarit),  the  unknown  Mesheneth,  and  Aleppo. 
Besides  these,  Mutallu's  subject  or  allied  kingdoms  in  Asia 
Minor,  like  Kezweden  (Kissuwadna)  and  Pedes  (Pidasa),  were 
drawn  upon;  and,  not  content  with  the  army  thus  collected,  he 
emptied  his  treasury  to  tempt  the  mercenaries  of  Asia  Minor  and 
the  Mediterranean  islands.  Roving  bands  of  Lycian  sailors,  such 
as  had  plundered  the  coasts  of  the  Levant  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty, 
besides  Mysians,  Cilicians,  Dardanians,  and  levies  of  the  un- 
identified Erwenet  (?  Oroanda  north-west  of  Cilicia),  took  service 

1  The  fragmentary  cuneiform  account  from  Boghaz  Keui  (p.  147  n.) 
would  indicate  that  Mutallu  himself  was  Ramses*  opponent  in  this  battle. 


In  the  Hittite  ranks  (cf.  p.  28  i).  In  this  manner  Mutallu  collected 
an  army  more  formidable  than  any  which  Egypt  had  ever  hitherto 
been  called  upon  to  meet.  In  numbers  it  was  large  for  those  times, 
containing  probably  not  less  than  twenty  thousand  men* 

Rarnses  on  his  part  had  not  been  less  active  in  securing 
mercenary  support.  From  the  remote  days  of  the  Old  Kingdom 
Nubian  levies  had  been  common  in  Egyptian  service.  Among  the 
troops  used  to  garrison  Syria  in  the  days  or  the  Amarna  Letters  sixty 
years  before,  we  find  the  'Sherden*  (Shardinli),  and,  as  we  learn 
from  a  Boghaz  Iveui  tablet,  the  men  of  Melukhkha.  The  Sherden 
were  now  taken  into  Ramses*  army  in  considerable  numbers,  so  that 
they  constituted  a  recognized  element  in  it,  and  the  king  levied 
'his  infantry,  his  chariotry  and  the  Sherden.*  He  must  have  com- 
manded an  army  of  not  less  than  twenty  thousand  men  all  told, 
although  the  proportion  of  mercenaries  is  unknown  to  us,  nor  is 
it  known  what  proportion  of  his  force  was  chariotry,  as  compared 
with  the  infantry.  He  divided  these  troops  into  four  divisions, 
each  named  after  one  of  the  great  gods;  Amon,  Re,  Ptah  and 
Sutckh;  and  himself  took  personal  command  of  the  division  of 
Amon.  In  the  spring  of  his  fifth  year  (1288  B.C.),  when  the  rains 
of  Syria  had  ceased,  Ramses  appeared  with  his  army  in  the  valley 
of  the  upper  Orontes  between  the  two  I-ebamms,  overlooking  the 
vast  plain  in  which  lay  Kadesh,  only  a  day's  inarch  distant,  with 
its  battlements  probably  visible  on  the  northern  horizon,  toward 
which  the  Orontes  wound  its  way  across  the  plain.  Putting  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  division  of  Amon,  early  in  the  day  Ramses 
left  the  other  divisions  to  follow  after  while  he  set  out  down  the 
last  slope  of  the  high  valley  (the  Befca*)  to  the  ford  of  the  Orontes 
at  Shabtuna,  later  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  Riblah.  Here  the 
river  left  the  precipitous,  cation-like  wadi  in  which  it  had  hitherto 
flowed,  and  for  the  first  time  permitted  a  crossing  to  the  west  side 
on  which  Kadesh  was,  thus  enabling  an  army  approaching  the 
city  from  the  south  to  cut  off  a  considerable  bend  in  the  river*  At 
this  juncture  two  Bedouins  of  the  region  appeared  and  stated  that 
they  had  deserted  from  the  Hittite'  ranks,  and  that  the  Hittite 
king  had  retreated  northward  to  the  district  of  Aleppo^  .north  of 
Tunip.  In  view  of  the  failure  of  his  scouting  parties  to  find  the 
enemy.,  and  the  impressions  of  his  officers  coinciding  with  the 
report  of  the  Bedouins,  Ramses  readily  believed  this  story, 
immediately  crossed  the  river  with  the  division  of  Amon  and 
pushed  rapidly  on,  while  the  divisions  of  Re,  Ptah  and  Sutekh, 
marching  in  the  order  named,  straggled  far  behind*  Anxious  to 
reach  Kadesh  and  begin  the  siege  that  day.,  the  Pharaoh  even 


drew  away  from  the  division  of  Amon  and  with  no  van  before 
him,  accompanied  only  by  his  household  troops,  was  rapidly 
nearing  Kadesh  as  midday  approached. 

Meantime  Mutallu,  the  Hittite  king,  had  drawn  up  his  troops 
in  battle-array  on  the  north-west  of  Kadesh,  and  Ramses,  without 
a  hint  of  danger,  was  approaching  the  entire  Hittite  force,  while 
the  bulk  of  his  army  was  scattered  along  the  road  some  eight  or 
ten  miles  in  the  rear,  and  the  officers  of  Re  and  Ptah  were  resting 
in  the  shade  of  the*  neighbouring  forests  after  the  hot  and  dusty 
march.  The  crafty  Hittite,  seeing  that  the  story  of  his  two 
Bedouins,  whom  he  had  sent  out  for  the  very  purpose  of  deceiving 
Ramses,  had  been  implicitly  accepted,  improved  his  shrewdly 
gained  opportunity  to  the  full.  He  did  not  attack  Ramses  at  once, 
but  as  the  Pharaoh  approached  the  city  the  Hittite  quickly  trans- 
ferred his  entire  army  to  the  east  side  of  the  river,  and  while 
Ramses  passed  northward  along  the  west  side  of  Kadesh,  Mutallu 
deftly  dodged  him,  inoving  southward  along  the  east  side  of  the 
city,  always  keeping  it  between  him  and  the  Egyptians  to  prevent 
his  troops  from  being  seen.  As  he  drew  in  on  the  east  and  south- 
east of  the  city  he  had  secured  a  position  on  Ramses*  flank  which 
was  of  itself  enough  to  ensure  him  an  overwhelming  victory.  The 
Egyptian  forces  were  now  roughly  divided  into  two  groups :  near 
Kadesh  were  the  two  divisions  of  Amon  and  Re,  while  far  south- 
ward the  divisions  of  Ptah  and  Sutekh  had  not  yet  crossed  at  the 
ford  of  Shabtuna.  The  division  of  Sutekh  was  so  far  away  that 
nothing  more  was  heard  of  it  and  it  took  no  part  in  the  day's 
action.  Ramses  himself  halted  on  the  north-west  of  the  city,  not 
far  from  and  perhaps  on  the  very  ground  occupied  by  the  Asiatic 
army  a  short  time  before.  Here  he  camped  in  the  early  afternoon, 
and  the  division  of  Amon,  coming  up  shortly  afterward,  bivouacked 
around  his  tent. 

The  weary  troops  were  resting,  feeding  their  horses  and  pre- 
paring their  own  meal,  when  two  Asiatic  spies  were  brought  in 
by  Ramses'  scouts,  and  taken  to  the  royal  tent.  Brought  before 
Ramses  they  confessed,  after  a  merciless  beating,  that  Mutallu 
and  his  entire  army  were  concealed  behind  the  city.  Thoroughly 
alarmed,  the  young  Pharaoh  hastily  summoned  his  commanders 
and  officials,  chided  them  bitterly  for  their  inability  to  inform  him 
of  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  and  commanded  the  vizier  to  bring 
up  the  division  of  Ptah  with  all  speed.  His  dispatch  to  the  division 
of  Ptah  alone,  shows  that  Ramses  had  no  hope  of  bringing  up  the 
division  of  Sutekh,  which  was,  as  we, have  seen,  straggling  far  in 
the  rear  above  Shabtuna.  At  the  same  time  it  discloses  his  con- 


fidcnce  that  the  division  of  Re,  which  had  been  but  a  few  miles 
behind  him  at  most?  was  within  call  at  the  gates  of  his  camp.  He 
therefore  at  this  juncture  little  dreamed  of  the  desperate  situation 
into  which  he  had  been  betrayed,  nor  of  the  catastrophe  which  at 
that  very  moment  was  overtaking  the  unfortunate  division  of 
Re.  Issuing  on  the  south  side  of  Kadesh,  the  chariotry  of  Mutallu 
struck  the  division  of  Re  on  the  march,  broke  it  in  two  and  cut 
it  to  pieces.  Of  the  remnants  some  fled  northward  toward  Ramses* 
camp  in  a  wild  rout.  They  had  at  the  first  rfioment  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  inform  Ramses  of  the  catastrophe.,  but  in  so  far  as  we 
know,  the  first  intimation  received  by  the  Pharaoh  of  the  appalling 
disaster  which  now  faced  him  was  the  headlong  flight  of  these 
fugitives  of  the  annihilated  division.,  among  whom  were  two  of 
his  own  sons.  They  burst  into  the  astonished  camp  with  the 
Hittite  chat-iotry  close  upon  their  heels  in  hot  pursuit.  Ramses* 
heavy  infantry  guard  quickly  dragged  these  intruders  from  their 
chariots  and  dispatched  them;  but  behind!  these  were  swiftly 
massing  the  whole  body  of  some  twenty-five  hundred  Asiatic 
chariots.  As  they  pressed  in  upon  the  Egyptian  position  their 
wings  rapidly  spread,  swelled  out  on  either  hand  and  enfolded 
the  camp.  The  division  of  Amon,  weary  with  the  long  and  rapid 
march,  in  total  relaxation,  without  arms  and  without  officers,  was 
struck  as  by  an  avalanche  when  the  fleeing  remnants  of  the  division 
of  Re  swept  through  the  camp.  Inevitably  involved  in  the  rout, 
they  were  carried  along  with  it  to  the  northward. 

The  bulk  of  Ramses'  available  force  was  thus  in  flight,  his 
southern  divisions  were  miles  away  and  separated  from  him  by 
the  whole  mass  of  the  enemy's  chariotry.  The  disaster  was  com- 
plete. Taken  thus  with  but  short  shrift,  the  young  Pharaoh 
hesitated  not  a  moment  in  attempting  to  cut  his  way  out  and  to 
reach  his  southern  columns.  With  only  his  household  troops,  his 
immediate  followers  and  the  officers,,  who  happened  to  be  at  his 
side,  he  mounted  his  waiting  chariot  and  boldly  charged  into  the 
advance  of  the  Hittite  pursuit  as  it  poured  into  his  camp  on  the 
west  side*  He  perceived  at  once  how  heavily  the  enemy  was 
massed  before  him,  and  immediately  understood  that  further 
onset  in  that  direction  was  hopeless*  Retiring  into  the  camp 
again,  he  must  have  noted  how  thin  was  the  eastern  wing  of  the 
surrounding  chariots  along  the  river,  where  there  had  not  yet 
been  time  for  the  enemy  to  strengthen  their  line.  As  a  forlorn 
hope  he  charged  this  line  with  an  impetuosity  that  hurled  the 
Asiatics  in  his  immediate  front  pell-mell  into  the  river.  Mutallu, 
standing  on  the  opposite  shore  amid  a  mass  of  eight  thousand 

VII,  n] 



infantry,  saw  several  of  Ms  officers,  his  personal  scribe,  his 
charioteer,  the  chief  of  his  body-guard  and  finally  even  his  own 
royal  brother  go  down  before  the  Pharaoh's  furious  onset.  Among 
many  rescued  from  the  water  by  their  comrades  on  the  opposite 
shore  was  the  half-drowned  king  of  Aleppo,  who  was  with 
difficulty  resuscitated  by  his  troops.  Again  and  again  Ramses 
renewed  the  charge  along  the  river  on  his  east,  finally  producing 
serious  discomfiture  in  the  enemy's  line  at  this  point. 


-Si  Fugitive    _ 

*  Ramses  era  Egyptian  Cam 

The  Two  Stages  in  the  Battle  of  Kadesh.    (Breasted*) 

At  this  juncture  an  incident  common  in  oriental  warfare  saved 
the  Pharaoh  from  total  destruction.  Had  the  mass  of  the  Hittite 
chariotry  swept  in  upon  his  rear  from  the  west  and  south  he  must 
certainly  have  been  lost.  But  to  his  great  good  fortune  his  camp 
had  now  fallen  into  the  hands  of  these  troops  and,  dismounting 
from  their  chariots,  they  had  thrown  discipline  to  the  winds  as 
they  gave  themselves  up  to  the  rich  plunder.  Thus  engaged,  they 
were  suddenly  fallen  upon  by  a  body  of  Ramses*  'recruits/  rein- 
forcements of  uncertain  origin,  who  may  possibly  have  marched 



in  from  the  coast  to  join  his  army  at  Kadesh.  In  any  case,  they 
did  not  belong  to  either  of  the  southern  divisions.  They  com- 
pletely surprised  the  plundering  Asiatics  in  the  camp  and  slew 
them  to  a  man.  The  sudden  offensive  of  Ramses  along  the  river 
and  the  unexpected  onslaught  of  the  'recruits'  must  have  con- 
siderably dampened  the  ardour  of  the  Hittite  attack,  giving  the 
Pharaoh  an  opportunity  to  recover  himself.  These  newly-arrived 
*  recruits/  together  with  the  returning  fugitives  from  ^the  un- 
harmed but  scattered  division  of  Amon,  so  augmented  his  power 
that  there  was  now  a  prospect  of  his  maintaining  himself  until  the 
arrival  of  the  division  of  Ptah.  The  stubborn  defence  which 
followed  forced  the  Hittite  king  to  throw  in  his  reserves  of  a 
thousand  chariots.  Six  times  the  desperate  Pharaoh  charged  into 
the  replenished  lines  of  the  enemy,  but  for  some  reason  Mutallu 
did  not  send  against  him  the  eight  thousand  foot  which  he  had 
stationed  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  opposite  Ramses'  position; 
and  the  struggle  remained  a  battle  of  chari&try  as  long  as  we  can 
trace  it.  For  several  hours,  by  prodigies  of  personal  valour,  the 
Pharaoh  kept  his  scanty  forces  together,  doubtless  throwing  many 
an  anxious  glance  southward  toward  the  road  from  Shabtuna, 
along  which  the  division  of  Ptah  was  toiling  in  response  to  his 
message.  Finally,  as  the  long  afternoon  wore  on  and  the  sun  was 
low  in  the  west,  the  standards  of  Ptah  glimmering  through  the 
dust  and  heat  gladdened  the  eyes  of  the  weary  Pharaoh.  Caught 
between  the  opposing  lines,  the  Hittite  chariotry  was  driven  into 
the  city,  probably  with  considerable  loss;  but  our  sources  un- 
fortunately do  not  permit  us  to  follow  these  closing  incidents  of 
the  battle.  As  evening  drew  on  the  enemy  took  refuge  in  the  city 
and  Ramses  was  saved.  The  prisoners  taken  were  led  before  him 
while  he  reminded  his  followers  that  these  captives  had  been 
brought  off  by  himself  almost  single  handed. 

The  records  describe  how  the  scattered  Egyptian  fugitives 
crept  back  and  found  the  plain  strewn  with  Asiatic  dead,  especially 
of  the  personal  and  official  circle  about  the  Hittite  king.  This  was 
undoubtedly  true;  the  Asiatics  must  have  lost  heavily  in  Ramses' 
camp,  on  the  river  north  of  the  city  and  at  the  arrival  of  the 
division  of  Ptah;  but  Ramses'  loss  was  certainly  far  heavier  than 
that  of  his  enemies.  If  the  Pharaoh  could  claim  any  success  to 
offset  the  disaster  he  had  suffered,  it  was  his  salvation  from  utter 
destruction,  and  the  fact  that  he  eventually  held  possession  of  the 
field  added  little  practical  advantage.  It  is  commonly  stated  that 
Ramses  captured  Kadesh,  but  there  is  no  such  claim  in  any  of 
his  records. 


In  spite  of  the  lack  of  caution  which  cost  him  so  dearly,  Ramses 
was  very  proud  of  his  exploit  at  Kadesh.  Throughout  Egypt  on 
his  more  important  buildings  he  commissioned  his  sculptors  to 
depict  what  were  to  him  and  his  fawning  courtiers  the  most 
important  incidents  of  the  battle.  On  the  temple  walls  at  Abu 
Simbel,  at  Derr,  at  the  Ramesseum,  his  mortuary  temple  at 
Thebes,  at  Luxor,  at  Karnak,  at  Abydos,  and  probably  on  other 
buildings  now  perished,  his  artists  executed  a  vast  series  of 
vivacious  reliefs  picturing  Ramses*  camp,  the  arrival  of  his 
fugitive  sons,  the  Pharaoh's  furious  charge  down  to  the  river  and 
the  arrival  of  the  recruits  who  rescued  the  camp.  Before  Ramses* 
chariot  the  plain  is  strewn  with  Asiatic  dead,  among  whom  the 
accompanying  bits  of  explanatory  description  furnish  the  identity 
of  the  notable  personages  whom  we  have  mentioned  above.  On 
the  opposite  shore  where  their  comrades  draw  the  fugitives  from 
the  water  a  tall  figure  held  head  downward  that  he  may  disgorge 
the  water  which  he  h£s  swallowed  is  accompanied  by  the  words: 
'The  wretched  chief  of  Aleppo,  turned  upside  down  by  his 
soldiers,  after  his  majesty  had  hurled  him  into  the  water/  These 
sculptures  are  better  known  to  modern  travellers  in  Egypt  than 
any  other  like  monuments  in  the  country.  There  early  arose  also 
a  prose-poem  on  the  battle,  of  which  we  shall  later  have  more  to 
say.  The  ever-repeated  refrain  in  all  these  records  is  the  valiant 
stand  of  the  young  Pharaoh:  *  while  he  was  alone,  having  no  army 
with  him/  These  sources  have  enabled  us  to  trace  with  certainty 
the  steps  which  led  up  to  the  battle  of  Kadesh,  the  first 
battle  in  history  which  can  be  so  studied;  and  this  fact  must 
serve  as  our  justification  for  treating  it  at  such  length1.  We  see 
that  already  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  the  commanders  of  the 
time  understood  the  value  of  clever  manoeuvres  masked  from  the 
enemy,  as  illustrated  in  the  first  flank  movement  of  which  we 
hear  in  the  history  of  military  strategy;  and  the  plains  of  Syria, 
already  at  this  remote  epoch,  witnessed  notable  examples  of  that 
supposed  modern  strategical  science  which  was  brought  to  such 
perfection  by  Napoleon — the  science  of  winning  the  victory 
before  the  battle. 

While  Ramses  enjoyed  the  usual  triumph  in  the  state-temple, 
his  return  to  Egypt  immediately  after  the  battle  without  even 
laying  siege  to  Kadesh,  after  having  lost  nearly  a  whole  division 
of  his  army,  even  though  he  had  shown  a  brilliant  defence,  could 
only  be  destructive  of  Egyptian  influence  among  the  dynasts  of 

1  What  is  evidently  a  Hittite  version  of  the  battle  has  been  found  among 
the  tablets  of  Boghaz  Keui.  See  p.  265. 


Syria  and  Palestine.  Nor  would  the  Hittites  fail  to  make  every 
possible  use  of  the  doubtful  battle  to  undermine  that  influence 
and  stir  up  revolt.  Seti  I  had  secured  northern  Palestine  as 
Egyptian  territory,  and  this  region  was  so  near  the  valley  of  the 
Orontes  that  the  emissaries  of  the  Hittites  had  little  difficulty  in 
exciting  it  to  revolt.  The  rising  spread  southward  to  the  very 
gates  of  Ramses'  frontier  forts  in  the  north-eastern  Delta.  We 
see  him,  therefore,  far  from  increasing  the  conquests  of  his  father, 
obliged  to  begin  again  at  the  very  bottom  to  rebuild  the  Egyptian 
empire  in  Asia  and  recover  by  weary  campaigns  even  the  territory 
which  his  father  had  won.  Our  sources  for  this  period  are  very 
scanty  and  the  order  of  events  is  not  wholly  certain,  but  Ramses 
seems  first  to  have  attacked  what  was  later  the  Philistine  city  of 
Askalon  and  taken  it  by  storm.  By  his  eighth  year  he  had  forced 
his  way  through  to  northern  Palestine,  and  we  then  find  him 
plundering  the  cities  of  western  Galilee,  one  after  another.  Here 
he  came  again  into  contact  with  the  Hittite  outposts,  which  had 
been  pushed  far  southward  since  the  day  of  Kadesh.  He  found  a 
Hittite  garrison  in  the  strong  town  of  Deper,  which  seems  to  be 
the  Tabor  of  Hebrew  history;  but  assisted  by  his  sons  he  assaulted 
and  took  the  place,  and  the  Hittite  occupation  of  the  region  could 
have  endured  but  a  short  time.  It  was  perhaps  at  this  time  that 
he  penetrated  into  the  Hauran  and  the  region  east  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee  and  left  a  stela  there  recording  his  visit  (p.  319).  Ramses 
was  thus  obliged  to  campaign  for  three  years  in  the  recovery  of 

The  Pharaoh  was  thereupon  at  liberty  to  resume  his  ambitious 
designs  in  Asia  at  the  point  where  he  had  begun  them  four  years 
earlier.  Advancing  again  down  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  he  must 
finally  have  succeeded  in  dislodging  the  Hittites.  None  of  the 
scanty  records  of  the  time  states  this  fact;  but  as  he  made  conquests 
far  north  of  Kadesh  that  place  must  certainly  have  fallen  into  his 
hands.  In  Naharin  he  conquered  the  country  as  far  as  Tump, 
where  he  gained  reputation  by  deliberately  entering  battle  without 
his  corselet.  But  these  places  had  been  too  long  exempt  from 
tribute  to  the  Pharaoh  to  take  kindly  to  his  yoke*  Moreover,  they 
were  now  occupied  by  Hittites,  who  doubtless  continued  to 
reside  there  under  the  rule  of  Ramses.  His  lists  credit  him  with 
having  subdued  Naharin,  Lower  Retenu  (North  Syria),  Arvad, 
the  Keftiu,  and  Ketne  in  the  Orontes  valley.  It  is  thus  evident 
that  Ramses'  ability  and  tenacity  as  a  soldier  had  now  really 
endangered  the  Hittite  empire  in  Syria,  although  it  is  very  un- 
certain whether  he  succeeded  in  holding  these  northern  conquests. 


When  he  had  been  thus  campaigning  probably  some  fifteen 
years  an  important  event  in  the  internal  history  of  the  Hittite 
empire  brought  his  wars  in  Asia  to  a  sudden  and  final  end. 
Mutallu,  the  Hittite  king,  in  some  way  met  his  death,  and  his 
brother,  Hattushil,  succeeded  him  upon  the  throne.  Hattushil 
displayed  a  statesmanlike  understanding  of  the  international 
situation  in  Asia.  He  at  once  grasped  the  fact  that  the  collapse  of 
Mitanni  had  exposed  the  eastern  Hittite  frontier  directly  to  the 
attacks  of  Assyria.* The  invasion  of  Shalmaneser  I,  who  at  this 
junction  plundered  Mitanni  and  other  subject  peoples  of  Hattu- 
shil, and  brought  a  powerful  Assyrian  army  for  the  first  time  to 
the  Euphrates,  was  an  event  which  the  Hittite  king  quite  well 
understood.  While  pushing  old-time  friendly  relations  with 
Babylonia,  he  took  steps  to  terminate  the  war  with  Egypt  and  to 
substitute  for  it  a  treaty  of  permanent  peace  and  alliance  between 
Egypt  and  the  Hittites.  In  Ramses'  twenty-first  year  (1272  B.C.) 
Hattushil's  messengers  bearing  the  treaty  reached  the  Egyptian 
court,  which  had  been  permanently  shifted  to  the  Delta.  The 
treaty  which  they  bore  had  of  course  been  drafted  in  advance  and 
accepted  by  representatives  of  the  two  countries,  for  it  was  now 
in  its  final  form :  eighteen  paragraphs  inscribed  on  a  silver  tablet, 
surmounted  by  a  representation  showing  engraved  or  inlaid 
figures  of  *  Sutekh  embracing  the  likeness  of  the  great  chief  of 
Kheta*;  and  of  a  goddess  similarly  embracing  the  figure  of 
Hattushil's  queen,  Putukhipa;  while  beside  these  were  the  seals 
of  Sutekh  of  Kheta,  Re  of  Ernen,  as  well  as  those  of  the  two  royal 

It  bore  the  title:  'The  treaty  which  the  great  chief  of 
Kheta,  Khetasar  (cuneiform  Hattushil),  the  valiant,  the  son  of 
Merasar  (cuneiform  Murshil),  the  great  chief  of  Kheta,  the 
valiant,  the  grandson  of  Seplel  (cuneiform  Shubbiluliuma),  the 
great  chief  of  Kheta,  the  valiant,  made,  upon  a  silver  tablet  for 
Usermare-Setepnere  (i.e.  Ramses  II),  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt, 
the  valiant,  the  son  of  Seti  I,  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt,  the  valiant; 
the  grandson  of  Ramses  I,  the  great  ruler  of  Egypt,  the  valiant; 
the  good  treaty  of  peace  and  of  brotherhood,  setting  peace 
between  them  forever.'  After  a  review  of  the  former  relations 
between  the  two  countries,  it  passed  to  a  general  definition  of  the 
present  pact,  and  thus  to  its  special  stipulations.  Of  these  the 
most  important  were:  the  renunciation  by  both  rulers  of  all  pro- 
jects of  conquest  against  the  other,  the  reaffirmation  of  the  former 
treaties  existing  between  the  two  countries,  a  defensive  alliance 
involving  the  assistance  of  each  against  the  other's  foes,  co-opera- 


tion  in  the  chastisement  of  delinquent  subjects,  probably  in  Syria; 
and  the  extradition  of  political  fugitives  and  immigrants.  A  codicil 
provided  for  the  humane  treatment  of  the  last-named.  A  thou- 
sand gods  and  goddesses  of  the  land  of  the  Hittites,  and  the  same 
number  from  the  land  of  Egypt  were  called  upon  to  witness  the 
compact,  some  of  the  more  important  Hittite  divinities  being 
mentioned  by  the  names  of  their  cities.  The  remarkable  document 
closes  with  a  curse  on  the  violators  of  the  treaty  and  a  blessing 
upon  those  who  should  keep  it — or  it  woulcl  logically  so  close 
save  that  the  codicil  already  mentioned  is  here  attached.  Ramses 
had  copies  of  the  treaty  engraved  on  the  walls  of  his  temples  at 
Thebes,  preceded  by  an  account  of  the  coming  of  the  Hittite 
messengers,  and  followed  by  a  description  of  the  figures  and  other 
representations  depicted  on  the  silver  tablet.  Two  such  copies 
have  been  found  at  Thebes,  one  at  Karnak  and  the  other  at  the 
Ramesseum,  although  the  latter  has  since  perished.  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  achievements  of  modern  excavation  has  been 
the  discovery  of  a  cuneiform  transcript  of  this  treaty  in  the 
archives  of  the  Hittite  kings  at  Boghaz  Keui  (sec  p.  266), 

The  cuneiform  archives  of  Boghaz  Keui  show  that  the  Hittite 
king  retained  control  of  Amor,  just  north  of  Palestine,  Although 
the  treaty  does  not  take  up  the  boundary  question,  it  is  evident 
that,  notwithstanding  Ramses  IPs  advance  far  into  Naharin,  he 
was  unable  to  hold  the  conquests  which  he  had  made  there.  He 
had,  therefore,  not  permanently  advanced  the  boundary  of  his 
father's  kingdom  in  Asia,  and  the  Egyptian  frontier,  as  determined 
by  the  new  peace,  will  not  have  been  far  north  of  the  northern 
confines  of  Palestine.  The  Hittite  king  is  recognized  in  the  treaty 
as  on  an  equality  with  the  Pharaoh  and  received  the  same  con- 
ditions; but,  as  commonly  in  the  Orient,  the  whole  transaction  was 
interpreted  by  Ramses  on  his  monuments  as  a  great  triumph  for 
himself,  and  he  now  constantly  designated  himself  as  the  con- 
queror of  the  Hittites.  Once  consummated,  the  peace  was  kept, 
and  although  it  involved  the  sacrifice  of  Ramses*  ambitions  for 
conquest  in  Asia,  the  treaty  must  have  been  entirely  satisfactory 
to  both  parties.  The  wives  of  the  two  contracting  sovereigns, 
calling  themselves  'the  great  queen  of  Egypt1  and  'the  great 
queen  of  Hatti/  exchanged  friendly  letters  of  greeting  and 
addressed  each  other  as  'sister/  Thirteen  years  later  (1259  B.C.) 
the  Hittite  king  himself  visited  Egypt  to  celebrate  the  marriage 
of  his  eldest  daughter  as  the  wife  of  Ramses.  Bearing  rich  gifts 
in  a  brilliant  procession,  with  his  daughter  at  its  head,  Hattushil, 
accompanied  by  the  king  of  Kode,  appeared  in  Ramses'  palace, 

VII,  in]          THE  EGYPTO-HITTITE  ALLIANCE  151 

and  his  military  escort  mingled  with  the  Egyptian  troops  whom 
they  had  once  fought  upon  the  Syrian  plains. 

The  Hittite  princess  was  given  an  Egyptian  name,  Matnefrure 
('  Who  sees  the  beauty  of  Re7),  and  assumed  a  prominent  position 
at  court.  The  visit  of  her  father  was  depicted  on  the  front  of 
Ramses'  temple  at  Abu  Sirnbel,  with  accompanying  narrative 
inscriptions,  and  she  was  given  a  statue  beside  her  royal  husband 
in  Tanis.  Sound  in  limb  and  long  in  stride  the  visitors  came,  with 
rich  gifts,  traversing-  many  mountains  and  difficult  ways,  warriors 
and  regulars;  and  Ramses  thoughtfully  offered  sacrifices  to  the 
god  Sutekh  for  fair  weather.  Court  poets  celebrated  the  event 
and  pictured  the  Hittite  king  as  sending  to  the  king  of  Kode  and 
summoning  him  to  join  in  the  journey  to  Egypt  that  they  might 
do  honour  to  the  Pharaoh.  The  event  made  a  popular  impression 
also,  and  a  folk-tale,  which  was  not  put  into  writing,  so  far  as  we 
know,  until  Greek  times,  began  with  the  marriage  and  told  how 
afterward,  at  the  reqmest  of  her  father,  an  image  of  the  Theban 
Khonsu  was  sent  to  the  land  of  the  princess,  that  the  god's  power 
might  drive  forth  the  evil  spirits  from  her  afflicted  sister.  Through- 
out Ramses'  long  reign  the  treaty  remained  unbroken,  and  it  is 
even  probable  that  Ramses  received  a  second  daughter  of  Hattu- 
shil  in  marriage.  The  peace  continued  without  interruption  at 
least  into  the  reign  of  his  successor,  Merneptah. 

From  the  day  of  the  peace  compact  with  Hattushil,  therefore, 
Ramses  II  was  never  called  upon  to  enter  the  field  again.  With 
the  Asiatic  campaigns  of  this  Pharaoh  the  military  aggressiveness 
of  Egypt  which  had  been  awakened  under  Ahmose  I  in  the 
expulsion  of  the  Hyksos  was  completely  exhausted.  Nor  did  it 
ever  revive.  It  was  with  mercenary  forces  and  under  the  influence 
of  foreign  blood  in  the  royal  family  that  sporadic  attempts  to 
recover  Syria  and  Palestine  were  made  in  later  days.  Hence- 
forward for  a  long  time  the  Pharaoh's  army  was  to  be  but  a  weapon 
of  defence  against  foreign  aggression :  a  weapon,  however,  which 
he  was  himself  unable  to  control — and  before  which  the  venerable 
line  of  Re  was  finally  to  disappear. 


The  importance  of  Egyptian  interests  in  Asia  had  as  irresistibly 
drawn  the  centre  of  power  on  the  Nile  from  Thebes  to  the  Delta, 
as  the  residence  of  the  late  Roman  emperors  was  shifted  from 
Rome  to  Byzantium.  The  Pharaoh's  constant  presence  there 
resulted  in  a  development  of  the  cities  of  the  eastern  Delta  such 


as  they  had  never  before  enjoyed.  Tanis  became  a  great  and 
flourishing  city,  with  a  splendid  temple,  the  work  of  Ramses' 
architects.  High^  above  its  massive  pylons  towered  a  monolithic 
granite  colossus  of  Ramses,  over  ninety  feet  in  height,  weighing 
nine  hundred  tons,  and  visible  across  the  level  country  of  the 
surrounding  Delta  for  many  miles.  The  Wadi  pumllat,  along 
which  ran  the  canal  from  the  Nile  eastward  to  the  Bitter  Lakes, 
forming  a  natural  approach  to  Egypt  from  Asia,  was  also  the 
object  of  Ramses'  careful  attention,  and  he  btfilt  upon  it,  half-way 
out  to  the  Isthmus  of  Suez,  a  'store-city,'  which  he  called  Pithom, 
or  'House  of  Atum/  At  its  western  end  he  and  Seti  founded  a 
city  just  north  of  Heliopolis,  now  known  as  Tell  el-Yehudlyeh. 
In  the  eastern  Delta  he  founded  a  residence  city,  Per-Ramses, 
or  *  House  of  Ramses/  which,  as  recent  study  of  the  evidence 
would  indicate,  we  should  seek  on  the  Pelusiac  arm  of  the  Nile, 
at  or  near  Pelusium.  It  was  certainly  close  to  the  eastern  frontier, 
for  a  poet  of  the  time  singing  of  its  beauties  refers  to  it  as  being 
between  Egypt  and  Syria.  It  was  also  accessible  to  sea-faring 
traffic.  Per-Ramses  became  the  seat  of  government  and  all  records 
of  state  were  deposited  there. 

As  the  conclusion  of  his  long  war  in  Asia  gave  him  greater 
leisure,  Ramses  devoted  himself  to  vast  monumental  buildings. 
At  Thebes  he  spent  enormous  resources  on  the  completion  of  his 
father's  mortuary  temple,  on  another  beautiful  sanctuary  for  his 
own  mortuary  service,  known  to  all  visitors  at  Thebes  as  the  Rames- 
seum;  and  on  a  large  court  and  pylon  in  enlargement  of  the  Luxor 
temple.  Surpassing  in  size  all  buildings  of  the  ancient  or  modern 
world,  the  colossal  colonnaded  hall  of  the  Karnak  temple,  already 
begun  under  the  first  Ramses,  the  Pharaoh's  grandfather,  was 
now  completed  by  Ramses  IL  Few  of  the  great  temples  of  Egypt 
have  not  some  chamber,  hall,  colonnade  or  pylon  which  bears  his 
name,  in  perpetuating  which  the  king  stopped  at  no  desecration  or 
destruction  of  the  ancient  monuments  of  the  country.  Numberless 
were  the  monuments  of  his  ancestors  on  which  he  placed  his  own 
name,  or  still  worse,  from  which  he  remorselessly  appropriated 
building  materials,  as  if  the  ancient  monuments  of  the  nation 
were  public  quarries.  But,  in  spite  of  these  facts,  his  own  legitimate 
building  was  on  a  scale  quite  surpassing  in  size  and  extent  any- 
thing that  his  ancestors  had  ever  accomplished.  The  buildings 
which  he  erected  were  filled  with  innumerable  supplementary 
monuments,  especially  obelisks  and  colossal  statues  of  himself. 
The  latter  are  the  greatest  monolithic  statues  ever  executed. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  tallest  of  these  in  the  temple  at 


Tanis;  there  was  another  granite  monolith  towering  over  the  pylons 
of  the  Ramesseum  at  Thebes  which,  although  not  so  high,  weighed 
something  like  a  thousand  tons.  As  the  years  passed  and  he 
celebrated  jubilee  after  jubilee  the  obelisks  which  he  erected  in 
commemoration  of  these  festivals  rapidly  rose  among  his  temples, 
At  Tanis  alone  he  erected  no  less  than  fourteen,  all  of  which  are 
now  prostrate;  three  at  least  of  his  obelisks  are  in  Rome;  and  of 
the  two  which  he  erected  in  Luxor,  one  is  in  Paris.  Notwith- 
standing the  shift  of  the  centre  of  gravity  northward,  the  south 
was  not  neglected.  In  Nubia  Ramses  became  the  patron  deity; 
no  less  than  six  new  temples  arose  there,  dedicated  to  the  great 
gods  of  Egypt.  Of  his  Nubian  sanctuaries,  the  great  rock  temple 
at  Abu  Simbel  is  the  finest  and  deservedly  the  goal  of  modern 
travellers  in  Egypt.  Ramses*  great  building  enterprises  were  not 
achieved  without  vast  expense  of  resources,  especially  those  of 
labour.  While  he  was  unable  to  draw  upon  Asia  for  captive  labour 
as  extensively  as  his  great  predecessors  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty, 
yet  his  building  must  have  been  largely  accomplished  by  such 
means.  Besides  the  wealth  absorbed  in  its  erection,  every  temple 
demanded  a  rich  endowment  for  its  maintenance,  and  such  liberal 
provision  for  all  his  numerous  temples  must  have  been  a  serious 
economic  problem. 

Foreign  intercourse,  especially  with  Palestine  and  Syria,  was 
now  more  intimate  than  ever.  In  the  rough  memoranda  of  a 
commandant's  scribe,  probably  of  the  frontier  fortress  of  Tharu 
(or  Thel,  just  east  of  the  modern  Suez  Canal  at  Kantara),  we  find 
noted  the  people  whom  he  had  allowed  to  pass:  messengers 
with  letters  for  the  officers  of  the  Palestinian  garrisons,  for  the 
king  of  Tyre,  and  for  officers  with  the  king  (Merneptah)  then 
perhaps  campaigning  in  Syria,  besides  officers  bearing  reports, 
or  hurrying  out  to  Syria  to  join  the  Pharaoh.  Although  there  was 
never  a  continuous  fortification  of  any  length  across  the  Isthmus 
of  Suez,  there  was  a  line  of  strongholds,  of  which  Tharu  was  one 
and  Per-Ramses  another,  stretching  well  across  the  zone  along 
which  Egypt  might  be  entered  from  Asia.  This  zone  did  not 
extend  to  the  southern  side  of  the  isthmus,  but  was  confined  to 
the  territory  between  Lake  Timsah  and  the  Mediterranean, 
whence  the  line  of  fortresses  extended  southward,  passed  the  lake 
and  bent  westward  into  the  Wadi  Tumllat*  Hence  it  is  that 
Hebrew  tradition  depicts  the  escape  of  the  Israelites  across  the 
southern  half  of  the  isthmus  south  of  the  line  of  defences,  which 
might  have  stopped  them. 

The  tide  of  commerce  that  ebbed  and  flowed  through  the 


Isthmus  of  Suez  was  even  fuller  than  under  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty, 
while  on  the  Mediterranean  the  Egyptian  galleys  must  have 
whitened  the  sea.  On  the  Pharaoh's  table  were  rarities  and 
delicacies  from  Cyprus,  the  land  of  the  Hittites  and  of  the 
Amorites,  Babylonia  and  Naharin.  Elaborately  wrought  chariots, 
weapons,  whips  and  gold-mounted  staves  from  the  Palestinian 
and  Syrian  towns  filled  his  magazines,,  while  his  stalls  boasted 
fine  horses  of  Babylon  and  cattle  of  the  Hittite  country.  The 
appurtenances  of  a  rich  man's  estate  included  a  galley  plying 
between  Egypt  and  the  Syrian  coast  to  bring  to  the  pampered 
Egyptian  the  luxuries  of  Asia;  and  even  Seti  Ts  mortuary  temple 
at  Abydos  possessed  its  own  sea-going  vessels,  given  by  Ramses, 
to  convey  the  temple  offerings  from  the  east.  The  houses  of  the 
rich  were  filled  with  the  most  exquisite  products  of  the  Asiatic 
craftsman  and  artist;  and  these  works  strongly  influenced  the  art 
of  the  time  in  Egypt.  The  country  swarmed  with  Semitic  and 
other  Asiatic  slaves.  It  is  quite  plausible  that  Ramses  II,  probably 
the  builder  of  Pithom  and  Raamses,  store-cities  of  the  eastern 
Delta,  should  have  been  the  Pharaoh  who  figured  in  the  tradition 
of  the  Israelites,  and  that  a  group  of  their  ancestors,  after  a 
friendly  reception,  were  subjected  to  slave  labour  in  the  building 
of  the  two  places  mentioned.  A  letter  of  a  frontier  official,  dated 
in  the  reign  of  Ramses  IPs  successor,  tells  of  passing  a  body 
of  Edomite  Bedouins  through  a  fortress  in  the  Wadi  Tumllat, 
that  they  might  pasture  their  herds  by  the  pools  of  Pithom  as  the 
Hebrews  had  done  in  the  days  of  Joseph.  Phoenician  and  other 
alien  merchants  were  so  Thumerous  that  there  was  a  foreign 
quarter  in  Memphis,  with  its  temples  of  Baal  and  Astarte;  and 
these  and  other  Semitic  gods  found  a  place  in  the  Egyptian 
pantheon.  The  dialects  of  Syria,  of  which  Hebrew  was  one,  lent 
many  a  Semitic  word  to  the  current  language  of  the  day,  as  well 
as  select  terms  with  which  the  learned  scribes  were  fond  of 
garnishing  their  writings.  We  find  such  words  commonly  in  the 
XlXth  Dynasty  papyri  long  before  they  appear  in  the  Hebrew 
writings  of  the  Old  Testament. 

Already  apparent  under  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty*  the  influence 
of  the  vast  influx  of  Asiatic  life  was  now  profound.  The  royal 
family  was  not  exempt  from  such  influence;  Ramses'  favourite 
daughter  was  called  'Bint-Anath,'  a  Semitic  name,  which  means 
'Daughter  of  Anath'  (a  Syrian  goddess),  and  one  of  the  royal 
steeds  was  named  ^Anath-herte/  *  Anath  is  Satisfied/  Many  a 
foreigner  of  Semitic  blood  found  favour  and  ultimately  high 
station  at  the  court  or  in  the  government,  A  Syrian  named 


Ben-'Ozen  was  chief  herald  or  marshal  of  Merneptah's  court, 
though  he  was  never  regent  as  sometimes  stated.  The  commercial 
opportunities  of  the  time  brought  wealth  and  power  to  such 
foreigners  in  Egypt;  a  Syrian  sea-captain  named  Ben-Anath  was 
able  to  secure  a  son  of  Ramses  II  as  a  husband  for  his  daughter. 
In  the  army  great  careers  were  open  to  such  foreigners,  although 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  Pharaoh's  forces  were  replenished  from 
western  and  southern  peoples  rather  than  from  Asia.  In  a  body 
of  five  thousand  troops  sent  by  Ramses  to  the  Wadi  Hammamat 
for  service  in  the  quarries  there,  not  a  single  native  Egyptian  was 
to  be  found;  over  four  thousand  of  them  were  Sherden  and 
Libyans  and  the  remainder  were  Nubians,  common  in  the 
Egyptian  ranks  as  early  as  the  Vlth  Dynasty.  The  dangerous 
tendencies  inherent  in  such  a  system  had  already  shown  them- 
selves, and  were  soon  felt  by  the  royal  house,  although  powerless 
to  make  head  against  them.  The  warlike  spirit  which  had  made 
Egypt  the  first  world%power  had  endured  but  a  few  generations, 
and  a  naturally  peaceful  people  were  returning  to  their  accustomed 
peaceful  life;  while  at  the  very  moment  when  this  reversion  to 
their  old  manner  of  living  was  taking  place,  the  peoples  of  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  and  the  Libyan  tribes  offered  the  Pharaoh 
an  excellent  class  of  mercenary  soldiery  which  under  such  circum- 
stances he  could  not  fail  to  utilize. 

Although  the  empire  in  Asia  was  greatly  shrunken,  all  Palestine 
and  possibly  some  of  northern  Syria  continued  to  pay  tribute  to 
the  Pharaoh,  while  on  the  south  the  boundary  was  as  before  at 
Napata,  below  the  fourth  cataract.  There  were  stately  pageants 
when  the  magnificent  Pharaoh,  now  in  the  prime  of  life,  received 
the  magnates  of  his  empire,  from  the  crown-prince  down  through 
all  his  exalted  dignitaries  to  the  mayors  of  the  outlying  towns,  a 
brilliant  procession,  bringing  him  the  tribute  and  imposts  of  his 
realm  from  the  southern  limits  of  Nubia  to  the  Hittite  frontier  in 
Syria.  The  wealth  thus  gained  still  served  high  purposes.  Art 
still  flourished,  especially  in  works  of  the  sculptor  and  architect. 
Buildings  and  statues  of  colossal  proportions,  which  still  serve  to 
make  the  Nile  valley  a  veritable  wonderland,  were  the  work  of 
the  XlXth  Dynasty  and  especially  of  Ramses  II.  To  him  we 
chiefly  owe  the  overwhelming  grandeur  of  the  great  Karnak  hall, 
while  in  his  mortuary  temple,  the  Ramesseum,  we  have  a  building 
hardly  inferior  in  refined  beauty  to  the  best  works  of  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty.  No  visitor  to  the  temple  of  Abu  Simbel  will  ever  forget 
the  solemn  grandeur  of  this  lonely  sanctuary  looking  out  upon 
the  river  from  the  sombre  cliffs.  But  among  the  host  of  buildings 


which  Ramses  exacted  from  his  architects,  there  were  unavoidably 
many  which  were  devoid  of  all  life  and  freshness,  or,  like  his 
addition  to  the  Luxor  temple,  heavy,  vulgar,  and  of  very  ^  slovenly 
workmanship.  All  such  buildings  were  emblazoned  with  gaily 
coloured  reliefs,  depicting  the  valiant  deeds  of  the  Pharaoh^in  his 
various  wars,  especially,  as  we  have  already  noticed,  in  his 
desperate  defence  at  the  battle  of  Kadesh.  This  last  was  the  most 
pretentious  composition  ever  attempted  ^by  the  Egyptian 

This  last  incident  was  not  only  influential  in  graphic  art;  it 
also  wrought  powerfully  upon  the  imagination  of  the  court  poets, 
one  of  whom  produced  a  prose  poem  on  the  battle,  which  displays 
a  good  deal  of  literary  skill,  and  is  the  nearest  approach  to  the 
epic  to  be  found  in  Egyptian  literature.  A  copy  of  this  composition 
on  papyrus  was  made  by  a  scribe  named  Pentewere  (Pentaur), 
who  was  misunderstood  by  early  students  of  the  document  to  be 
the  author  of  the  poem.  The  real  author  fs  unknown,  although 
'Pentaur'  still  commonly  enjoys  the  distinction.  In  manner  this 
heroic  poem  strikes  a  new  note;  but  it  came  at  a  period  too  late 
in  the  history  of  the  nation  to  be  the  impulse  toward  a  really 
great  epic.  The  martial  age  and  the  creative  spirit  were  past  in 
Egypt.  In  the  tale,  however,  the  XlXth  Dynasty  really  showed 
great  fertility,  combined  with  a  spontaneous  naturalism,  which 
quite  swept  away  all  trace  of  the  artificialities  of  the  Middle 
Kingdom.  Already  in  the  Middle  Kingdom  there  had  grown  up 
collections  of  artless  folk-tales  woven  often  about  a  historical 
motive,  and  such  tales,  clothed  in  the  simple  language  of  the 
people,  had  already  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  gained  sufficient 
respectability  to  be  put  into  writing.  While  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
possessed  such  tales  as  these,  yet  by  far  the  larger  part  of  our 
surviving  manuscripts  of  this  class  date  from  the  XlXth  Dynasty 
and  later.  While  much  of  such  literature  is  poetic  in  content  and 
spirit,  it  lacks  poetic  form.  Such  form,  however,  was  not  wanting, 
and  among  the  songs  of  this  period  are  some  poems  which  might 
well  find  a  place  among  a  more  pretentious  literature.  There  were 
love-songs  also,  which  in  a  land  where  imagination  was  not  strong 
possess  qualities  of  genuine  feeling,  and  do  not  fail  in  their 
appeal  to  us  of  the  modern  world.  Religious  poems,  songs  and 
hymns  are  now  very  numerous,  and  some  of  them  display  distinct 
literary  character.  We  shall  revert  to  them  again  in  discussing  the 
religion  of  this  age.  Numerous  letters  from  scribes  and  officials 
of  the  time,  exercises  and  practice  letters  composed  by  pupils  of 
the  scribal  schools,  bills,  temple-records  and  accounts — all  these 


serve  to  fill  in  the  detail  in  a  picture  of  unusual  fullness  and 
interest.  See  below,  pp.  221  $qq^  326  sq. 

Since  the  overthrow  of  Ikhnaton  and  the  return  to  the  con- 
ventions of  the  past,  the  state  religion  had  lost  all  vitality,  and  in 
the  hands  of  the  orthodox  priests  no  longer  possessed  the  creative 
faculty.  Yet  the  religion  of  the  time  was  making  a  kind  of  pro- 
gress, or  at  least  it  was  moving  in  a  certain  direction  and  that 
very  rapidly.  The  state,  always  closely  connected  with  religion, 
was  gradually  being*  more  and  more  regarded  as  chiefly  a  religious 
institution,  designed  to  exalt  and  honour  the  gods  through  its 
head  the  Pharaoh.  Among  other  indications  of  this  tendency  the 
names  of  the  temples  furnish  a  significant  hint.  Sanctuaries  which 
formerly  bore  names  like  *  Splendour  of  Splendours,'  c  Splendid 
in  Monuments/  'Gift  of  Life,'  and  the  like,  were  now  designated 
'Dwelling  of  Seti  in  the  House  of  Amon/  or  'Dwelling  of  Ramses 
in  the  House  of  Ptah/  This  tendency,  already  observable  in  the 
Middle  Kingdom,  was  now  universal,  and  every  temple  was  thus 
designated  not  only  as  the  sanctuary,  but  also  as  the  dwelling  of 
the  ruling  Pharaoh.  It  was  an  indication  that  what  had  long  been  a 
sacerdotal  ideal  of  the  state  was  now  beginning  to  be  practically 
realized:  the  empire  was  to  become  the  domain  of  the  gods  and 
the  Pharaoh  was  to  give  himself  up  to  the  duties  of  a  universal 

Accordingly,  the  state  was  being  gradually  distorted  to  fulfil 
one  function  at  the  expense  of  all  the  rest,  and  its  wealth  and 
economic  resources  were  thus  being  slowly  engulfed,  until  its 
industrial  processes  should  become  but  incidents  in  the  main- 
tenance of  the  gods.  The  temple  endowments,  not  being  subject 
to  taxes,  played  an  important  economic  role,  and  we  have  seen 
Seti  I  and  Ramses  II  in  search  of  new  sources  of  revenue  as  the 
demands  of  the  priesthoods  increased.  As  the  wealth  and  power 
of  Amon  in  particular  were  augmented,  his  high-priest  at  Thebes 
became  a  more  and  more  important  political  factor.  We  recall 
that  he  was  head  of  the  sacerdotal  organization  embracing  all  the 
priesthoods  of  the  country;  he  thus  controlled  a  most  influential 
political  faction.  Hence  it  was  that  the  high-priest  of  Amon  under 
Merneptah  (Ramses  II's  son  and  successor)  and  possibly  already 
under  Ramses  himself,  was  able  to  go  further  and  to  install  his 
son  as  his  own  successor,  thus  firmly  entrenching  his  family  at 
the  head  of  the  most  powerful  hierarchy  in  Egypt.  While  such  a 
family  like  a  royal  dynasty  might  suffer  overthrow,  the  precedent 
was  a  dangerous  one,  and  it  ultimately  resulted  in  the  dethrone- 
ment of  the  Pharaohs  at  the  hands  of  the  priests.  That  event, 


however,  was  still  a  century  and  half  distant,  and  meantime  the 
high-priest  employed  his  power  and  influence  with  the  ^  Pharaoh 
in  enforcing  ever  fresh  demands  upon  his  treasury  until,  before 
the  close  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  Amon  had  even  secured  certain 
'gold  country*  in  his  own  right.  It  was  administered  by  the  viceroy 
of  Kush,  who  therefore  assumed  the  additional  title  'Governor 
of  the  Gold  Country  of  Amon/  Already  in  his  first  year  we  find 
Ramses  II  permitting  the  priests  of  Amon  to  dictate  the  appoint- 
ment of  their  own  high-priest  by  an  oracle  of  the  god  himself. 
Later  in  his  reign  the  priesthood  had  actually  usurped  legal 
functions  also,  and  the  question  of  a  disputed  title  to  land  was 
settled  by  an  oracle  from  a  temple  statue  of  Ahmose  I.  That  the 
judicial  authorities  were  obliged  to  accept  such  priestly  juggling 
as  a  legal  verdict  shows  us  the  gradual  emergence  of  the  sacerdotal 
state  described  by  Diodorus,  upon  which  the  Egyptian  priests  of 
Greek  times  looked  back  as  upon  a  golden  age.  On  the  trend 
towards  sacerdotalism  see  also  p.  209 .  * 

Though  the  state  religion  was  made  up  of  formalities,  the 
Pharaohs  were  not  without  their  own  ethical  standards,  and  these 
were  not  always  wholly  a  matter  of  appearances.  We  have  wit- 
nessed the  efforts  of  Harmhab  to  enforce  honesty  in  the  dealings 
of  the  government  with  its  subjects;  we  have  noted  Thutmose 
Ill's  respect  for  truth.  In  the  dedicatory  record  of  his  mortuary 
temple  at  Thebes,  Ramses  III  proclaims  that  he  did  not  remove 
any  old  tombs  to  obtain  the  necessary  r.oom  for  the  building;  and 
he  also  wishes  it  known  that  he  gained  his  exalted  station  without 
depriving  any  one  else  of  the  throne.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have 
also  noticed  the  barbarous  disregard  of  the  sanctity  of  the  monu- 
ments of  his  ancestors  by  Ramses  IL  The  things  for  which  the 
Ramessid  kings  prayed  were  not  character  nor  the  blameless  life, 
It  is  material  things  which  they  desire.  Ramses  IV  prays  to 
Osiris,  'And  thou  shalt  give  to  me  health,  life,  long  existence  and 
a  prolonged  reign;  endurance  to  my  every  member,  sight  to  my 
eyes,  hearing  to  my  ears,  pleasure  to  my  heart  daily*  And  thou 
shalt  give  to  me  to  eat  until  I  am  satisfied,  and  thou  shalt  give  to 
me  to  drink  until  I  am  drunk.  And  thou  shalt  establish  my  issue 
as  kings  forever  and  ever.  And  thou  shalt  grant  me  contentment 
every  day,  and  thou  shalt  hear  my  voice  in  every  saying,  when  I 
shall  tell  them  to  thee,  and  thou  shalt  give  them  to  me  with  a 
loving  heart.  And  thou  shalt  give  to  me  high  and  plenteous 
Niles  in  order  to  supply  thy  divine  offerings  and  to  supply  the 
divine  offerings  of  all  the  gods  and  goddesses  of  South  and  North; 
in  order  to  preserve  alive  the  divine  bulls,  in  order  to  preserve 


alive  the  people  of  all  thy  lands,  their  cattle  and  their  groves, 
which  thy  hand  has  made.  For  thou  art  he  who  has  made  them 
all  and  thou  canst  not  forsake  them  to  carry  out  other  designs 
with  them;  for  that  is  not  right.' 

It  is  at  this  time  that  we  gain  our  sole  glimpse  into  the  religious 
beliefs  of  the  common  people.  The  appropriation  of  the  temples 
by  the  state  had  long  ago  driven  them  from  their  ancient  shrines. 
The  poor  man  had  no  place  amid  such  magnificence,  nor  could 
he  offer  anything  worthy  the  attention  of  a  god  of  such  splendour. 
The  old  modest  cult  of  the  great  gods  having  long  since  passed 
away,  the  poor  man  could  only  resort  to  the  host  of  minor  genii 
or  spirits  of  mirth  and  music,  the  demi-gods,  who,  frequenting 
this  or  that  local  region,  had  interest  and  inclination  to  assist  the 
humble  in  their  daily  cares  and  needs.  Any  object  whatsoever 
might  become  the  poor  man's  god.  A  man  writing  from  Thebes 
commends  his  friend  to  Amon,  Mut  and  Khonsu,  the  great 
divinities  of  that  placs,  but  adds  also,  *to  the  great  gate  of  Beki, 
to  the  eight  apes  which  are  in  the  forecourt/  and  to  two  trees.  In 
the  Theban  necropolis  Amenhotep  I  and  the  queen  Nefretere 
have  become  the  favourite  local  divinities,  and  a  man  who 
accidentally  thrust  his  hand  into  a  hole  where  lay  a  large  serpent, 
without  being  bitten,  immediately  erected  a  tablet  to  tell  the  tale 
and  express  his  gratitude  to  Amenhotep,  whose  power  alone  had 
saved  him.  Another  had  in  some  way  transgressed  against  a 
goddess  who,  according  to  popular  belief,  resided  in  a  hill-top  of 
the  same  necropolis,  and  when  at  last  the  goddess  released  him 
from  the  power  of  the  disease  with  which  she  was  afflicting  him, 
he  erected  a  similar  memorial  in  her  honour.  In  the  same  way 
the  dead  might  afflict  the  living,  and  an  officer  who  was  tormented 
by  his  deceased  wife  wrote  to  her  a  letter  of  remonstrance  and 
placed  it  in  the  hand  of  another  dead  person  that  it  might  be 
duly  delivered  to  his  wife  in  the  Hereafter.  Besides  the  local  gods 
or  demi-gods  and  the  old  kings,  the  foreign  gods  of  Syria,  brought 
in  by  the  hosts  of  Asiatic  slaves,  appear  also  among  those  to  whom 
the  folk  appeal;  Baal,  Kadesh,  Astarte,  Resheph,  Anath  and 
Sutekh  are  not  uncommon  names  upon  the  votive  tablets  of  the 
time(p.  347^0?  anc^  Sutekh,  a  form  of  Set  which  had  wandered  into 
Syria  from  Egypt  and  returned  with  the  Hyksos,  even  became 
the  favourite  and  patron  of  the  royal  city  of  Ramses  II.  Animal 
worship  now  also  begins  to  appear  both  among  the  people  and  in 
official  circles. 

Although  perhaps  rooted  in  the  teaching  of  an  exclusive  few 
heretofore,  belief  in  an  intimate  and  personal  relation  between 


the  worshipper  and  his  god  had  now,  with  the  lapse  of  centuries 
and  by  slow  and  gradual  process,  become  widespread  among  the 
people.  An  age  of  personal  piety  and  inner  aspiration  to  God 
now  began  to  dawn  among  the  masses.  It  is  a  notable  develop- 
ment, the  earliest  of  its  kind  as  yet  discernible  in  the  history  of 
the  east,  or  for  that  matter  in  the  history  of  man.  We  are  able  to 
follow  it  only  at  Thebes,  and  it  is  not  a  little  interesting  to  be 
able  to  look  into  the  souls  of  the  common  folk  who  thronged  the 
streets  and  markets,  who  tilled  the  fields  and  maintained  the 
industries,  who  kept  the  accounts  and  carried  on  the  official 
records,  the  hewers  of  wood  and  the  drawers  of  water,  the  men 
and  women  upon  whose  shoulders  rested  the  great  burdens  of 
material  life  in  the  vast  capital  of  the  Egyptian  empire  during  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  before  Christ.  A  scribe  in  one  of 
the  treasury  magazines  of  the  Theban  necropolis  prays  to  Amon, 
as  to  him 

Who  cometh  to  the  silent, 
Who  saveth  the  poor, 

•  *  •  • 

Who  heareth  the  prayers  of  him  who  calls  to  him. 

Who  saveth  a  man  from  the  haughty. 

Who  bringeth  the  Nile  for  him  who  is  aaiong  them, 

•  •  *  * 

When  he  riseth,  the  people  live, 
Their  hearts  live  when  they  see  him 
Who  giveth  breath  to  him  who  is  the  egg, 
Who  maketh  the  people  and  the  birds  to  live, 
Who  supplieth  the  needs  Df  the  mice  in  their  holes, 
The  worms  and  the  insects  likewise. 

It  is  in  such  an  attitude  as  we  find  revealed  in  this  prayer  that 
the  worshipper  may  turn  to  his  God  as  to  a  fountain  of  spiritual 
refreshment,  saying,  *  Thou  sweet  Well  for  him  that  thirsteth  in 
the  desert;  it  is  closed  to  him  who  speaks,  but  it  is  open  to  him 
who  is  silent.  When  he  who  is  silent  comes,  lo,  he  finds  the  well/ 
This  attitude  of  silent  communion,  waiting  upon  the  gracious 
goodness  of  God,  was  not  confined  to  the  select  few,  nor  to  the 
educated  priestly  communities.  On  the  humblest  monuments  of 
the  common  people  Amon  is  called  the  god,  'who  cometh  to  the 
silent/  or  the  'lord  of  the  silent/  as  we  have  above  observed.  It 
is  in  this  final  development  of  devotional  feeling,  really  crowning 
the  religious  and  intellectual  revolution  of  Ikhnaton,  and  also 
forming  the  culmination  of  the  doctrines  of  social  justice  emerging 
in  the  Feudal  Age,  that  the  religion  of  Egypt  reached  its  noblest 

VII,  m]      PERSONAL  RELIGION  AND  MORALITY          161 

period  (cf.  below,  p.  208).  The  materials  for  the  age  of  decadence 
which  followed  are  too  scanty  to  reveal  clearly  the  causes  of  the 
stagnation  which  now  ensued,  a  decline  from  which  the  religious 
life  of  Egypt  never  recovered. 

In  morals  and  in  the  attitude  toward  life  the  sages  continued 
to  maintain  a  spirit  of  wholesome  regard  for  the  highest  practical 
ideals,  an  attitude  in  which  we  discern  a  distinct  advance  upon 
the  teachings  of  the  Fathers.  Reputation  was  strictly  to  be 
guarded.  'Let  every  place  which  thou  lovest  be  known/  says  the 
sage;  and  drunkenness  and  dissolute  living  are  exhibited  in  all 
their  disastrous  consequences  for  the  young.  To  the  young  man 
the  dangers  of  immorality  are  bared  with  naked  frankness. 
*  Guard  thee  from  the  woman  from  abroad,  who  is  not  known  in 
her  city;  look  not  on  her... know  her  not  in  the  flesh;  (for  she 
is)  a  flood  great  and  deep,  whose  whirling  no  man  knows.  The 
woman  whose  husband  is  far  away,  "I  am  beautiful,"  says  she  to 
thee  every  day.  When  she  has  no  witnesses,  she  stands  and 
ensnares  thee.  O  great  crime  worthy  of  death  when  one  hearkens, 
even  when  it  is  not  known  abroad.  (For)  a  man  takes  up  every  sin 
(after)  this  one*  As  for  the  good  things  of  life,  they  are  to  be 
regarded  with  philosophical  reserve.  It  is  foolish  to  count  upon 
inherited  wealth  as  a  source  of  happiness,  *  Say  not,  "  My  maternal 
grandfather  has  a  house  on  the  estate  of  So  and  So."  Then  when 
thou  comest  to  the  division  (by  will)  with  thy  brother,  thy  portion 
is  (only)  a  storage-shed.'  In  such  things  indeed  there  is  no 
stability.  'So  it  is  forever,  men  are  naught.  One  is  rich,  another 

is  poor He  who  is  rich  last  year,  he  is  a  vagrant  this  year — 

The  watercourse  of  last  year,  it  is  another  place  this  year.  Great 
seas  become  dry  places,  and  shores  become  deeps.*  We  have  here 
that  oriental  resignation  to  the  contrasts  in  life  which  seem  to 
have  developed  among  all  the  peoples  of  the  early  east. 

The  records  of  Ramses  IFs  reign  are  so  largely  of  sacerdotal 
origin,  and  so  filled  with  the  priestly  adulation  of  the  time,  with 
its  endless  reiteration  of  conventional  flattery,  that  we  can  discern 
little  individuality  through  the  mass  of  meaningless  verbiage. 
His  superb  statue  in  Turin  is  proved  by  his  surviving  body  to  be 
a  faithful  portrait,  showing  us  at  least  the  outward  man  as  he  was. 
In  person  he  was  tall  and  handsome,  with  features  of  dreamy  and 
almost  effeminate  beauty,  in  no  wise  suggestive  of  the  manly 
traits  which  he  certainly  possessed.  For  the  incident  at  Kadesh 
showed  him  unquestionably  a  man  of  fine  courage  with  ability  to 
rise  to  a  supreme  crisis;  while  the  indomitable  spirit  evident  there 
is  again  exhibited  in  the  tenacity  with  which  he  pushed  the  war 


against  the  great  Hittite  empire  and  carried  his  conquests,  even  if 
not  lasting,  far  into  northern  Syria.  He  was  inordinately  vain  and 
made  far  more  ostentatious  display  of  his  wars  on  his  monuments 
than  was  ever  done  by  Thutmose  III.  He  loved  ease  and  pleasure 
and  gave  himself  up  without  restraint  to  voluptuous  enjoyments. 
He  had  an  enormous  harem,  and  as  the  years  passed  his  children 
multiplied  rapidly.  He  left  over  a  hundred  sons  and  at  least  half 
as  many  daughters,  several  of  whom  he  himself  married.  He  thus 
left  a  family  so  numerous  that  they  became  a  Ramessid  class  of 
nobles  whom  we  still  find  over  four  hundred  years  later  bearing 
among  their  titles  the  name  Ramses,  not  as  a  patronymic,  but  as 
the  designation  of  a  class  or  rank.  He  took  great  pride  in  his 
enormous  family  and  often  ordered  his  sculptors  to  depict  his 
sons  and  daughters  in  long  rows  upon  the  walls  of  his  temples. 
His  favourite  among  them  was  Khamwese,  whom  he  made  high- 
priest  of  Ptah  at  Memphis.  He  was  a  great  magician,  whose 
memory  still  lived  in  the  folk-tales  of  Egypt  a  thousand  years 
later.  The  sons  of  Ramses'  youth  accompanied  him  in  his  wars, 
and  according  to  Diodorus  one  of  them  was  in  command  of  each 
of  the  divisions  of  his  army. 

As  the  Pharaoh  reached  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign  he 
celebrated  his  first  jubilee,  placing  the  ceremonies  of  the  cele- 
bration in  the  hands  of  his  favourite  son,  Khamwese,  Twenty 
years  more  passed,  during  which  Ramses  celebrated  a  jubilee 
every  one  to  three  years,  instituting  no  less  than  nine  of  these 
feasts,  a  far  larger  number  than  we  are  able  to  find  in  the  reigns 
of  any  of  his  predecessors.  The  obelisks  erected  on  these  occasions 
have  already  claimed  our  notice.  With  his  name  perpetuated  in 
vast  buildings  distributed  at  all  points  along  the  Nile  from  the 
marshes  of  the  northern  Delta  to  the  fourth  cataract,  Ramses 
lived  on  in  magnificence  even  surpassing  that  of  Amenhotep  IIL 
His  was  the  sunset  glory  of  the  venerable  line  which  he  repre- 
sented. As  the  years  passed  the  sons  of  his  youth  were  taken  from 
him  and  Khamwese  was  no  longer  there  to  conduct  the  celebration 
of  the  old  king's  jubilees.  One  by  one  they  passed  away  until 
twelve  were  gone,  and  the  thirteenth  was  the  eldest  and  heir  to 
the  throne.  Yet  still  the  old  king  lived  on.  He  had  lost  the 
vitality  for  aggressive  rule.  The  Libyans  and  the  maritime 
peoples  allied  with  them,  Sherden,  Lycians  and  the  Aegean  races 
whom  he  had  once  swept  from  his  coasts  or  impressed  into  the 
service  of  his  army,  now  entered  the  western  Delta  with  impunity. 
The  Libyans  pushed  forward,  gradually  extending  their  settle- 
ments almost  to  the  gates  of  Memphis  and  crossed  the  southern 

VII,  m]  A  NEW  THREAT  TO  EGYPT  163 

apex  of  the    Delta    under    the    very    shadow    of  the    walls   of 

Senile  decay  rendered  him  deaf  to  alarms  and  complaints  which 
would  have  brought  instant  retribution  upon  the  invaders  in  the 
days  of  his  vigorous  youth.  Amid  the  splendours  of  his  magnificent 
residence  in  the  eastern  Delta,  the  threatening  conditions  at  its 
opposite  extremity  never  roused  him  from  the  lethargy  into  which 
he  had  fallen.  Finally,  having  ruled  for  sixty-seven  years,  and  being 
over  ninety  years  of  age,  he  passed  away  (1225  B.C.),  none  too 
soon  for  the  redemption  of  his  empire.  We  are  able  to  look  into 
the  withered  face  of  the  aged  Pharaoh,  the  features  not  greatly 
changed  from  what  he  was  in  those  last  days  of  splendour  in  the 
city  of  Per-Ramses,  and  the  resemblance  to  the  face  of  the  youth 
in  the  noble  Turin  statue  is  still  very  marked.  Probably  no 
Pharaoh  ever  left  a  more  profound  impression  upon  his  age.  A 
quarter  of  a  century  later  began  a  line  of  ten  kings  bearing  his 
name.  One  of  them  prayed  that  he  might  be  granted  a  reign  of 
sixty-seven  years  like  that  of  his  great  ancestor,  and  all  of  them 
with  varying  success  imitated  his  glory.  He  had  set  his  stamp 
upon  them  all  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  and  it  was  impossible 
to  be  a  Pharaoh  without  being  a  Ramses. 




/HOOWARD  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.,  the  con- 
j[     ditions  of  power  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  world,  in 
which  Egypt  had  so  long  played  the  leading  role^  suffered  pro- 
found change  resulting  from  the  first  historic  intrusion  of  hostile 
European  forces  into  the  arena  of  the  Near  East.  The  southward 
shift  of  the  Hellenic  peoples  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  which  had 
probably  been  going  on  since  about  the  close  of  the  third  mil- 
lenium  B.C.,  had  disturbed  and  was  beginning  partially  to  displace 
the  Aegean  population,  as  the  Greeks  gradually  took  possession 
of  the  regions  which  were  to  form  the  later  Greek  world.  Thus 
driven  out  by  the  Greek  migration  to  the  Mediterranean,  the 
leaders  of  the  disturbed  maritime  communities  of  the  northern 
Mediterranean,    chiefly   Aegeans,    creeping    along    the    coasts, 
sought  plunder  or  places   of  permanent   settlement   for   their 
dependents,  and  together  with  the  Libyans  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  peoples  of  Asia  Minor  on  the  other,  they  broke  in  wave  on 
wave  on  the  borders  of  the  Pharaoh's  empire,  Egypt's  power  in 
Asia,  like  that  of  the  Ptolemaic  kings   of  later  times,  rested 
essentially  upon  her  naval  supremacy  in  the  Mediterranean.  The 
maritime  leadership  of  the  Pharaohs  thus  threatened,  was  shaken 
and   finally   gave   way.   With   it   an    indispensable    support   of 
Egyptian  imperial  power  collapsed.   Inevitably  thrown  on  the 
defensive  by  these  developments,  Egypt's  day  of  conquest  and 
aggression  had  passed.  If  this  was  the  effect  of  the  external  situa- 
tion just  described,  it  was  also  no  less  the  result  of  the  serious 
internal  conditions  which  had  arisen  in  the  later  years  of  Ramses 
IPs  reign.  For,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  nation  had  lost  its 
expansive  power;  and  £he  impulse  which  had  resulted  from  the 
expulsion  of  the  Hyksos  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  before, 
was  no  longer  felt.  The  spirit  which  had  stirred  the  heroes  of  the 
first  Asiatic  conquests  had  now  vanished.  For  six  hundred  years 
no  serious  effort  to  extend  the  borders  of  Egypt  was  made;  and 


for  the  next  sixty  years  after  the  death  of  Ramses  II  we  find  the 
Pharaohs  struggling  merely  to  preserve  the  empire,  which  it  had 
been  the  ambition  of  their  great  ancestors  rather  to  extend. 

At  this  crisis  in  the  fortunes  of  Egypt,  after  it  had  been  under 
the  rule  of  an  aged  man  for  twenty  years  and  much  needed  the 
vigorous  hand  of  a  young  and  active  monarch,  the  enfeebled 
Ramses  was  succeeded  by  his  thirteenth  son,  Merneptah,  now 
far  advanced  in  years.  Thus  one  old  man  succeeded  another  on 
the  throne.  The  result  was  what  might  have  been  expected.  To 
check  the  bold  incursions  of  the  Libyans  and  their  maritime  allies 
on  the  west,  nothing  was  done. 

The  death  of  Ramses  was  not  followed  by  any  disturbance  in 
the  Asiatic  dominions  in  so  far  as  we  can  see.  The  northern 
border  in  Syria  was  as  far  north  as  the  upper  Orontes  valley, 
including  at  least  part  of  the  Amorite  country  in  which  Merneptah 
had  a  royal  city  bearing  his  name,  probably  inherited  from  his 
father  and  renamed.  ^With  the  Hittite  kingdom  he  enjoyed  un- 
disturbed peace,  doubtless  under  the  terms  of  the  old  treaty, 
negotiated  by  his  father  forty-six  years  before.  Indeed,  Merneptah 
sent  shiploads  of  grain  to  the  Hittites  to  relieve  them  in  time  of 
famine.  By  the  end  of  his  second  year,  however,  he  had  reason 
to  rue  the  good-will  shown  his  father's  ancient  enemy.  Among  the 
allies  of  the  Hittites  at  the  battle  of  Kadesh  there  were  already 
maritime  peoples  like  the  Lycians  and  Dardanians.  In  some  way 
Merneptah  discovered  that  the  Hittites  were  now  involved  in 
the  incursions  of  these  people  in  the  western  Delta  in  alliance 
with  the  Libyans.  In  the  year  three  (about  1223  B.C.)  the  Pharaoh 
found  widespread  revolt  against  him  in  Asia:  Askalon  at  the  very 
gates  of  Egypt,  the  powerful  city  of  Gezer  at  the  lower  end  of  the 
valley  of  Aijalon,  leading  up  from  the  sea-plain  to  Jerusalem; 
Yenoam,  given  by  Thutmose  III  to  Am  on  two  hundred  and 
sixty  years  before;  some  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  and  all  western 
Syria-Palestine  as  far  as  it  was  controlled  by  the  Pharaoh — all 
these  rose  against  their  Egyptian  overlord.  We  have  nothing  but 
a  song  of  triumph  to  tell  us  of  the  ensuing  war;  but  it  is  evident 
that  Merneptah  appeared  in  Asia  in  his  third  year,  and  in  spite  of 
his  advanced  years  carried  the  campaign  to  a  successful  issue. 
It  is  probable,  indeed,  that  even  the  Hittites  did  not  escape  his 
wrath,  though  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  aged  Merneptah  could 
have  done  more  than  plunder  a  border  town  or  two.  The  revolting 
cities  were  severely  punished,  and  all  Palestine  was  again  humili- 
ated and  brought  completely  under  the  yoke.  Among  the  revolters 
who  suffered  was  *  Israel/  which  here  makes  its  first  appearance 


in  history  as  the  name  of  a  people.  Gezer  must  have  caused 
Merneptah  some  trouble  and  perhaps  withstood  a  siege;  in  any 
case  he  thereafter  styled  himself  in  his  titulary  'Binder  of  Gezer/ 
as  if  its  subjugation  were  a  notable  achievement.  Such  ^  a  siege 
would  explain  why  Merneptah  was  unable  to  move  against  the 
invaders  of  the  western  Delta  until  his  fifth  year,  as  the  investment 
of  such  a  stronghold  as  Gezer  might  have  occupied  him  another  year . 

The  chronic  situation  in  the  western  Delta,  which  was  always 
overrun  by  Libyan  intruders  whenever  the  central  government 
weakened  or  relaxed  its  vigilance.,  had  now  become  very  serious. 
Hordes  of  Tehenu-Libyans  were  pushing  farther  into  the  Delta 
from  their  settlements  along  the  northern  coast  of  Africa  west 
of  Egypt.  It  is  possible  that  some  of  their  vanguard  had  even 
reached  the  canal  of  Heliopolis.  Little  is  known  of  the  Libyans 
at  this  time.  Immediately  upon  the  Egyptian  border  seems  to  have 
been  the  territory  of  the  Tehenu;  farther  west  came  the  tribes 
known  to  the  Egyptians  as  Lebu  or  RebS,  the  Libyans  of  the 
Greeks,  by  which  name  also  the  Egyptians  designated  these 
western  peoples  as  a  whole.  On  the  extreme  west,  and  extending 
far  into  then  unknown  regions,  lived  the  Meshwesh,  or  Maxyes, 
of  Herodotus.  They  were  all  doubtless  the  ancestors  of  the  Berber 
tribes  of  north  Africa.  They  were  far  from  being  totally  uncivilized 
barbarians,  but  were  skilled  in  war,  well  armed  and  capable  of 
serious  enterprises  against  the  Pharaoh.  Just  at  this  time  they 
were  rapidly  consolidating,  and  under  good  leadership  gave 
promise  of  becoming  an  aggressive  and  formidable  state,  with  its 
frontier  not  ten  days'  march  from  the  Pharaoh's  residence  in  the 
eastern  Delta.  The  whole  western  Delta  was  strongly  tinctured 
with  Libyan  blood,  and  Libyan  families  were  now  constantly 
crossing  the  western  border  of  the  Delta  as  far  as  the  ^great 
river'  as  the  western  or  Canopic  mouth  of  the  Nile  was  called. 
Others  had  penetrated  to  the  two  northern  oases  which  He  south- 
west of  the  Fayyum.  *They  spend  their  time  going  about  the 
land  fighting  to  fill  their  bellies  daily/  says  Merneptah's  record, 
'they  come  to  the  land  of  Egypt  to  seek  the  necessities  of  their 

Emboldened  by  their  long  immunity,  the  Libyans  assumed 
an  organized  offensive,  and  what  had  been  but  a  scattered 
immigration  now  became  a  compact  invasion.  Meryey,  king  of 
the  Libyans,  forced  the  Tehenu  to  join  him  and,  supported  by 
roving  bands  of  maritime  adventurers  from  the  coast,  he  invaded 
Egypt.  He  brought  his  wife  and  children  with  him,  as  did  also 
his  allies,  and  the  movement  was  clearly  an  immigration  as  well 


as  an  invasion.  Judging  from  the  numbers  who  were  afterward 
slain  or  captured,  the  Libyan  king  must  have  commanded  at  least 
some  twenty  thousand  men  or  more.  The  allies  were  the  now 
familiar  Sherden  (see  above,  p.  96);  the  Shekelesh  (possibly  the 
Sikel  natives  of  Sicily,  or  of  Sagalassus);  Ekwesh  (probably 
Achaeans);  the  Lycians,  who  had  preyed  on  Egypt  since  the  days 
of  Amenhotep  III;  and  the  Teresh  (supposed  by  some  to  be 
Tyrsenians  or  Etruscans)1.  It  is  with  these  wandering  marauders 
that  the  peoples  of  Europe  emerged  for  the  first  time  "upon  the 
arena  of  history  with  the  older  oriental  peoples,  although  we  have 
seen  them  in  their  material  documents  since  the  Middle  Kingdom. 
When  the  news  of  the  danger  reached  him  late  in  March  of 
his  fifth  year,  Merneptah,  fully  aroused  to  the  situation,  was 
fortifying  Heliopolis  and  Memphis.  Instantly  summoning  his 
officials,  he  ordered  them  to  muster  the  troops  and  have  the  army 
ready  to  move  in  fourteen  days.  The  aged  king  had  a  reassuring 
dream  in  which  Ptah  appeared  in  gigantic  stature  beside  him  and 
extended  him  a  sword,  telling  him  to  banish  all  fear.  By  the  middle 
of  April  the  Egyptian  force  was  in  the  western  Delta,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  came  within  striking  distance  of  the 
enemy.  Somewhere  on  the  main  road  leading  westward  out  of 
the  Delta  into  the  Libyan  country,  a  few  miles  inward  from  the 
frontier  fort  and  station  guarding  the  road  at  the  point  where  it 
entered  the  Delta,  was  a  place  called  Perire.  In  its  vicinity, 
among  the  opulent  vineyards  of  the  region,  there  was  a  chateau 
of  the  Pharaoh,  and  thence  eastward  extended  the  broad  prospect 
of  nodding  grain  fields  where  the  rich  Delta  harvest  was  now  fast 
ripening  for  the  sickle.  Upon  such  a  prospect  of  smiling  plenty 
the  barbarian  host  looked  down  as  they  pushed  past  the  western 
frontier  forts.  By  the  Pharaoh's  Perire  chiteau,  on  the  morning  of 
April  15,  1 22 1  B.C.,  battle  was  joined.  The  contest  had  lasted  six 
hours  when  the  Egyptian  archers  drove  the  allies  from  the  field  with 
immense  loss.  In  accordance  with  the  use  of  cavalry  at  this  point  in 
a  battle  in  modern  times,  Merneptah  now  immediately  threw  in 
his  chariotry  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy,  who  were  harried 
and  decimated  till  they  reached  the  *  Mount  of  the  Horns  of  the 
Earth,'  as  the  Egyptians  called  the  edge  of  the  plateau  on  the 
west  of  the  Delta  into  which  they  escaped.  King  Meryey  had 
fled  from  the  field  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  action  going  against  him. 
He  made  good  his  escape,  but  all  his  household  furniture  and 

1  In  place  of  these  merely  conventional  transcriptions  of  the  (\invocalized) 
Egyptian  names,  there  are  others  influenced  by  the  identifications  proposed 
for  them;  see  below,  p.  173,  n.  I,  and  pp.  275  sqq. 


his  family  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Egyptians^  The  energetic 
pursuit  resulted  in  a  great  slaughter  and  many  prisoners.  No  less 
than  nine  thousand  of  the  invaders  fell,  of  whom  at  least  one-third 
were  among  the  maritime  allies  of  the  Libyans;  and  probably 
as  many  more  were  taken  prisoner.  Among  the  dead  were  six 
sons  of  the  Libyan  king.  When  the  camp  had  been  thoroughly 
looted  its  leathern  tents  were  fired  and  the  whole^went  up  in 
smoke  and  flame.  The  booty  was  enormous :  some  nine  thousand 
copper  swords,  and  of  weapons  of  all  sorts  and  similar  equipment 
no  less  than  over  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  pieces. 
Besides  these  there  were  the  fine  weapons  and  vessels  in  precious 
metal  taken  from  the  camp  of  the  Libyan  king's  household  and 
chiefs,  comprising  over  three  thousand  pieces. 

Returning  in  triumph,  the  army  then  marched  to  the  royal 
residence  bearing,  laden  upon  asses,  the  hands  and  other  trophies 
cut  from  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  The  booty  and  the  trophies  were 
brought  beneath  the  palace  balcony,  where  the  king  inspected 
them  and  showed  himself  to  the  rejoicing  multitude.  He  then 
assembled  the  nobles  in  the  great  hall  of  the  palace  where  he 
harangued  them.  What  was  more  important,  there  now  came  to 
him  a  letter  from  the  commandant  of  one  of  the  fortresses  on  the 
frontier  of  the  western  Delta,  stating  that  the  Libyan  king  had 
escaped  past  the  Egyptian  cordon  in  the  darkness  of  the  night, 
and  adding  information  to  the  effect  that  the  Libyans  had 
repudiated  and  dethroned  their  discomfited  king  and  chosen 
another  in  his  place  who  was  hostile  to  him  and  would  fight  him. 
It  was  evident  therefore  that  the  aggressive  party  in  Libya  had 
fallen  and  that  no  further  trouble  from  that  quarter,  at  least  during 
the  reign  of  Merneptah,  need  be  apprehended. 

The  intense  relief  evident  in  the  exuberant  triumph  which 
followed  this  deliverance  is  significant  of  Egypt's  completely 
altered  situation.  No  longer  launching  armies  on  distant  campaigns 
of  conquest,  the  Pharaohs  were  now  engaged  in  a  desperate 
struggle  to  maintain  the  home  frontiers  of  the  ancient  kingdom. 
The  constant  plundering  at  the  hands  of  Libyan  hordes,  which 
the  people  of  the  western  Delta  had  endured  for  nearly  a  genera- 
tion, was  now  ended,  and  an  intolerable  situation  was  relieved. 
The  people  sang:  'Great  joy  has  come  in  Egypt,  rejoicing  comes 
forth  from  the  towns  of  Tomeri  (Egypt)...* Sit  happily  down 
and  talk  or  walk  far  out  upon  the  way  for  there  is  no  fear  in  the 
heart  of  the  people.  The  strongholds  are  left  to  themselves,  the 
wells  are  opened  again.  The  messengers  skirt  the  battlements  of 
the  walls,  shaded  from  the  sun,  until  their  watchmen  wake*  The 


soldiers  lie  sleeping  and  the  border-scouts  are  in  the  field  (or  not) 
as  they  desire.  The  herds  of  the  field  are  left  as  cattle  sent  forth 
without  a  herdman,  crossing  at  will  the  fullness  of  the  stream. 
There  is  no  uplifting  of  a  shout  in  the  night:  "Stop!  Behold  one 
comes,  one  comes  with  the  speech  of  strangers!"  One  comes  and 
goes  with  singing,  and  there  is  no  lamentation  of  mourning 
people.  The  towns  are  settled  again  anew;  and  as  for  one  that 
ploweth  his  harvest.,  he  shall  eat  of  it.  Re  has  turned  himself  to 
Egypt;  he  was  born  destined  to  be  her  protector,  even  the  king 

The  kings  are  overthrown,  saying,  *SalamP 

Not  one  holds  up  his  head  among  the  Nine  Nations  of  the  Bow. 

Wasted  is  Tehenu, 

The  Hittite  land  is  pacified, 

Plundered  is  cthe  Canaan,*  with  every  evil, 

Carried  off  is  Askalon, 

Seized  upon  is  Gezer, 

Yenoam  is  made  as  a  thing  not  existing. 

Israel  is  desolated,  her  seed  is  not, 

Palestine  has  become  a  (defenceless)  widow  for  Egypt. 

All  lands  are  united,  they  are  pacified; 

Every  one  that  is  turbulent  is  bound  by  king  Merneptah. 

Merneptah  reigned  at  least  five  years  longer,  apparently  en- 
joying profound  peace  in  the  north.  He  strengthened  his  Asiatic 
frontier  witha  fortress  bearing  his  name,  and  in  the  south  he  quelled 
a  rebellion  in  Nubia,  The  commonly  accepted  statement  that 
toward  the  end  of  his  reign  a  Syrian  at  court  gained  control  of 
Merneptah  and  became  regent  is  entirely  without  foundation  and 
due  to  misunderstanding  of  the  titles  of  Ben-'Ozen,  the  Syrian 
marshal  of  his  court,  to  whom  we  have  already  referred.  The 
long  reign  of  Ramses  II,  with  its  prodigality  in  buildings,  left 
Merneptah  little  means  to  gratify  his  own  desires  in  this  respect. 
Moreover,  his  days  were  numbered,  and  there  was  not  time  to 
hew  from  the  quarries  and  transport  the  materials  for  such  a 
temple  as  it  had  now  become  customary  for  each  Pharaoh  to  erect 
at  Thebes  for  his  own  mortuary  service.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, Merneptah  had  no  hesitation  in  resorting  to  the  most 
brutal  destruction  of  the  monuments  of  his  ancestors.  To  obtain 
materials  for  his  mortuary  temple  he  made  a  quarry  of  the  noble 
sanctuary  of  Amenhotep  III  on  the  western  plain,  barbarously 
tore  down  its  walls  and  split  up  its  superb  statues  to  serve  as 
blocks  in  his  own  building.  Among  other  things  thus  appropriated 
was  a  magnificent  black  granite  stela  over  ten  feet  high  containing 
a  record  of  the  buildings  of  Amenhotep  III.  Merneptah's  scribes 


cut  upon  the  back  a  hymn  of  victory  over  the  Libyans,  of  which 
we  have  quoted  the  conclusion  above,  and  with  its  face  to  the 
wall,  he  then  erected  it  in  his  new  building,  where  Petrie  found 
it.  It  has  become  notable  because  it  contains  the  earliest  known 
reference  to  Israel  (p.  320).  Merneptah's  desecration  of  the  great 
works  of  the  earlier  Pharaohs  did  not  even  spare  those  of  his  own 
father  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  set  him  a  notorious  example 
in  this  respect.  Ramses  II  had  the  effrontery,  after  a  lifetime  of 
such  vandalism,  to  record  in  his  Abydos  temple  a  long  appeal  to 
his  descendants  to  respect  his  foundations  and  his  monuments;  but 
not  even  his  own  son  showed  them  the  respect  which  he  craved. 
We  find  Merneptah's  name  constantly  on  the  monuments  of  his 

Merneptah  passed  away  (1215'  B.C.)  after  a  reign  of  at  least 
ten  years  and  was  buried  at  Thebes  in  the  valley  with  his  ancestors. 
His  body  has  been  found  there — a  discovery  somewhat  dis- 
concerting to  those  who  held  that,  as  the  P&araoh  of  the  Israelite 
exodus,  he  must  have  been  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea  (see  p.  356, 
n.  2).  However  much  we  may  despise  him  for  his  desecration 
and  shameful  destruction  of  the  greatest  works  of  his  ancestors, 
it  must  be  admitted  at  the  same  time  that,  at  an  advanced  age, 
when  such  responsibility  must  have  sat  heavily,  he  manfully  met 
a  grave  crisis  in  the  history  of  his  country,  which  might  have 
thrown  it  into  the  hands  of  a  foreign  dynasty. 

The  death  of  Merneptah  was  the  beginning  of  a  conflict  for 
the  throne  which  lasted  for  many  years.  The  laxity  which  had 
accompanied  the  long-continued  rule  of  two  old  men  gave  ample 
opportunity  for  intrigue,  conspiracy  and  the  machinations  of 
rival  factions.  Two  pretenders  were  at  first  successful :  Arnenmeses 
and  Merneptah-Siptah.  The  former  was  but  an  ephemeral  usurper, 
who  through  some  collateral  line  of  the  royal  house  perhaps 
possessed  a  distant  claim  to  the  throne.  He  was  hostile  to  the 
memory  of  Merneptah;  and  his  successor,  Merneptah-Siptah, 
who  quickly  supplanted  him,  took  possession  of  his  monuments 
in  turn,  and  destroyed  his  tomb  in  the  western  valley  of  Thebes. 
Nubia  was  now  a  fruitful  source  of  hostility  to  the  royal  house. 
Like  the  Roman  provinces  in  the  days  of  that  empire,  Nubia 
offered  a  field,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  seat  of  power,  where  a 
sentiment  against  the  ruling  house  and  in  favour  of  some  pre- 
tender might  be  secretly  encouraged  without  great  danger  of 
detection.  It  was  perhaps  in  Nubia  that  Siptah  gained  the 
ascendancy.  However  this  may  be,  we  find  him  in  his  first  year 
installing  his  viceroy  there  in  person,  and  sending  one  of  his 


adherents  about  distributing  rewards  there.  By  such  methods 
and  by  marrying  Tewosret,  probably  a  princess  of  the  old 
Pharaonic  line,  he  succeeded  in  maintaining  himself  for  at  least 
six  years,  during  which  the  tribute  from  Nubia  seems  to  have 
been  regularly  delivered,  and  the  customary  intercourse  with  the 
Syrian  provinces  maintained. 

The  viceroy  whom  he  appointed  in  Nubia  was  one  Seti,  who 
was  now  also,  as  already  observed,  *  Governor  of  the  Gold 
Country  of  Amon.'  This  brought  him  into  intimate  relations 
with  the  powerful  priesthood  of  Amon  at  Thebes,  and  it  is 
not  impossible  that  he  improved  the  opportunity  of  this  inter- 
course and  of  his  influential  position  to  do  what  Siptah  had 
himself  done  in  Nubia.  In  any  case,  when  Siptah  disappeared, 
a  Seti  succeeded  him  as  second  of  that  name.  He  was  later  re- 
garded as  the  sole  legitimate  king  of  the  three  who  followed 
Merneptah.  He  seems  to  have  ruled  with  some  success,  for  he 
built  a  small  templ£*  at  Karnak  and  another  at  Eshmunen- 
Hermopolis.  He  took  possession  of  the  tomb  of  Siptah  and  his 
queen,  Tewosret,  although  he  was  afterward  able  to  excavate  one 
of  his  own.  But  his  lease  of  power  was  brief;  the  long  uncurbed 
nobility,  the  hosts  of  mercenaries  in  the  armies,  the  powerful 
priesthoods,  the  numerous  foreigners  in  positions  of  rank  at 
court,  ambitious  pretenders  and  their  adherents — all  these 
aggressive  and  conflicting  influences  demanded  for  their  control 
a  strong  hand  and  unusual  qualities  of  statesmanship  in  the  ruler. 
These  qualities  Seti  II  did  not  possess,  and  he  fell  a  victim  ty 
conditions  of  almost  insuperable  difficulty. 

With  the  fall  of  Seti  II,  complete  anarchy  ensued.  The  whole 
country  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  local  nobles,  chiefs  and  rulers 
of  towns,  and  remained  so  for  many  years.  The  nation  must  have 
been  well  on  toward  dissolution  into  the  petty  kingdoms  and 
principalities  out  of  which  it  was  consolidated  at  the  dawn  of 
history.  Then  came  famine,  with  all  the  misery  which  the  Arab 
historians  later  depict  in  their  annals  of  similar  periods  under  the 
Mameluk  sultans  in  Egypt.  Indeed,  the  record  of  this  period  left 
us  by  Ramses  III  in  the  great  Papyrus  Harris,  in  spite  of  its 
brevity,  reads  like  a  chapter  from  the  rule  of  some  Mameluk 
sultan  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Profiting  by  the  helplessness  of 
the  people  and  the  preoccupation  of  the  native  rulers,  one  of  those 
Syrians,  who  had  held  an  official  position  at  the  court,  seized  the 
crown  or  at  least  the  power,  and  ruled  in  tyranny  and  violence. 
*  He  set  the  whole  land  tributary  before  him  together;  he  united 
his  companions  and  plundered  their  possessions.  They  made  the 


gods  like  men  and  no  offerings  were  presented  in  the  temples/ 
Property-rights  were  therefore  no  longer  respected  and  even  the 
revenues  of  the  temples  were  diverted. 

As  in  the  later  years  of  Ramses  II  the  Libyans  were  not  long 
in  perceiving  the  helplessness  of  Egypt.  Immigration  across  the 
western  frontier  of  the  Delta  began  again;  plundering  bands 
wandered  among  the  towns  from  the  vicinity  of  Memphis  to  the 
Mediterranean,  or  took  possession  of  the  fields  and  settled  on 
both  shores  of  the  Canopic  branch.  At  this  juncture,  about  1200 
B.C.,  there  arose  one  Setnakht,  a  strong  man  of  uncertain  origin, 
but  probably  a  descendant  of  the  old  line  of  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II; 
and  although  the  land  was  beset  with  foes  within  and  without,,  he 
possessed  the  qualities  of  organization  and  the  statesmanship 
first  to  make  good  his  claims  against  the  innumerable  local 
aspirants  to  the  crown;  and  having  subdued  these,  to  restore 
power  and  organize  the  almost  vanished  state  of  the  old  Pharaohs. 

We  shall  readily  understand  that  Setnajfeht's  arduous  achieve- 
ment left  him  little  time  for  monuments  which  might  have 
perpetuated  his  memory »  Indeed,  he  could  not  even  find  oppor- 
tunity to  excavate  for  himself  a  tomb  at  Thebes;  but  seized  that 
of  Siptah  and  his  queen,  Tewosret,  which  had  already  been 
appropriated,  but  eventually  not  used,  by  Seti  IL  His  reign  must 
have  been  brief,  for  his  highest  date  is  his  first  year,  scratched  on 
the  back  of  a  leaf  of  papyrus  by  a  scribe  in  trying  his  pen.  Before 
he  died  (1198  B.C.)  he  named  as  his  successor  his  son,  Ramses, 
the  third  of  the  name,  who  had  already  been  of  assistance  to  him 
in  the  government. 

Although  the  old  line  was  evidently  already  interrupted  after 
Merneptah,  Manetho  begins  a  new  dynasty,  the  XXth,  with  the 
Ramessid  Iine5  now  headed  by  Ramses  II L  The  new  Pharaoh 
inherited  a  situation  precisely  like  that  which  confronted  Merne- 
ptah at  his  accession;  but  being  a  young  and  vigorous  man,  he 
was  better  able  successfully  to  cope  with  it.  He  immediately 
perfected  the  organization  for  military  service,  dividing  all  the 
people  into  classes  successively  liable  for  such  service,  Since  the 
native  contingent  was  constantly  shifting,  as  class  after  class 
passed  through  the  army,  the  Pharaoh  came  more  and  more  to 
depend  upon  the  mercenaries  as  the  permanent  element  in  his 
army.  A  large  proportion  of  the  standing  army,  therefore,  con- 
sisted of  Sherden  mercenaries  as  in  the  days  of  Ramses  II,  while 
a  contingent  of  the  Kehek,  a  Libyan  tribe,  was  also  in  the  ranks, 
In  the  west  more  serious  developments  had  taken  place  since 
Merneptah's  Libyan  war.  The  restless  and  turbulent  peoples  of 


the  northern  Mediterranean,  whom  the  Egyptians  designated 
*  the  Peoples  of  the  Sea/  and  whom  we  know  as  the  Aegeans,  were 
showing  themselves  in  ever-increasing  numbers  in  the  south. 
Among  these,  two  in  particular  whom  we  have  not  met  before, 
the  Thekel  and  the  Peleset,  were  prominently  aggressive1.  The 
Peleset  (Pulesati),  better  known  as  the  Philistines  of  Hebrew 
history,  were  no  doubt  one  of  the  early  tribes  of  Crete,  but  the 
identity  of  the  Thekel  is  much  more  uncertain  (p.  283  n.). 
They  were  accompanied  by  contingents  of  Denyen  (possibly 
Danai),  Sherden,  Weshesh  and  Shekelesh.  Moving  gradually 
southward  in  Syria,  some  of  these  immigrants  had  advanced 
perhaps  as  far  as  the  upper  waters  of  the  Orontes  and  the  king- 
dom of  Amor;  while  the  more  venturesome  of  their  ships  were 
coasting  along  the  Delta  and  stealing  into  the  mouths  of  the 
rivers  on  plundering  expeditions.  They  readily  fell  in  with  the 
plans  of  the  Libyan  leaders  to  invade  and  plunder  the  rich  and 
fertile  Delta.  By  land^nd  water  they  advanced  into  the  western 
Delta  where  Ramses  promptly  met  them  and  gave  them  battle 
near  a  town  called  *  Usermare-Meriamon  (Ramses  III)  is  chastiser 
of  Temeh  (Libya)/  This  was  in  1 1 94  B.C.  Their  ships  were  de- 
stroyed or  captured  and  their  army  beaten  back  with  enormous 
loss.  Over  twelve  thousand  five  hundred  were  slain  upon  the  field 
and  at  least  a  thousand  captives  were  taken.  Of  the  killed  a  large 
proportion  were  from  the  ranks  of  the  sea-rovers.  There  was  the 
usual  triumph  at  the  royal  residence,  when  the  king  viewed  the 
captives  and  the  trophies  from  the  balcony  of  the  palace,  while 
his  nobles  rejoiced  below.  Amon,  who  had  granted  the  great 
victory,  did  not  fail  to  receive  his  accustomed  sacrifice  of  living 
victims,  and  all  Egypt  rejoiced  in  restored  security,  such  that,  as 
Ramses  boasted,  a  woman  might  walk  abroad  as  far  as  she  wished 
with  her  veil  raised  without  fear  of  molestation.  To  strengthen 
his  frontier  against  the  Libyans  Ramses  now  built  a  town  and 
stronghold  named  after  himself  upon  the  western  road  where  it 
left  the  Delta  and  passed  westward  into  the  desert  plateau.  It 
stood  upon  an  elevated  point  known  as  the  *  Mount  of  the  Horns 
of  the  Earth/  already  mentioned  by  Merneptah  in  his  war- 

The  advanced  galleys  and  the  land-forces   of  the  northern 

1  The  initial  consonant  of  Thekel  is  by  some  authorities  represented  by 
2:5  and,  instead  of  employing  *'s  to  make  the  consonants  pronounceable,  other 
scholars  conjecturally  vocalize  differently.  Thus  Thekel  appears  otherwise 
as  Zakkal  or  Zakaray,  and  Peleset  as  Pulesati  (or  the  like);  see  p,  167,  n»  i. 
Certainty  is  at  present  unattainable.  See  further,  chap.  xn» 


maritime  peoples  which  supported  the  Libyans  against  Ramses 
III  in  the  year  five  were  but  the  premonitory  skirmish  line  of  a 
far  more  serious  advance,  to  which  we  have  already  adverted.  It 
was  now  in  full  motion  southward  through  Syria.  Its  hosts  were 
approaching  both  ly  land,  with  their  families  in  curious,  heavy, 
two-wheeled  ox-carts,  and  by  sea  in  a  numerous  fleet  that  skirted 
the  Syrian  coast.  Well  armed  and  skilled  in  warfare  as  the  invaders 
were,  the  Syrian  city-states  were  unable  to  withstand  their  onset. 
They  overran  all  the  Hittite  country  of  northern  Syria  as  far  as 
Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates,  past  Arvad  on  the  Phoenician 
coast,  and  up  the  Orontes  valley  to  the  kingdom  of  Amor,  which 
they  devastated.  The  Syrian  dominions  of  the  Hittites  must  have 
been  lost  and  the  Hittite  power  in  Syria  completely  broken.  The 
fleet  visited  Alasa,  and  nowhere  was  an  effective  resistance 
offered  them.  'They  came  with  fire,  prepared  before  them,  for- 
ward to  Egypt.  Their  main  support  was  Peleset,  Thekel,  Sheke- 
lesh,  Denyen  and  Weshesh.  These  landsfrwere  united  and  they 
laid  their  hands  upon  the  land  as  far  as  the  circle  of  the  earth/ 
'The  countries,  which  came  from  their  isles  in  the  midst  of  the 
sea,  they  advanced  to  Egypt,  their  hearts  relying  upon  their 
arms/  In  Amor  they  established  a  central  camp  and  apparently 
halted  for  a  time.  Like  a  rising  tide  from  the  north,  this  great 
migration  was  threatening  to  overwhelm  the  Egyptian  empire. 
We  have  seen  its  outermost  waves  breaking  on  the  shores  of  the 
Delta — the  heralds  of  the  most  formidable  danger  that  had  ever 
confronted  the  empire  of  the  Pharaohs* 

With  the  greatest  energy  Ramses  III  fortified  his  Syrian  fron- 
tier and  rapidly  gathered  a  fleet,  which  he  distributed  in  the 
northern  harbours.  From  his  palace  balcony  he  personally 
superintended  the  equipment  of  the  infantry,  and  when  all  was 
in  readiness  he  set  out  for  Syria  to  lead  the  campaign  himself. 
Where  the  land-battle  took  place  we  are  unable  to  determine,  but 
as  the  northerners  had  advanced  to  Amor,  it  was  at  most  not 
farther  north  than  that  region.  We  learn  nothing  from  the  king's 
records  concerning  it  beyond  vague  and  general  statements  of  the 
defeat  of  the  enemy,  although  in  his  reliefs  we  see  his  Sherden 
mercenaries  breaking  through  the  scattered  lines  of  the  enemy 
and  plundering  their  ox-carts  bearing  their  women  and  children 
and  belongings.  As  there  were  Sherden  among  the  invaders,  the 
mercenaries  were  thus  called  upon  to  fight  their  own  countrymen. 
The  Pharaoh  was  also  able  to  reach  the  scene  of  the  naval  battle, 
probably  in  one  of  the  northern  harbours  on  the  coast  of  Phoenicia, 
early  enough  to  participate  in  the  action  from  the  neighbouring 


shore  (see  p.  283  n.).  He  had  manned  his  fleet  with  masses  of  the 
dreaded  Egyptian  archers,  whose  archery  volleys  were  so  effective 
that  the  ranks  of  the  heavy-armed  northerners  were  completely 
decimated  before  they  could  approach  within  boarding  distance. 
These  volleys  of  arrows  from  the  Egyptian  fleet  were  augmented 
by  those  of  Egyptian  archers  whom  Ramses  stationed  along  the 
shore,  he  himself  personally  drawing  his  bow  against  the  hostile 
fleet.  As  the  Egyptians  then  advanced  to  board,  the  enemy's  ships 
were  thrown  into  confusion.  'Capsized  and  perishing  in  their 
places,  their  hearts  are  taken,  their  souls  fly  away,  and  their 
weapons  are  cast  out  upon  the  sea.  His  arrows  pierce  whomsoever 
he  will  among  them,  and  he  who  is  hit  falls  into  the  water/  'They 
were  dragged,  overturned  and  laid  low  upon  the  beach;  slain  and 
made  heaps  from  stern  to  bow  of  their  galleys,  while  all  their 
things  were  cast  upon  the  waters,  for  a  remembrance  of  Egypt,* 
Those  who  escaped  the  fleet  and  swam  ashore  were  captured  by 
the  waiting  Egyptians?  on  the  beach.  In  these  two  engagements 
the  Pharaoh  decisively  broke  the  power  of  the  northern  invasion, 
and  his  suzerainty,  at  least  as  far  north  as  Amor,  could  not  be 
questioned  by  the  invaders.  To  be  sure  they  continued  to  arrive 
in  Syria,  but  the  double  victory  of  Ramses  III  made  these  new 
settlers  and  their  new  settlements  vassals  of  Egypt,  paying  tribute 
into  the  treasury  of  the  Pharaoh. 

The  Egyptian  empire  in  Asia  had  again  been  saved  and 
Ramses  returned  to  his  Delta  residence  to  enjoy  a  well-earned 
triumph.  The  respite  which  his  victory  brought  him,  however, 
was  very  short;  for  another  migration  of  the  peoples  in  the  far 
west  caused  an  overflow  which  again  threatened  the  Delta.  The 
Meshwesh,  a. tribe  living  behind  the  Libyans,  that  is,  on  the  west 
of  them,  were  the  cause  of  the  trouble.  The  first  victory  over  the 
Libyans  in  the  year  five  was  quite  enough  to  quench  any  further 
desire  on  their  part  to  repeat  their  attempt  upon  the  Delta.  But 
unfortunately  the  Meshwesh  invaded  the  Libyan  country  and  laid 
it  waste,  thus  forcing  the  unfortunate  Libyans  into  an  alliance 
against  Egypt,  The  leader  of  the  movement  was  Meshesher,  son 
of  Keper,  king  of  the  Meshwesh,  whose  firm  purpose  was  to 
migrate  and  settle  in  the  Delta.  'The  hostile  foe  had  taken 
counsel  again  to  spend  their  lives  in  the  confines  of  Egypt,  that 
they  might  take  the  hills  and  plains  as  their  own  districts/  '"We 
will  settle  in  Egypt,"  so  spoke  they  with  one  accord,  and  they 
continuously  entered  the  boundaries  of  Egypt/  By  the  twelfth 
month  in  the  king's  eleventh  year  they  had  begun  the  invasion, 
entering  along  the  western  road  as  in  the  time  of  Merneptah  and 


investing  the  fortress  of  Hatsho,  some  eleven  miles  from  the 
edge  of  the  desert  plateau.  Ramses  attacked  them  under  the  walls 
of  Hatsho,  from  the  ramparts  of  which  the  Egyptian  garrison 
poured  volleys  of  arrows  into  the  ranks  of  the  Meshwesh,  already 
discomfited  by  the  Pharaoh's  onset.  The  invaders  were  thus 
thrown  into  a  disordered  rout  and  received  the  volleys  of  another 
neighbouring  stronghold  as  they  fled.  Ramses  pressed  the  pursuit 
for  eleven  miles  along  the  western  road  to  the  margin  of  the 
plateau,  thus  fairly  driving  the  invaders  out  of  the  country. 
Meshesher,  the  chief  of  the  Meshwesh,  was  slain  and  his  father 
Keper  was  captured;  two  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy-five 
of  their  followers  fell,  while  two  hundred  and  fifty-two,  of  whom 
over  a  fourth  were  females,  were  taken  captive. 

Ramses  tells  of  the  disposition  which  he  made  of  these  captives: 
*  I  settled  their  leaders  in  strongholds  in  my  name.  I  gave  to  them 
captains  of  archers  and  chief  men  of  the  tribes,  branded  and  made 
into  slaves,  impressed  with  my  name;  their  wives  and  their  children 
likewise/  Nearly  a  thousand  of  the  Meshwesh  were  assigned  to  the 
care  of  a  temple-herd  called  *  Ramses  III  is  the  Conqueror  of  the 
Meshwesh/  Similarly  he  established  in  celebration  of  his  victory 
an  annual  feast  which  he  called  in  his  temple  calendar,  'Slaying  of 
the  Meshwesh';  and  he  assumed  in  his  elaborate  titulary  after  his 
name  the  epithets,  'Protector  of  Egypt,  Guardian  of  the  Countries, 
Conqueror  of  the  Meshwesh,  Spoiler  of  the  Land  of  Temeh/ 
The  western  tribes  had  thus  been  hurled  back  from  the  borders 
of  the  Delta  for  the  third  successive  time,  and  Ramses  had  no 
occasion  to  apprehend  any  further  aggressions  from  that  quarter. 
The  expansive  power  of  the  Libyan  peoples,  although  by  no 
means  exhausted,  now  no  longer  appeared  in  united  national 
action;  but,  as  they  had  done  from  prehistoric  times,  and  like  the 
northern  barbarians  who  crossed  the  frontiers  of  the  Roman  empire, 
they  continued  to  sift  gradually  into  the  Delta  in  scattered  and 
desultory  migration,  not  regarded  by  the  Pharaoh  as  a  source  of 

Ramses  soon  found  it  necessary  to  appear  again  in  Syria  with 
his  army.  The  limits  and  the  course  of  the  campaign  are  but 
obscurely  hinted  at  in  the  meagre  records  now  surviving.  He 
stormed  at  least  five  strong  cities,  one  of  which  was  in  Amor; 
another  depicted  in  his  reliefs  as  surrounded  by  water  was  perhaps 
Kadesh;  a  third,  rising  upon  a  hill,  cannot  be  identified;  and  both 
of  the  remaining  two,  one  of  which  was  called  Ereth,  were  de- 
fended by  Hittites.  He  probably  did  not  penetrate  far  into  the 
Hittite  territory,  although  its  cities  were  rapidly  falling  away 


from  the  Hittite  king  and  much  weakened  by  the  attacks  of  the 
sea-peoples.  It  was  the  last  hostile  passage  between  the  Pharaoh 
and  the  Hittites;  both  empires  were  swiftly  declining  to  their  fall, 
and  in  the  annals  of  Egypt  we  never  again  hear  of  the  Hittites  in 
Syria.  Ramses  places  in  his  lists  of  conquered  regions  the  cities 
of  northern  Syria  to  the  Euphrates,  including  all  that  the  empire 
had  ever  ruled  in  its  greatest  days.  These  lists  however  are  largely 
copied  from  those  of  his  great  predecessors,  and  we  can  place  no 
confidence  in  them.  He  now  organized  the  Asiatic  possessions 
of  Egypt  as  stably  as  possible,  the  boundary  very  evidently  not 
being  any  farther  north  than  that  of  Merneptah,  that  is,  just 
including  the  Amorite  kingdom  on  the  upper  Orontes.  To  ensure 
the  necessary  stability  he  built  new  fortresses  wherever  advisable 
in  Syria  and  Palestine.  Somewhere  in  Syria  he  also  erected  a 
temple  of  Amon,  containing  a  great  image  of  the  state  god,  before 
which  the  Asiatic  dynasts  were  obliged  to  declare  their  fealty  to 
Ramses  by  depositing  their  tribute  in  its  presence  every  year. 
Communication  with  Syria  was  facilitated  by  the  excavation  of  a 
great  well  in  the  desert  of  Ayan,  east  of  the  Delta,  supplementing 
the  watering-stations  there  established  by  Seti  I.  Only  a  revolt  of 
the  Bedouins  of  Seir  interrupted  the  peaceful  government  of  the 
Pharaoh  in  Asia  from  this  time  forth* 


The  suppression  of  occasional  disorders  in  Nubia  caused  no 
disturbance  of  the  profound  peace  which  now  settled  down  upon 
the  empire.  Ramses  himself  depicts  it  thus :  *  I  made  the  woman 
of  Egypt  to  go  with  uncovered  ears  to  the  place  she  desired,  for 
no  stranger,  nor  any  one  upon  the  road  molested  her.  I  made  the 
infantry  and  chariotry  to  dwell  at  home  in  my  time;  the  Sherden 
and  the  Kehek  (mercenaries)  were  in  their  towns  lying  the  length 
of  their  backs;  they  had  no  fear,  for  there  was  no  enemy  from 
Kush,  nor  foe  from  Syria.  Their  bows  and  their  weapons  reposed 
in  their  magazines,  while  they  were  satisfied  and  drunk  with  joy. 
Their  wives  were  with  them,  their  children  at  their  side;  they 
looked  not  behind  them,  but  their  hearts  were  confident,  for 
I  was  with  them  as  the  defence  and  protection  of  their  limbs.  I 
sustained  alive  the  whole  land,  whether  foreigners,  common  folk, 
citizens  or  people  male  or  female.  I  took  a  man  out  of  his  mis- 
fortune and  I  gave  him  breath.  I  rescued  him  from  the  oppressor 
who  was  of  more  account  than  he.  I  set  each  man  in  his  security 
in  their  towns;  I  sustained  alive  others  in  the  hall  of  petition.  I 


settled  the  land  in  the  place  where  it  was  laid  waste.  The  land 
was  well  satisfied  in  my  reign/  The  chief  function  of  an  oriental 
despotism,  the  collection  of  tribute  and  taxes,  proceeded  with  the 
greatest  regularity.  *I  taxed  them  for  their  impost  every  year/ 
says  Ramses  III,  'every  town  by  its  name  gathered  together 
bearing  their  tribute/ 

As  in  the  great  days  of  the  empire,  intercourse  and  commerce 
with  the  outside  world  were  now  fostered  by  the  Pharaohs.  The 
temples  of  Amon,  Re  and  Ptah  had  each  its  own  fleet  upon  the 
Mediterranean  or  the  Red  Sea,  transporting  to  the  god's  treasury 
the  products  of  Phoenicia,  Syria  and  Punt.  Ramses  exploited  the 
copper  mines  of  Atika,  a  region  somewhere  in  the  Peninsula  of 
Sinai,  sending  a  special  expedition  thither  in  galleys  from  some 
Red  Sea  port.  They  returned  with  great  quantities  of  the  metal 
which  the  Pharaoh  had  displayed  under  the  palace  balcony  that 
all  the  people  might  see  it.  To  the  malachite  workings  of  the 
peninsula  he  likewise  sent  his  messenger,  who  brought  back 
plentiful  returns  of  the  costly  mineral  for  the  king's  splendid 
gifts  to  the  gods.  A  more  important  expedition  consisting  of  a 
fleet  of  large  ships  was  sent  on  the  long  voyage  to  Punt.  It  would 
seem  that  the  canal  from  the  Nile  through  the  Wadi  Tumllat  to 
the  Red  Sea  was  now  stopped  up  and  in  disuse,  for  Ramses' 
ships,  after  a  successful  voyage,  returned  to  some  harbour  opposite 
Coptos,  where  the  entire  cargo  of  the  fleet  was  disembarked, 
loaded  on  donkeys  and  brought  overland  to  Coptos.  Here  it  was 
re-embarked  upon  the  river  and  floated  down  stream  to  Per- 
Ramses,  the  royal  residence  in  the  eastern  Delta.  Navigation  was 
now  perhaps  on  a  larger  and  more  elaborate  scale  even  than  under 
the  great  Pharaohs  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty.  Ramses  tells  of  a 
sacred  barge  of  Amon  at  Thebes,  which  was  two  hundred  and 
twenty-four  feet  long,  built  in  his  yards,  of  enormous  timbers  of 
cedar  of  Lebanon. 

Works  of  public  utility  and  improvement  were  also  included 
in  the  Pharaoh's  enterprises.  Throughout  the  kingdom,  and 
especially  in  Thebes  and  the  royal  residence,  he  planted  numerous 
trees,  which  under  a  sky  so  prevailingly  cloudless  as  that  of  Egypt, 
offered  the  people  grateful  shade  in  a  land  devoid  of  natural 
forests.  He  also  resumed  building,  which  had  been  at  a  standstill 
since  the  death  of  Ramses  II.  On  the  western  plain  of  Thebes,  at 
the  point  now  called  Medinet  Habu,  he  built  a  large  and  splendid 
temple  to  Amon  which  he  began  early  in  his  reign.  As  the  temple 
was  extended  and  enlarged  from  rear  to  front,  the  annals  of  his 
campaigns  found  place  on  the  walls  through  successive  years 


following  the  growth  of  the  building,  until  the  whole  edifice 
became  a  vast  record  of  the  king's  achievements  in  war  which  the 
modern  visitor  may  read,  tracing  it  from  year  to  year  as  he  passes 
from  the  earliest  halls  in  the  rear  to  the  latest  courts  and  pylon 
at  the  front.  Here  he  may  see  the  hordes  of  the  north  in  battle 
with  Ramses*  Sherden  mercenaries,  who  break  through  and 
plunder  the  heavy  ox-carts  of  the  invaders;  and  here  the  first 
naval  battle  on  salt-water,  of  which  we  know  anything,  is  depicted. 
In  these  reliefs  we  may  study  the  armour,  clothing,  weapons, 
war-ships  and  equipment  of  these  northern  peoples  with  whose 
advent  Europe  for  the  first  time  emerges  upon  the  stage  of  the 
early  world. 

Before  the  temple  there  was  a  sacred  lake  with  an  elaborate 
garden,  extensive  out-buildings  and  magazines,  a  palace  of  the 
king  with  massive  stone  towers  in  connection  with  the  temple- 
structure,  and  a  wall  around  the  whole  forming  a  great  com- 
plex which  dominated  the  whole  southern  end  of  the  western 
plain  of  Thebes,  whence  from  the  summit  of  its  tall  pylons 
one  might  look  northward  along  the  stately  line  of  mortuary 
temples,  built  by  the  emperors.  It  thus  formed,  as  it  still  does, 
the  southern  terminus  and  the  last  of  that  imposing  array  of 
buildings,  and  suggests  to  the  thoughtful  visitor  the  end  of  the 
long  line  of  imperial  Pharaohs,  of  whom  Ramses  III  was  indeed 
the  last.  Other  buildings  of  his  have  for  the  most  part  perished. 
A  temple  of  Amon  at  Karnak  which  Ramses,  quite  sensible  of  the 
hopelessness  of  any  attempt  to  rival  the  vast  Karnak  halls,  limited 
to  very  modest  proportions,  was  placed  awkwardly  enough  across 
the  axis  of  the  main  temple  there.  In  the  residence  city  he  laid 
out  a  magnificent  quarter  for  Amon :  *  it  was  furnished  with  large 
gardens  and  places  for  walking  about,  with  all  sorts  of  date-groves 
bearing  their  fruits,  and  a  sacred  avenue  brightened  with  the 
flowers  of  every  land/  The  quarter  possessed  nearly  eight  thou- 
sand slaves  for  its  service.  He  also  erected  in  the  city  a  temple  of 
Sutekh  in  the  temenos  of  the  temple  of  Ramses  II.  The  art  dis- 
played by  these  buildings,  in  so  far  as  they  have  survived,  is 
clearly  in  a  decadent  stage.  The  lines  are  heavy  and  indolent,  the 
colonnades  have  none  of  the  old  time  soaring  vigour,  springing 
from  the  pavement  and  carrying  the  beholder's  eyes  involuntarily 
aloft;  but  they  visibly  labour  under  the  burden  imposed  Jipon 
them  and  clearly  express  the  sluggish  spirit  of  the  decadent 
architect  who  designed  them.  The  work  also  is  careless  and 
slovenly  in  execution.  The  reliefs  which  cover  the  vast  surfaces 
of  the  Medinet  Habu  temple  are  with  few  exceptions  but  weak 


imitations  of  the  fine  sculptures  of  Setl  I  at  Karnak,  badly  drawn 
and  executed  without  feeling.  Only  here  and  there  do  we  find  a 
flash  of  the  old  time  power,  as  in  the  representation  of  Ramses 
hunting  the  wild  bull  on  the  walls  of  this  same  temple,  a  relief 
which,  in  spite  of  some  bad  faults  in  the  drawing,  is  a  composition 
of  much  strength  and  feeling,  with  a  notable  sense  of  landscape. 

The  imitation  so  evident  in  the  art  of  the  time  of  Ramses  III 
is  characteristic  of  the  time  in  all  respects.  The  records  of  the 
reign  are  but  weak  repetitions  of  the  earlier  royal  encomiums, 
embellished  with  figures  so  extremely  far-fetched  as  to  be  often 
unintelligible.  Taking  up  any  given  war,  one  finds  that  after 
working  through  difficult  inscriptions  covering  several  thousand 
square  feet  of  wall  surface  at  Medinet  Habu,  the  net  result  is 
but  a  meagre  and  bald  account  of  a  great  campaign  the  facts  of 
which  are  scattered  here  and  there  and  buried  so  deeply  beneath 
scores  of  meaningless  conventional  phrases  that  they  can  be  dis- 
covered only  with  the  greatest  industry.  TRie  inspiring  figure  of 
a  young  and  active  Pharaoh  hurrying  his  armies  from  frontier  to 
frontier  of  his  empire  and  repeatedly  hurling  back  the  most 
formidable  invasions  Egypt  had  ever  suffered,  awoke  no  response 
in  the  conventional  soul  of  the  priestly  scribe,  whose  lot  it  was  to 
write  the  record  of  these  things  for  the  temple  wall.  He  possessed 
only  the  worn  and  long-spent  currency  of  the  older  dynasties 
from  which  he  drew  hymns,  songs  and  lists  to  be  furbished  up 
and  made  to  do  service  again  in  perpetuating  the  glory  of  a  really 
able  and  heroic  ruler.  Perhaps  we  should  not  complain  of  the 
scribe,  for  the  king  himself  considered  it  his  highest  purpose  to 
restore  and  reproduce  the  times  of  Ramses  II.  His  own  name 
was  made  up  of  the  first  half  of  the  throne-name  of  Ramses  II 
and  the  second  half  of  his  personal  name;  he  named  his  children 
and  his  horses  after  those  of  Ramses  II,  and  like  him,  he  was 
followed  on  his  campaigns  by  a  tame  lion  which  trotted  beside 
his  chariot  on  the  march. 

All  immediate  danger  from  without  had  now  apparently  dis- 
appeared, but  the  nation  was  slowly  declining  as  a  result  of  decay 
from  within.  While  Ramses  III  had  shown  himself  fully  able  to 
cope  with  the  assaults  from  the  outside,  he  was  entirely  unable  to 
offer  any  effective  opposition  to  the  prevailing  tendencies  of  the 
time^ within  the  state.  This  was  especially  evident  in  his  attitude 
toward  the  religious  conditions  inherited  from  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  but,  especially  noticeable  in  the  XlXth,  Setnakht,  his 
father,  gained  the  throne  by  conciliating  the  priesthoods,  as  so 
many  of  his  successful  predecessors  had  done.  We  are  unable  to 


discern  that  Ramses  III  made  any  effort  to  shake  off  the  priestly 
influences  with  which  the  crown  was  thus  encumbered.  The 
temples  were  fast  becoming  a  grave  political  and  economic 
menace.  In  the  face  of  this  fact  Ramses  continued  the  policy  of 
his  ancestors,  and  with  the  most  lavish  liberality  poured  the 
wealth  of  the  royal  house  into  the  sacred  coffers.  He  himself  says: 
*  I  did  mighty  deeds  and  benefactions,  a  numerous  multitude,  for 
the  gods  and  goddesses  of  South  and  North.  I  wrought  upon 
their  images  in  the  gold-houses,  I  built  that  which  had  fallen  to 
ruin  in  their  temples.  I  made  houses  and  temples  in  their  courts; 
I  planted  for  them  groves;  I  dug  for  them  lakes;  I  founded  for 
them  divine  offerings  of  barley  and  wheat,  wine,  incense,  fruit, 
cattle  and  fowl;  I  built  the  (chapels  called)  "  Shadows  of  Re"  for 
their  districts,  abiding,  with  divine  offerings  for  every  day/  He  is 
here  speaking  of  the  smaller  temples  of  the  country,  while  for 
the  three  great  gods  of  the  land,  Amon,  Re  and  Ptah,  he  did 
vastly  more. 

The  opulent  splendour  with  which  the  rituals  of  these  gods 
were  daily  observed  beggars  description.  *I  made  for  thee,' 
says  Ramses  to  Amon,  *a  great  sacrificial  tablet  of  silver  in 
hammered  work,  mounted  with  fine  gold,  the  inlay  figures  being 
of  Ketem-gold,  bearing  statues  of  the  king  of  gold  in  hammered 
work,  even  an  offering  tablet  bearing  thy  divine  offerings,  offered 
before  thee.  I  made  for  thee  a  great  vase-stand  for  thy  forecourt, 
mounted  with  fine  gold,  with  inlay  of  stone;  its  vases  were  of  gold, 
containing  wine  and  beer  in  order  to  present  them  to  thee  every 
morning....!  made  for  thee  great  tablets  of  gold,  in  beaten 
work,  engraved  with  the  great  name  of  thy  majesty,  bearing  my 
prayers.  I  made  for  thee  other  tablets  of  silver,  in  beaten  work, 
engraved  with  the  great  name  of  thy  majesty,  with  the  decrees  of 
thy  house.'  All  that  the  god  used  was  of  the  same  richness; 
Ramses  says  of  his  sacred  barge :  *  I  hewed  for  thee  thy  august 
ship  "Userhet,"  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  cubits  [nearly  two 
hundred  and  twenty-four  feet  long]  upon  the  river,  of  great 
cedars  of  the  royal  domain  of  remarkable  size,  overlaid  with  fine 
gold  to  the  water  line,  like  a  barque  of  the  Sun,  when  he  comes 
from  the  east,  and  every  one  lives  at  the  sight  of  him.  A  great 
shrine  was  in  the  midst  of  it,  of  fine  gold,  with  inlay  of  every 
costly  stone  like  a  palace;  ram's  heads  of  gold  from  front  to  rear, 
fitted  with  uraeus-serpents  wearing  crowns.'  In  making  the  great 
temple-balances  for  weighing  the  offerings  to  Re  at  Heliopolis 
nearly  two  hundred  and  twelve  pounds  of  gold  and  four  hundred 
and  sixty-one  pounds  of  silver  were  consumed.  The  reader  may 


peruse  pages  of  such  descriptions  in  the  great  Papyrus  Harris,  of 
which  we  shall  later  give  some  account.  Such  magnificence,  while 
it  might  frequently  be  due  to  incidental  gifts  of  the  king,  must 
nevertheless  be  supported  by  an  enormous  income,  derived  from 
a  vast  fortune  in  lands,  slaves  and  revenues.  Thus,  to  the  god 
Khnum  at  Elephantine,  Ramses  confirmed  the  possession  of  both 
sides  of  the  river  from  that  city  to  Takompso,  a  strip  over  seventy 
miles  in  length,  known  to  the  Greeks  as  the  'Dodekaschoinos/ 
or  Twelve  Schoeni  (roods). 

The  records  of  Ramses  III,  for  the  first  and  only  time  in  the 
course  of  Egyptian  history,  enable  us  to  determine  the  total 
amount  of  property  owned  and  controlled  by  the  temples.  An 
inventory  in  the  Papyrus  Harris  covering  almost  all  the  temples 
of  the  country  shows  that  they  possessed  over  one  hundred  and 
seven  thousand  slaves;  that  is,  one  person  in  every  fifty  to  eighty 
of  the  population  was  temple  property.  The  first  figure  is  the 
more  probable,  so  that  in  all  likelihood  on6'  person  in  every  fifty 
was  a  slave  of  some  temple.  The  temples  thus  owned  two  per  cent, 
of  the  population.  In  lands  we  find  the  sacred  endowments 
amounting  to  nearly  three-quarters  of  a  million  acres,  that  is, 
nearly  one-seventh,  or  over  fourteen-and-a-half  per  cent,  of  the 
cultivable  land  of  the  country;  and  as  some  of  the  smaller  temples, 
like  that  of  Khnum  just  mentioned,  are  omitted  in  the  inventory, 
it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  total  holdings  of  the  temples  amounted 
to  fifteen  per  cent,  of  the  available  land  of  the  country.  These 
are  the  only  items  in  the  temple-estates  which  can  be  safely  com- 
pared with  the  total  national  wealth  and  resources;  but  they  by 
no  means  complete  the  list  of  property  held  by  the  temples.  They 
owned  nearly  half-a-million  head  of  large  and  small  cattle;  their 
combined  fleets  numbered  eighty-eight  vessels,  some  fifty-three 
workshops  and  shipyards  consumed  a  portion  of  the  raw  materials, 
which  they  received  as  income;  while  in  Syria,  Kush  and  Egypt 
they  owned  in  all  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine  towns.  In  a  land  of 
less  than  ten  thousand  square  miles  and  some  five  or  six  million 
inhabitants,  all  this  vast  property  was  entirely  exempt  from 
taxation;  and  this  fact  made  the  wealth  of  the  priesthoods  an 
economic  menace. 

This  unhealthy  situation  was  aggravated  by  the  fact  that  no 
proper  proportion  had  been  observed  in  the  distribution  of  gifts 
to  the  gods.  The  lion's  share  of  them  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of 
Amon,  whose  insatiable  priesthood  had  so  gained  the  ascendancy 
that  their  claims  on  the  royal  treasury  far  exceeded  those  of  all 
other  temples  put  together.  Besides  the  great  group  of  temples  at 

VIII,  n]    INCREASED  WEALTH  OF  THE  TEMPLES          183 

Thebes,  the  god  possessed  numerous  other  sanctuaries,  chapels 
and  statues,  with  their  endowments  scattered  throughout  the 
land.  He  had  a  temple  in  Syria,  as  we  have  already  noticed,  and 
a  new  one  in  Nubia,  besides  those  built  there  by  Ramses  II.  In 
his  twelfth  year,  after  the  victorious  conclusion  of  all  his  wars,  the 
finally-completed  temple  which  he  had  erected  for  Amon  at 
Medinet  Habu  (Thebes)  was  inaugurated  with  a  new  and 
elaborate  calendar  offcasts,  the  record  of  which  filled  all  one  wall 
of  the  temple  for  almost  its  entire  length.  The  feast  of  Opet,  the 
greatest  of  Amon's  feasts,  which  in  the  days  of  Thutmose  III 
was  eleven  days  long,  is  credited  in  this  calendar  with  twenty-four 
days;  and  summarizing  the  calendar  as  far  as  preserved,  we  find 
that  there  was  an  annual  feast  day  of  Amon  on  an  average  every 
three  days,  not  counting  the  monthly  feasts.  Yet  Ramses  III  later 
lengthened  even  the  feasts  of  this  calendar,  so  that  the  feast  of 
Opet  became  twenty-seven  days  long  and  the  feast  of  his  own 
coronation,  which  lasf&d  but  one  day  as  prescribed  by  the  calendar, 
finally  continued  for  twenty  days  each  year.  Little  wonder  that 
the  records  of  a  band  of  workmen  in  the  Theban  necropolis  under 
one  of  his  successors  shows  almost  as  many  holidays  as  working 
days.  All  these  lengthened  feasts  of  course  meant  increased  en- 
dowment and  revenue  for  the  service  of  Amon.  The  treasure 
rooms  of  this  Medinet  Habu  temple  still  stand,  and  their  walls 
bear  testimony  to  the  lavish  wealth  with  which  they  were  filled. 
Ramses  himself  in  another  record  says :  *  I  filled  its  treasury  with 
the  products  of  the  land  of  Egypt:  gold,  silver,  every  costly  stone 
by  the  hundred-thousand.  Its  granary  was  overflowing  with 
barley  and  wheat;  its  lands,  its  herds,  their  multitudes  were  like 
the  sand  of  the  shore,  I  taxed  for  it  the  Southland  as  well  as  the 
Northland;  Nubia  and  Syria  came  to  it,  bearing  their  impost.  It 
was  filled  with  captives,  which  thou  gavest  me  among  the  Nine 
Bows,  and  with  classes  (successive  enforced  levies),  which  I 
created  by  the  ten-thousand....!  multiplied  the  divine  offerings 
presented  before  thee,  of  bread,  wine,  beer  and  fat  geese ;  numerous 
oxen,  bullocks,  calves,  cows,  white  oryxes  and  gazelles  offered  in 
his  slaughter  yard.'  As  in  the  days  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  con- 
querors, the  bulk  of  the  spoil  from  his  wars  went  into  the  treasury 
of  Amon. 

The  result  of  this  long-continued  policy  was  inevitable.  Of  the 
nearly  three-quarters  of  a  million  acres  of  land  held  by  the  temples, 
Amon  owned  over  five  hundred  and  eighty-three  thousand,  over 
five  times  as  much  as  his  nearest  competitor,  Re  of  Heliopolis, 
who  had  only  one  hundred  and  eight  thousand;  and  over  nine 


times  the  landed  estate  of  Ptah  of  Memphis.  Of  the  fifteen  per 
cent,  of  the  lands  of  the  entire  country  held  by  all  the  temples, 
Amon  thus  owned  over  two-thirds.  While,  as  we  have  stated,  the 
combined  temples  owned  in  slaves  not  more  than  two  per  cent, 
of  the  whole  population,  Amon  held  probably  one-and-a-half 
per  cent.,  in  number  over  eighty-six  thousand  five  hundred, 
which  exceeded  by  seven  times  the  number  owned  by  Re.  In 
other  items  of  wealth,  like  herds,  gardens  and  groves,  towns, 
ships,  workshops  and  income  in  gold  and  silver,  the  same  pro- 
portion is  observable.  Amon's  estate  and  revenues,  second  only 
to  those  of  the  king,  now  assumed  an  important  economic  role  in 
the  state,  and  the  political  power,  wielded  by  a  community  of 
priests  who  controlled  such  vast  wealth,  threatened  to  rival  that 
of  the  Pharaoh.  Without  compromising  with  it  and  continually 
conciliating  it,  no  Pharaoh  could  have  ruled  long,  although  the 
current  conclusion  that  the  gradual  usurpation  of  power  and  final 
assumption  of  the  throne  by  the  High  PrkTst  of  Amon  was  due 
solely  to  the  wealth  of  Amon  is  not  supported  by  our  results. 
Other  forces  contributed  largely  to  this  result,  as  we  shall  see. 
Among  these  was  the  gradual  extension  of  Amon's  influence  to 
the  other  temples  and  their  fortunes.  His  high  priest  had  in  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  become  head  of  all  the  priesthoods  of  Egypt; 
in  the  XlXth  Dynasty  he  had  gained  hereditary  hold  upon  his 
office;  his  Theban  temple  now  became  the  sacerdotal  capital, 
where  the  records  of  the  other  temples  were  kept;  his  priesthood 
was  given  more  or  less  supervision  over  their  administration,  and 
the  combined  economic  power  of  organized  religion  in  this  great 
state  was  finally  controlled  by  the  High  Priest  of  Amon  alone. 

That  Ramses  III  was  solely  or  even  chiefly  responsible  for 
these  conditions  is  a  common,  but  a  mistaken,  conclusion.  How- 
ever lavish  his  contributions  to  the  sacerdotal  wealth,  they  never 
could  have  raised  it  to  the  proportions  which  we  have  indicated „ 
This  is  as  true  of  the  fortune  of  Amon  in  particular  as  of  the 
temple  wealth  in  general.  The  gift  of  over  seventy  miles  of 
Nubian  Nile  shores  (the  Dodecaschoenus)  to  Khnum  by  the  king 
was  but  the  confirmation  by  him  of  an  old  title;  and  the  enormous 
endowments  enumerated  in  the  great  Papyrus  Harris,  long  sup- 
posed to  be  the  gifts  of  Ramses,  are  but  inventories  of  the  old 
sacerdotal  estates,  in  the  possession  of  which  the  temples  are 
merely  confirmed  by  him.  The  situation  in  which  Ramses  found 
himself  was  an  inherited  situation,  created  by  the  prodigal  gifts 
of  the  XVIIIth  and  XlXth  Dynasties,  beginning  at  least  as  far 
back  as  Thutmose  III,  who  presented  three  towns  in  Syria  to 


Amon,  It  was  generations  of  this  policy,  with  its  resulting  vast 
accumulations  of  temple-wealth,  which  made  even  an  able  ruler 
like  Ramses  unable  to  oppose  the  insatiable  priesthoods  long 
accustomed  to  the  gratification  of  unlimited  exactions.  Yet  his 
treasury  must  have  sorely  felt  the  drain  upon  it,  with  its 
income  gradually  shrinking,  while  the  demands  upon  it  nowise 
relaxed.  Although  we  know  that  payments  from  the  government 
treasury  were  as  slow  in  ancient,  as  they  have  been  until  recently 
in  modern  Egypt,  yet,  making  all  due  allowance  for  this  fact,  it 
can  hardly  be  an  accident  that  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  we 
can  follow  the  painful  struggles  of  a  band  of  necropolis  workmen 
in  their  endeavours  to  secure  the  monthly  fifty  sacks  of  grain  due 
them.  Month  after  month  they  are  obliged  to  resort  to  the 
extremest  measures,  climbing  the  necropolis  wall  and,  driven  by 
hunger,  threatening  to  storm  the  very  granary  itself  if  food  is  not 
given  them.  Told  by  the  vizier  himself  that  there  was  nothing  in 
the  treasury,  or  deceived  by  the  glib  promises  of  some  intermediate 
scribe,  they  would  return  to  their  daily  task  only  to  find  starvation 
forcing  them  to  throw  down  their  work  and  to  gather  with  cries 
and  tumult  at  the  office  of  their  superior,  demanding  their  monthly 
rations.  Thus,  while  the  store-houses  of  the  gods  were  groaning 
with  plenty,  the  poor  in  the  employ  of  the  state  were  starving  at 
the  door  of  an  empty  treasury. 

At  this  dangerous  crisis  the  Pharaoh's  power  lay  exclusively 
in   his  army  and  great  bodies  of  foreign   slaves  of  the  crown. 
Against  the  powerful  priestly  coteries  these  foreign  slaves  were 
the  only  forces  which  Ramses  III  and  his  contemporaries  could 
bring   into   play.    Branded   with   the   name   of  the   king,    these 
foreigners  were  poured  into  the  ranks  of  the  army  in  large  num- 
bers, augmenting  the  voluntary  service  of  the  foreign  mercenaries 
already  there.  The  armies  with  which  Ramses  beat  off  the  assail- 
ants of  his  empire  were,  as  we  have  already  remarked,  largely 
made  up  of  foreigners;  and  their  numbers  constantly  increased 
as  the  Pharaoh  found  himself  less  and  less  able  to  maintain  the 
mastery  in  a  situation  of  ever-increasing  difficulty  and  complica- 
tion. He  was  soon  forced  also  to  surround  his  own  person  with 
numbers  of  these  foreign  slaves.  A  class  of  personal  attendants, 
already  known  in  the  Middle  Kingdom  by  a  term  which  we  may 
best  translate  as  *  butler/  originally  rendered  service  to  the  table 
and  larder  of  the  nobles  or  the  king.  These  slaves  in  Ramses' 
service  were  largely  natives  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor  and   Libya, 
especially  Syria,  and  as  the  king  found  them  more  and  more  useful, 
they  gradually,  although  only  slaves,  gained  high  office  in  the 


state  and  at  the  court.  It  was  a  situation  precisely  like  that  at  the 
court  of  the  Egyptian  sultans  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Of  eleven 
such  *  butlers'  known  to  us  in  the  royal  service  five  were  foreigners 
in  places  of  power  and  influence,  and  we  shall  soon  have  occasion 
to  observe  the  prominent  role  they  played  at  a  fatal  crisis  in  his 
reign.  While  all  was  outwardly  splendour  and  tranquillity,  and 
the  whole  nation  was  celebrating  the  king  who  had  saved  the 
empire,  the  forces  of  decay  which  had  for  generations  been 
slowly  gathering  in  the  state  were  rapidly  reaching  the  acute 
stage.  An  insatiable  and  insidious  priesthood  commanding 
enormous  wealth,  a  foreign  army  ready  to  serve  the  master  who 
paid  the  most  liberally,  and  a  personal  following  of  alien  slaves 
whose  fidelity  likewise  depended  entirely  upon  the  immediate 
gain  in  view — these  were  the  factors  which  Ramses  was  con- 
stantly forced  to  manipulate  and  employ,  each  against  the  others. 
Add  to  these  the  host  of  royal  relatives  and  dependents,  who  were 
perhaps  of  all  the  most  dangerous  elemeift  in  the  situation,  and 
we  shall  not  wonder  at  the  outcome.  The  first  discernible  illustra- 
tion of  the  danger  inherent  in  the  unhealthy  situation  is  the 
revolt  of  Ramses*  vizier,  who  shut  himself  up  in  the  Delta  city  of 
Athribis.  But  he  had  miscalculated  the  power  at  his  command; 
the  place  was  taken  by  Ramses  and  the  revolt  suppressed.  Peace 
and  outward  tranquillity  were  again  restored.  As  the  time  for  the 
celebration  of  the  king's  thirty-year  jubilee  approached,  elaborate 
preparations  were  made  for  its  commemoration.  He  sent  the  new 
vizier,  Ta,  southward  in  the  year  twenty-nine  to  collect  the  pro- 
cessional images  of  all  the  gods  who  participated  in  a  celebration 
of  the  usual  splendour  at  Memphis, 

Something  over  a  year  after  this  stately  commemoration  a  more 
serious  crisis  developed.  The  harem,  the  source  of  so  many 
attempts  against  the  throne,  was  the  origin  of  the  trouble*  A 
queen  in  the  royal  harem,  named  Tiy,  began  furtive  efforts  to 
secure  for  her  son,  Pentewere,  the  crown,  which  had  been 
promised  to  another  prince.  A  plot  against  the  old  king's  life  was 
rapidly  formed,  and  Tiy  enlisted  as  her  chief  coadjutors  a  number 
of  important  personages  whose  service  at  court  brought  them  near 
the  Pharaoh's  person.  Six  wives  of  the  officers  of  the  harem  gate 
were  also  won  to  the  enterprise,  and  they  proved  very  useful  in 
the  transmission  of  messages  from  inmates  of  the  harem  to  their 
relatives  and  friends  outside.  Among  these  inmates  was  the  sister 
of  the  commander  of  archers  in  Nubia,  who  smuggled  out  a  letter 
to  her  brother  and  thus  gained  his  support.  Alfwas  ripe  for  a 
revolt  outside  the  palace,  intended  to  accompany  the  murder  of 


the  king  and  enable  the  conspirators  the  more  easily  to  seize  the 
government  and  place  their  pretender,  Pentewere,  on  the  throne. 
At  this  juncture  the  king's  party  gained  full  information  of  the 
conspiracy,  the  attempt  on  his  life  was  foiled,  the  plans  for  revolt 
were  checkmated,  and  the  people  involved  in  the  treason  were  all 
seized.  The  old  Pharaoh,  sorely  shaken  by  the  ordeal,  and 
possibly  suffering  bodily  injury  from  the  attempted  assassination, 
immediately  appointed  a  special  court  for  the  trial  of  the  con- 
spirators. The  very  words  of  the  commission  empowering  this 
court  indicate  his  probable  consciousness  that  he  would  not  long 
survive  the  shock,  while  at  the  same  time  they  lay  upon  the  judges 
a  responsibility  for  impartial  justice  on  the  merits  of  the  case, 
with  a  judicial-mindedness  which  is  remarkable  in  an  oriental 
despot  who  held  the  lives  of  the  accused  in  his  unchallenged 
power  and  who  had  himself  just  been  the  victim  of  a  murderous 
assault  at  their  hands v  See  p.  212. 

Of  the  fourteen  officials  of  the  court  thus  commissioned,  seven 
were  royal  'butlers/  and  among  these  were  a  Libyan,  a  Lycian, 
a  Syrian  named  Mahar-baal  ('Baal  hastens'),  and  another 
foreigner,  probably  from  Asia  Minor,  We  see  how  largely  the 
Pharaoh  depended  in  his  extremity  upon  the  purchased  fidelity 
of  these  foreign  slaves.  The  flaccid  character  of  the  judges  and 
the  dangerous  persistence  of  the  accused  is  shown  by  a  remarkable 
incident  which  followed  the  appointment  of  the  court.  Some  of 
the  women  conspirators,  led  by  a  general  compromised  in  the 
plot,  gained  such  influence  over  the  two  bailiffs  in  charge  of  the 
prisoners,  that  the  bailiffs  were  prevailed  upon  to  go  with  the 
general  and  the  women  to  the  houses  of  two  of  the  judges,  who, 
with  amazing  indiscretion,  received  and  caroused  with  them. 
These  two  indiscreet  judges,  with  one  of  their  colleagues,  who 
was  really  innocent,  and  the  two  bailiffs,  were  immediately  put  on 
trial.  The  innocence  of  the  third  judge  was  made  evident  and  he 
was  acquitted,  but  the  others  were  found  guilty,  and  were  sentenced 
to  have  their  ears  and  noses  cut  off.  Immediately  following  the 
execution  of  the  sentence,  one  of  the  unfortunate  judges  com- 
mitted suicide.  Thereupon  the  trials  of  the  conspirators  continued 
with  regularity,  and  from  the  records  of  three  different  prosecu- 
tions we  are  able  to  trace  the  conviction  of  thirty-two  officials  of 
all  ranks  including  the  unhappy  young  pretender  himself,  who 
was  doubtless  only  an  unfortunate  tool,  and  the  audacious  general 
who  had  compromised  the  two  judges.  The  records  of  the  trial 
of  queen  Tiy  herself  are  not  preserved,  so  that  we  cannot  deter- 
mine her  fate,  but  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  better 


than  that  of  all  the  others  who,  as  ordered  by  the  king,  were 
allowed  to  take  their  own  lives.  The  old  king  survived  but  a  short 
time  after  this  unhappy  experience,  and  having  celebrated  a 
second  jubilee,  while  the  prosecution  of  his  would-be  assassins 
was  still  going  on,  he  passed  away  (1167  B.C.),  having  ruled 
thirty-one  years  and  forty  days, 


The  death  of  Ramses  III  was  the  beginning  of  the  final  cata- 
strophe in  the  slow  decline  of  the  Egyptian  empire.  It  introduced 
a  long  line  of  nine  weaklings  all  of  whom  bore  the  great  name  of 
Ramses,  and  under  them  the  world  power  of  the  Pharaohs  rapidly 
disappeared.  We  see  Ramses  IV,  the  son  of  Ramses  III,  struggling 
feebly  with  the  hopeless  situation  which  he^had  inherited.  Imme- 
diately on  his  accession  the  new  king  prepared,  in  his  own  behalf 
and  that  of  his  father,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  documents 
which  has  reached  us  from  the  civilization  of  ancient  Egypt,  In 
order  that  his  father  might  prosper  among  the  gods  and  that  he 
himself  might  gain  the  benefit  of  his  father's  favour  among  them, 
the  young  king  compiled  for  burial  with  the  departed  Pharaoh  a 
list  of  the  deceased  king's  good  works.  It  contained  an  enormous 
inventory  of  the  gifts  of  Ramses  III  to  the  chief  divinities  of  the 
nation,  besides  a  statement  of  his  achievements  in  war  and  of  his 
benefactions  toward  the  people  of  his  empire.  All  this  recorded 
on  papyrus  formed  a  huge  roll  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  long 
containing  one  hundred  and  seventeen  columns  about  twelve 
inches  high.  It  is  now  called  Papyrus  Harris,  and  is  the  largest 
document  which  has  descended  to  us  from  the  early  Orient. 
Accompanied  by  this  extraordinary  statement  of  his  benefactions 
toward  gods  and  men,  Ramses  III  was  laid  in  his  tomb,  in  the 
lonely  Valley  of  the  Kings,  Of  its  efficacy  in  securing  him  un- 
limited favour  with  the  gods  there  could  be  no  doubt;  and  it 
contained  so  many  prayers  uttered  by  Ramses  III  on  behalf  of 
his  son  and  successor  that  the  gods,  unable  to  resist  the  appeals 
of  the  favourite  to  whom  they  owed  so  much,  would  certainly 
grant  his  son  a  long  reign.  Indeed  it  is  clear  that  this  motive  was 
the  leading  one  in  the  production  of  the  document.  It  was  char- 
acteristic of  this  decadent  age  that  the  Pharaoh  should  be  more 
dependent  upon  such  means  for  the  maintenance  of  his  power 
than  upon  his  own  strong  arm,  and  the  huge  papyrus  thus 
becomes  a  significant  sign  of  the  times.  With  fair  promises  of  a 
long  reign  the  priesthoods  were  extorting  from  the  impotent 


Pharaoh  all  that  they  demanded,  while  he  was  satisfied  with  the 
assured  favour  of  the  gods.  The  sources  of  that  virile  political 
life  that  had  sprung  up  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos 
were  now  exhausted.  Indeed,  as  we  have  before  indicated,  the 
state  was  rapidly  moving  toward  a  condition  in  which  its  chief 
function  would  be  religious  and  sacerdotal,  and  the  assumption 
of  royal  power  by  the  High  Priest  of  Amon  but  a  very  natural 
and  easy  transition.  Naturally  the  only  notable  work  of  Ramses  IV, 
of  which  we  know,  is  a  quarry  enterprise  for  the  benefit  of  the 
gods.  After  an  inglorious  reign  of  six  years  he  was  succeeded  in 
1 161  B.C.  by  the  fifth  Ramses,  probably  his  son.  The  exploitation 
of  the  mines  of  Sinai  now  ceased,  and  the  last  Pharaonic  name 
found  there  is  that  of  Rarnses  IV.  In  quick  succession  these  feeble 
Ramessids  now  followed  each  other;  after  a  few  years  a  collateral 
line  of  the  family  gained  the  throne  in  the  person  of  a  usurper, 
probably  a  grandson  of  Ramses  III,  who  became  Ramses  VI, 
having  succeeded  in  Supplanting  the  son  of  Ramses  V.  The 
seventh  and  eighth  Ramses  quickly  followed.  They  all  excavated 
tombs  in  the  Valley  of  the  Kings,  but  we  know  nothing  of  their 
deeds.  Now  and  again  the  obscurity  lifts,  and  we  catch  fleeting 
glimpses  of  a  great  state  tottering  to  its  fall. 

From  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Ramses  III  to  the  first  years  of 
Ramses  IX  (1142  B.C.),  only  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  years 
elapsed,  and  the  same  High  Priest  at  el-Kab  who  had  assisted  in 
the  celebration  of  the  jubilee  of  Ramses  III  was  still  in  office 
under  Ramses  IX.  Likewise  the  High  Priest  of  Amon  at  Thebes 
under  Ramses  IX,  Amenhotep,  was  the  son  of  the  high  priest 
Ramsesnakht,  who  held  the  office  under  Ramses  III  and  IV.  The 
high  priesthood  of  Amon,  which  had  at  least  once  descended  from 
father  to  son  in  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  had  now  become  permanently 
hereditary,  and  while  it  was  passing  from  the  hands  of  Ramsesnakht 
to  his  son  Amenhotep,  with  a  single  uninterrupted  transmission  of 
authority,  six  feeble  Ramessids  had  succeeded  each  other,  with 
ever-lessening  power  and  prestige,  as  each  struggled  for  a  brief 
time  to  maintain  himself  upon  a  precarious  throne. 

Meanwhile,  Amenhotep,  the  High  Priest  of  Amon,  flourished. 
He  sumptuously  restored  the  refectory  and  kitchen  of  the  priests  in 
the  temple  of  his  god  at  Karnak,  built  about  ten  centuries  before 
by  Senusret  I.  We  see  the  crafty  priest  manipulating  the  pliant 
Pharaoh  as  he  pleases,  and  obtaining  every  honour  at  his  hands. 
In  his  tenth  year  Ramses  IX  summoned  Amenhotep  to  the  great 
forecourt  of  the  Amon-temple,  where,  in  the  presence  of  the  high- 
priest's  political  associates  and  supporters,  the  king  presented 
him  with  a  gorgeous  array  of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  with  costly 


decorations,  and  precious  ointments.  The  days  when  such  dis- 
tinctions were  the  reward  of  valour  on  the  battle-field  of  Syria 
were  long  passed;  and  skill  in  priestcraft  was  the  surest  guarantee 
of  preferment.  As  the  king  delivered  the  rich  gifts  to  the  high- 
priest  he  accompanied  them  with  words  of  praise  such  that  one 
is  in  doubt  whether  they  are  delivered  by  the  sovereign  to  the 
subject  or  by  the  subject  to  his  lord.  At  the  same  time  he  informs 
Amenhotep  that  certain  revenues  formerly  paid  to  the  Pharaoh 
shall  now  be  rendered  to  the  treasury  of  Amon;  and,  although 
the  king's  words  are  not  entirely  clear,  it  would  seem  that  all 
revenues  levied  by  the  king's  treasury  but  later  intended  for  the 
treasury  of  the  god,  shall  now  be  collected  directly  by  the  scribes 
of  the  temple,  thus  putting  the  temple  to  a  certain  extent  in  the 
place  of  the  state. 

All  these  honours  were ,  twice  recorded  by  Amenhotep, 
together  with  a  record  of  his  buildings  on  the  walls  of  the 
Karnak  temple.  Both  the  records  of  Jrls  gifts  and  honours 
are  accompanied  each  by  a  large  relief  showing  Amenhotep 
receiving  his  gifts  from  the  king,  and  displaying  his  figure  in  the 
same  heroic  stature  as  that  of  the  king — an  unprecedented 
liberty,  to  which  no  official  had  ever  before  in  the  history  of 
Egypt  dared  to  presume.  In  all  such  scenes  from  time  immemorial 
the  official  appearing  before  the  king  had  been  represented  as  a 
pigmy  before  the  towering  figure  of  the  Pharaoh;  but  the  High 
Priest  of  Amon  was  now  rapidly  growing  to  measure  his  stature 
with  that  of  the  Pharaoh  himself,  both  on  the  temple  wall  and  in 
the  affairs  of  government.  He  had  a  body  of  temple-troops  at  his 
command,  and  as  he  gathered  the  sinews  of  the  state  into  his 
fingers,  gradually  gaining  control  of  the  treasury,  as  we  have 
seen,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  measure  his  strength  with  the  Pharaoh. 

Thebes  was  now  rapidly  declining;  it  had  been  forsaken  as  a 
royal  residence  by  the  Pharaohs  two  hundred  years  before,  but  it 
continued  to  be  the  burial-place  of  all  the  royal  dead.  There  had 
thus  been  gathered  in  its  necropolis  a  great  mass  of  wealth  in  the 
form  of  splendid  regalia  adorning  the  royal  bodies.  In  the  lonely 
Valley  of  the  Kings'  Tombs,  deep  in  the  heart  of  the  cliffs, 
slept  the  great  emperors,  decked  in  all  the  magnificence  which  the 
wealth  of  Asia  had  brought  them;  and  now  again,  as  at  the  close 
of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  their  degenerate  descendants,  far  from 
maintaining  the  empire  which  they  had  won,  were  not  even 
able  to  protect  their  bodies  from  destruction.  In  the  sixteenth 
year  of  Ramses  IX  the  royal  tombs  of  the  plain  before  the  western 
cliffs  were  found  to  have  been  attacked;  one  of  them,  that  of 
Sebekemsaf,  of  the  Xlllth  Dynasty,  had  been  robbed  of  all  its 


mortuary  furniture  and  his  royal  body  and  that  of  his  queen 
violated  for  the  sake  of  their  costly  ornaments.  Although  the 
authors  of  this  deed  were  captured  and  prosecuted,  the  investiga- 
tion shows  sinister  traces  that  the  officials  engaged  in  it  were  not 
altogether  disinterested.  Three  years  later,  when  Ramses  IX  had 
made  his  son,  Ramses  X,  co-regent  with  himself,  six  men  were 
convicted  of  robbing  the  tombs  of  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II,  showing 
that  the  emboldened  robbers  had  now  left  the  plain  and  entered 
the  cliff-tombs  of  the  valley  behind,  Ramses  II,  who  had  himself 
despoiled  the  pyramid  of  Sesostris  II  at  Illahun,  was  now  receiving 
similar  treatment  at  the  hands  of  his  descendants.  The  tomb  of 
one  of  Seti  Fs  queens  followed  next,  and  then  that  of  the  great 
Amenhotep  III.  Within  a  generation,  as  the  work  of  plunder 
continued,  all  the  bodies  of  Egypt's  kings  and  emperors  buried  at 
Thebes  were  despoiled,  and  of  the  whole  line  of  Pharaohs  begin- 
ning from  the  XVIIIth  to  the  end  of  the  XXth  Dynasty,  only 
one  body,  that  of  An?^nhotep  II,  has  been  found  still  lying  in  its 
own  sarcophagus;  although  it  had  by  no  means  escaped  spoliation. 
Thus,  while  the  tombs  of  the  Egyptian  emperors  at  Thebes  were 
being  ransacked,  and  their  bodies  rifled  and  dishonoured,  the 
empire  which  they  conquered  had  crumbled  to  ruin. 

At  the  accession  of  the  last  Ramses  (i  1 1 8  B.C.)  we  can  discern  the 
culmination  of  the  tendencies  which  we  have  been  endeavouring 
to  trace.  Before  he  had  been  reigning  five  years  a  local  noble  at 
Tanis  named  Nesubenebded,  the  Smendes  of  the  Greeks,  had 
absorbed  the  entire  Delta  and  made  himself  king  of  the  north. 
No  longer  commanding  the  undivided  resources  of  Upper  Egypt, 
which  he  might  otherwise  have  employed  against  Nesubenebded, 
there  was  now  nothing  for  the  impotent  Pharaoh  to  do  but  to 
retire  to  Thebes — if  this  transfer  had  not  indeed  already  occurred 
before  this — where  he  still  maintained  his  precarious  throne. 
Thebes  was  thus  cut  off  from,  the  sea  and  the  commerce  of  Asia 
and  Europe  by  a  hostile  kingdom  in  the  Delta,  and  its  wealth 
and  power  still  more  rapidly  declined.  The  High  Priest  of  Amon 
was  now  virtually  at  the  head  of  a  Theban  principality,  which  was 
gradually  becoming  more  and  more  a  distinct  political  unit, 
Together  with  this  powerful  priestly  rival,  the  Pharaoh  continued 
to  hold  Nubia. 

Long  before  the  revolution  which  resulted  in  the  independence 
of  the  Delta,  the  impotence  of  the  Ramessids  was  discerned  and 
understood  in  Syria.  The  Thekel  and  Peleset-Philistines,  whose 
invasion  Ramses  III  had  for  a  time  halted,  had  continued  to 
arrive  in  Syria,  as  we  have  stated  (p.  175).  Seventy-five  years  after 
Ramses  III  had  beaten  them  into  submission,  the  Thekel  were 


already  established  as  an  independent  kingdom  at  Dor,  just 
south  of  the  seaward  end  of  Carmel.  As  we  do  not  find  them 
mentioned  in  the  surviving  records  of  the  Israelites.,  we  may 
assume  that  they  were  merged  with  the  Philistines.  Continually 
replenished  with  new  arrivals  by  sea,  these  hardy  and  warlike 
wanderers  from  the  far  north  could  not  have  paid  tribute  to  the 
Pharaoh  very  long  after  the  death  of  Ramses  III  (1167  B.C.). 
In  the  reign  of  Ramses  IX  (i  142-1 123  B.C.),  or  about  that  time,, 
a  body  of  Egyptian  envoys  were  detained  at  Byblus  by  the  local 
dynast  for  seventeen  years;  and,  unable  to  return,  they  at  last  died 
there.  The  Syrian  princes,  among  whom  Ramses  III  had  built  a 
temple  to  Amon,  to  which  they  brought  their  yearly  tribute,  were 
thus  indifferent  to  the  power  of  Egypt  within  twenty  or  twenty-five 
years  after  his  death. 

Under  Ramses  XII  (or  rather,  XI),  these  same  conditions  in 
Syria  are  vividly  portrayed  in  the  report  of  an  Egyptian  envoy 
thither.  In  response  to  an  oracle,  Wenamor^he  envoy  in  question, 
was  dispatched  to  Byblus,  at  the  foot  of  Lebanon,  to  procure 
cedar  for  the  sacred  barque  of  Amon,  To  pay  for  the  timber, 
Hrihor,  the  High  Priest  of  Amon,  was  able  to  give  him  only  a 
pitiful  sum  in  gold  and  silver.  As  Wenamon  was  obliged  to  pass 
through  the  territory  of  Nesubenebded,  who  now  ruled  the  Delta, 
Hrihor  supplied  him  with  letters  to  the  Delta  prince,  and  in  this 
way  secured  for  him  passage  in  a  ship  commanded  by  a  Syrian 
captain.  Nothing  more  unmistakably  betrays  the  decadent  con- 
dition of  Egypt  than  the  humiliating  state  of  this  unhappy  envoy, 
dispatched  without  ships,  with  no  credentials,  with  but  a  beggarly 
pittance  to  offer  for  the  timber  desired,  and  only  the  memory  of 
Egypt's  former  greatness  with  which  to  impress  the  prince  of 
Byblus.  Stopping  at  Dor  on  the  voyage  out,  Wenamon  was 
robbed  of  the  little  money  he  had,  and  was  unable  to  secure  any 
satisfaction  from  Bedel,  the  Thekel  prince  of  that  city*  After 
waiting  in  despair  for  nine  days,  he  departed  for  Byblus  by  way 
of  Tyre,  having  on  the  way  somehow  succeeded  in  seizing  from 
certain  Thekel  people  a  bag  of  silver  as  security  for  his  loss  at 
Dor.  He  finally  arrived  in  safety  at  Byblus,  where  Zakar-baal,  the 
prince  of  the  city,  would  not  even  receive  him,  but  ordered  him 
to  leave.  Such  was  the  state  of  an  Egyptian  envoy  in  Phoenicia, 
within  fifty  or  sixty  years  of  the  death  of  Ramses  III.  Finally,  as 
the  despairing  Wenamon  was  about  to  take  passage  back  to 
Egyp^  one  or  the  noble  youths  in  attendance  upon  Zakar-baal 
was  seized  with  a  divine  frenzy,  and  in  prophetic  ecstasy  demanded 
that  Wenamon  be  summoned,  honourably  treated  and  dismissed. 


This,  the  oldest  known  example  of  Palestinian  prophecy  in  its 
earlier  form,  thus  secured  for  Wenamon  an  interview  with  Zakar- 

The  unhappy  Egyptian's  extraordinary  report  says:  'I  found 
him  sitting  in  his  upper  chamber,  leaning  his  back  against  a 
window,  while  the  waves  of  the  great  Syrian  sea  were  beating 
against  the  shore  behind  him.'  In  the  remarkable  negotiations 
which  followed,  the  Phoenician  prince  quite  readily  admitted  the 
debt  of  culture  which  his  land  owed  Egypt  as  a  source  of  civiliza- 
tion, saying:  *(I  admit  that)  Amon  equips  all  lands;  he  equips 
them,  having  first  equipped  the  land  of  Egypt,  whence  thou 
comest.  For  artisanship  came  forth  from  it  to  reach  my  place  of 
abode;  and  teaching  came  forth  from  it  to  reach  my  place  of 
abode.'  At  the  same  time  he  contemptuously  repudiated  all 
political  responsibility  to  the  ruler  of  Egypt,  whom  he  never 
called  Pharaoh,  except  in  referring  to  a  former  sovereign.  To 
make  good  his  case  fiis  secretaries  brought  out  their  books  to 
show  that  for  generations  the  Pharaohs  had  liberally  paid  for  the 
timber  furnished  them.  The  situation  is  clear.  A  burst  of  military 
enthusiasm  and  a  line  of  able  rulers  had  enabled  Egypt  to  assume 
for  several  centuries  an  imperial  position,  which  her  unwarlike 
people  were  not  by  nature  adapted  to  occupy;  and  their  impotent 
descendants,  no  longer  equal  to  their  imperial  r$ley  were  now 
appealing  to  the  days  of  splendour  with  an  almost  pathetic  futility. 
It  is  characteristic  of  the  time  that  this  appeal  should  assume  a 
religious  or  even  theological  form,  as  Wenamon  boldly  proclaims 
Amon's  dominion  over  Lebanon,  where  the  Phoenician  princes 
had,  only  two  generations  before,  worshipped  and  paid  tribute  at 
the  temple  of  Amon,  erected  by  Ramses  III.  With  oracles  and 
an  image  of  Amon  that  conferred  'life  and  health,'  the  Egyptian 
envoy  sought  to  make  his  bargain  with  the  contemptuous 
Phoenician  for  timber  which  a  Thutmose  III  or  a  Seti  I  had 
demanded  with  his  legions  behind  him.  It  was  only  when  Wen- 
amon's  messenger,  whom  he  had  meantime  dispatched  to  Egypt, 
returned  with  a  few  vessels  of  silver  and  gold,  some  fine  linen, 
papyrus  rolls,  ox-hides,  coils  of  cordage,  and  the  like,  that  the 
Phoenician  ruler  ordered  his  men  to  cut  the  desired  logs;  although 
he  had  sent  some  of  the  heavier  timbers  for  the  hull  of  the  barge 
in  advance,  as  an  evidence  of  his  good  faith. 

As  Wenamon  was  about  to  depart  with  his  timber,  some  eight 
months  after  he  had  left  Thebes,  Zakar-baal  told  him  of  the  fate 
of  the  Egyptian  envoys  of  a  former  reign  who  had  been  detained 
seventeen  years  and  had  ultimately  died  in  Byblus.  With  grim 

C.A.H.II  13 


humour  he  even  offered  to  have  Wenamon  taken  and  shown  their 
tombs — a  privilege  which  the  frightened  envoy  declined.  Pro- 
mising the  prince  the  payment  of  the  balance  due  him,  Wenamon 
at  last  proceeded  to  embark.  Escaping  with  the  Phoenician  prince's 
aid  from  a  fleet  of  Thekel  pirates  hovering  in  the  offing,  he  was  cast 
byastorm  on  the  shores  of  Alasa  (?  Cyprus).  At  this  point  his  report 
breaks  off,  and  the  conclusion  is  lost;  but  here  again,  in  Alashiya, 
whose  king  was  practically  his  vassal,  whom  the  Pharaoh  had 
been  wont  to  call  to  account  for  piracy  in  the  old  days  of  splendour 
(p.  98),  we  find  the  representative  of  Egypt  barely  able  to  save 
his  life.  This  unique  and  instructive  report  of  Wenamon,  there- 
fore, reveals  to  us  the  complete  collapse  of  Egyptian  prestige 
abroad  and  shows  with  what  appalling  swiftness  the  dominant 
state  in  the  Mediterranean  basin  had  declined  under  the  weak 
successors  of  Ramses  III.  When  Tiglath-pileser  I  appeared  in 
the  west  about  rioo  B.C.,  a  Pharaoh,  who  was  probably  Nesu- 
benebded,  feeling  his  exposed  position  in  the  Delta,  deemed  it 
wise  to  propitiate  the  Assyrian  with  a  gift,  and  sent  him  a  crocodile 
(p.  251).  Thus  all  Egyptian  power  in  Syria  had  utterly  vanished, 
while  in  Palestine  a  fiction  of  traditional  sovereignty,  totally  with- 
out practical  political  significance,  was  maintained  at  the  Pharaoh's 

For  the  conditions  at  Thebes  there  was  meanwhile  but  one 
possible  issue.  The  messenger  who  procured  the  timber  for  the 
sacred  barge  of  Amon  was  no  longer  dispatched  by  the  Pharaoh, 
but  as  we  have  seen,  by  the  High  Priest  of  Amon,  llrihor.  The 
next  year  he  had  gained  sufficient  control  of  the  royal  necropolis 
at  Thebes  to  send  his  people  thither  to  re- wrap  and  properly 
re-inter  the  bodies  of  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II,  which  had  been 
violated  and  robbed  in  the  first  year  of  Ramses  X.  The  temple  of 
Khonsu,  left  with  only  the  holy  of  holies  and  the  rear  chambers 
finished  since  the  time  of  Ramses  III,  was  now  completed  with  a 
colonnaded  hall  preceded  by  a  court  and  pylon.  The  walls  of 
these  new  additions  bear  significant  evidence  of  the  transition 
which  was  now  going  on  in  the  Egyptian  state.  In  the  new  hall 
the  official  dedications  on  the  architraves,  attributing  the  building 
to  Ramses  XI,  are  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  conventional 
form,  customary  since  the  Old  Kingdom-  But  around  the  base 
of  the  walls  are  words  which  have  never  been  found  in  a  Pharaonic 
temple  before;  we  read:  'High  Priest  of  Amon~Re?  king  of  gods, 
commander  in  chief  of  the  armies  of  the  South  and  North,  the 
leader,  Hrihor,  triumphant;  he  made  it  as  his  monument  for 
"Khonsu  in  Thebes,  Beautiful  Rest";  making  for  him  a  temple 


for  the  first  time,  in  the  likeness  of  the  horizon  of  heaven * 

That  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  south  and 
north  was  the  real  builder  of  the  hall  we  can  hardly  doubt.  Like 
the  shadowy  caliph,  whom  the  Egyptian  sultans  brought  from 
Baghdad  to  Cairo,  and  maintained  for  a  time  there,  so  the  un- 
fortunate Ramses  XI  had  been  brought  from  his  Delta  residence 
to  Thebes,  that  the  conventionalities  of  the  old  Pharaonic 
tradition  might  still  be  continued.  Already  at  the  close  of  the 
XlXth  Dynasty  we  recall  that  Amon  had  gained  possession  of 
the  Nubian  gold-country;  the  high  priest  had  now  gone  a  step 
further  and  seized  the  whole  of  the  great  province  of  the  Upper 
Nile,  making  himself  'viceroy  of  Kush.'  He  had  likewise  become 
'overseer  of  the  double  granary/  who,  as  grain  was  always 
Egypt's  chief  source  of  wealth,  was  the  most  important  fiscal 
officer  in  the  state,  next  to  the  chief  treasurer  himself.  There  was 
now  nothing  left  in  the  way  of  authority  and  power  for  the  high 
priest  to  absorb;  he  wa«  commander  of  all  the  armies,  viceroy  of 
Kush,  held  the  treasury  in  his  hands.,  and  executed  the  buildings 
of  the  gods.  When  the  fiction  of  the  last  Ramessid's  official 
existence  had  been  maintained  for  at  least  twenty-seven  years  the 
final  assumption  of  the  high  priest's  supreme  position  seems  to 
have  been  confirmed  by  an  oracle  of  Khonsu,  followed  by  the 
approval  of  Amon.  It  was  recorded  in  an  inscription,  very  frag- 
mentary and  obscure,  engraved  on  the  door  through  which  the 
modern  visitor  passes  from  the  inner  hall  bearing  the  name  of 
both  Hrihor  and  Ramses  XI,  to  the  outer  court,  built  by  Hrihor, 
where  the  shadowy  Pharaoh  vanishes,  and  the  high  priest's  name, 
preceded  by  the  Pharaonic  titles  and  enclosed  in  the  royal  car- 
touche, at  last  appears  alone. 

The  military  leadership  of  the  ancient  oriental  world,  which 
had  normally  been  held  by  Asia,  especially  as  we  see  it  in  the 
rule  of  the  Hyksos,  had  as  a  result  of  their  overthrow,  passed  to 
Egypt,  which  maintained  it  vigorously  for  nearly  two  centuries. 
With  the  death  of  Amenhotep  III  military  supremacy  was  passing 
rapidly  back  to  Asia,  whence  it  had  come.  In  the  course  of  the 
XHIth  century,  especially  after  che  wars  of  Ramses  II,  the 
leadership  of  the  ancient  nations,  as  expressed  in  terms  of  power, 
had  finally  and  decisively  shifted  to  Asia.  On  the  other  hand,  as 
expressed  in  terms  of  culture  and  civilisation^  the  leadership  which 
Egypt  had  gained  and  held  from  the  rise  of  the  earliest  civilization 
in  the  fourth  millennium  before  Christ,  she  continued  to  hold, 
and  maintained  her  civilized  supremacy  until  the  leadership  of 
the  early  world  passed  finally  to  Greece  in  the  sixth  century  B.C. 





IN  chap,  ix  of  the  first  volume  the  discussion  of  Egyptian  life, 
religion  and  literature  was  brought  down  to  the  end  of  the 
Middle  Kingdom.  The  years  which  followed  this,  and  which 
constitute  the  so-called  Later  Intermediate  Period,  were  full  of 
events  of  tragic  significance  for  Egypt,  Of  the  internal  confusion 
of  those  days,  and  of  the  invasion  of  the  liyksos  we  know  next 
to  nothing,  but  when  light  again  breaks  on  the  darkness  we  find 
ourselves  face  to  face  with  new  conditions  which  vitally  affect 
religion  and  every  other  aspect  of  life. 

Once  more  a  great  Theban  family  has  reduced  chaos  to  order 
and  united  Egypt  under  its  sway.  But  the  old  order  has  changed, 
Of  the  feudal  system  scarce  a  vestige  remains,  and  its  place  has 
been  taken  by  a  state  organization  for  ruling,  administering 
justice  and  collecting  revenues,  which  is  directly  under  the  control 
of  the  king  through  his  vizier  or  viziers.  This  naturally  brings 
into  existence  a  vast  body  of  major  and  minor  officials,  all  of 
whom  enjoy  a  certain  standing  in  the  state  by  virtue  of  their 
office.  Now  it  has  been  explained  in  a  previous  chapter  that  the 
Egyptian  mortuary  cult,  together  with  the  hereafter  which  it  in- 
volved, was  in  origin  probably  the  privilege  of  kings  alone, 
though,  during  the  later  days  of  the  Old  Kingdom  and  during 
the  Middle  Kingdom  which  succeeded,  it  had  gradually  been 
extended  to  the  local  chiefs  and  even  to  their  underlings.  The  rise 
of  the  new  official  class  in  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  completed  this 
process,  which  has  been  well  termed  the  *  democratization  of 
Osirianism/  Osiris  having  by  this  time  become  the  god  of  the 
dead  par  excellence*  It  will  be  part  of  our  task  to  trace  the  precise 
form  which  this  process  took. 

In  addition  to  this  a  still  more  important  change  had  taken 
place.  In  the  Middle  Kingdom  individual  kings  had  subjected 
Nubia  and  made  successful  raids  into  Asia.  But  the  conception  of 
an  Egyptian  empire  which  should  include  both  Nubia  and 
Nearer  Asia  does  not  seem  to  have  existed.  The  founders  of  the 


XVIIIth  Dynasty  in  their  pursuit  of  the  defeated  Hyksos  had 
advanced  into,  southern  Palestine.  Their  successors  continued  the 
conquest  thus  begun,  and  the  result  was  the  Asiatic  empire  of 
Thutmose  III,  lost  by  Ikhnaton  and  regained,  in  part  at  least, 
by  Ramses  II.  These  conquests  stimulated  the  national  con- 
sciousness in  a  manner  hitherto  unknown.  The  state-gods  of 
Egypt  became  those  of  the  known  universe,  and  in  this  way  there 
grew  up  a  tendency  to  universal  monotheism  which  culminated 
in  the  so-called  heresy  of  Ikhnaton.,  doomed  to  failure  perhaps 
only  because  its  appearance  was  premature.  This  too  we  shall 
discuss,  together  with  the  question  of  what  impression,  if  any,  it 
made  on  the  orthodox  religion  when  this  came  to  be  restored. 

Just  as  in  the  earlier  periods,  so  also  in  the  New  Empire,  our 
main  body  of  religious  texts  is  of  a  purely  funerary  character. 
This  is  doubtless  due  in  some  measure  to  the  fact  that  fate  has 
preserved  for  us  the  contents  of  tombs  much  more  often  than 
those  of  houses  or  temples.  As  the  Old  Kingdom  had  its  Pyramid 
Texts  and  the  Middle  Kingdom  its  Coffin  Texts,  so  the  New 
Empire  has  its  Book  of  the  Dead.  The  term  is  a  modern  one  and 
is  a  misnomer,  as  is  also  the  name  'The  Egyptian  Bible'  some- 
times conferred  on  these  texts.  The  truth  is  that  the  Egyptians 
themselves  knew  of  no  'book/  but  that  there  were  current  among 
them  large  numbers  of  spells  or  recitations,  selections  from  which 
were  combined  on  rolls  of  papyrus  and  placed  in  the  tombs.  No 
two  rolls  contain  the  same  selection,  and  while  some  of  those 
found  in  the  tombs  of  the  rich  are  over  50  feet  long  and  contain 
as  many  as  130  spells,  those  found  in  the  less  magnificent  tombs 
are  often  but  a  few  feet  in  length  and  include  only  a  few  of  the 
more  vital  sections.  The  funerary  papyri  of  the  New  Empire 
which  are  known  to  us  mainly  come  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Thebes,  and  it  is  therefore  customary  to  regard  the  collection  of 
over  1 60  spells  drawn  from  these  as  constituting  a  'Theban  re- 
cension *  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  Certain  favourite  groups  of  the 
more  important  of  these  spells  were  entitled  by  the  Thebans  *  The 
spells  for  ascending  by  day,'  but  for  the  collection  as  a  whole  the 
Egyptians  had  no  name.  A  Saite  recension,  mainly  known  from 
a  magnificent  papyrus  at  Turin,  contains  a  few  chapters  not  known 
to  the  Theban  version. 

With  the  exception  of  a  few  hymns  to  Re  and  Osiris  the 
contents  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead  consist  of  charms  and  spells 
calculated  to  protect  the  deceased  against  the  numerous  perils  of 
life  in  the  hereafter.  .A  comparison  with  the  medical  and  magical 
papyri  shows  at  once  that  there  is  no  essential  difference  between 


the  spells  used  in  ordinary  life  to  avert  disease  and  danger  and 
those  believed  to  be  efficacious  in  the  next  world.  We  shall  meet 
shortly  with  an  excellent  example  of  this.  The  names  of  a  few  of 
the  spells  will  give  a  good  idea  of  the  contents  of  the  rolls.  Chapter 
5  is  a  spell  for  preventing  a  man  from  being  forced  to  work  in 
the  necropolis;  Chapter  29  a  spell  for  preventing  a  man's  heart 
from  being  taken  from  him  in  the  necropolis;  Chapter  33  a  spell 
for  driving  away  the  snake;  Chapter  44  a  spell  for  preventing  a 
second  death  in  the  necropolis;  Chapter  50  a  spell  by  which  a 
man  may  avoid  entering  in  to  the  divine  slaughter-block;  Chapter 
76  a  spell  for  assuming  any  form  one  may  wish  to  assume; 
Chapter  99  a  spell  for  bringing  the  ferry-boat;  Chapter  125  a 
spell  for  entering  into  the  Broad  Hall  of  Justice. 

An  important  feature  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead  consists  in  the 
illustrations  or  vignettes  by  which  the  texts  are  accompanied. 
These  vary  in  detail  from  one  roll  to  another,  but  the  consistency 
observed  is  sufficient  to  show  that  their  ge«a£ral  lines  were  dictated 
by  a  powerful  tradition.  Like  the  spells  themselves  the  illustrations 
which  accompanied  them  had  a  magical  value  which  served  to 
increase  the  efficacy  of  the  spells. 

The  texts  are  often  obscure  and  difficult  to  translate.  In  origin 
they  owe  very  little  to  the  Pyramid  Texts,  but  are  xinder  con- 
siderable obligations  to  the  Coffin  Texts  of  the  Middle  Kingdom, 
and  further  discoveries  of  Middle  Kingdom  material  may  show 
us  that  the  obligation  is  even  greater  than  at  present  appears.  It 
is  clear,  however,  that  much  of  what  was  taken  over  from  earlier 
times  was  sadly  misunderstood.  In  these  cases  one  of  two  things 
happened;  either  a  garbled  and  miscopied  version  was  preserved, 
which  is  unintelligible  except  in  those  cases  where  we  have  the 
original  version  before  us,  or  else  the  obscure  passages  were 
modified  or  reconstructed  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  them  in- 
telligible in  the  light  of  the  theological  ideas  of  the  time,  though 
in  many  cases  the  sense  thus  given  was  far  different  from  that 
intended  by  the  original  composer.  Confusion  was  worse  con- 
founded, moreover,  by  the  fact  that  in  some  cases  parallel  texts 
of  slightly  different  tenour  existed,  and  the  priestly  scribes  in 
their  anxiety  to  lose  nothing  generally  combined  these  in  a  single 
text,  often  with  disastrous  results.  It  thus  came  about  that  many 
texts  already  difficult  and  obscure  in  Middle  Kingdom  times 
became  in  the  Book  of  the  Dead  little  more  than  a  monstrous 
jumble  of  phrases. 

A  few  examples  will,  however,  be  more  striking  than  any 
further  description,  and  for  this  purpose  we  shall  choose  spells  29, 


99  and  125.  Spell  29  is  a  *  Spell  to  prevent  a  man's  heart  from 
being  taken  from  him  in  the  necropolis.'  So  far  as  its  obscurities 
permit  of  a  translation  it  runs  as  follows:  *O  messenger  of 
all  the  gods,  art  thou  come  to  take  away  this  my  heart  of  the 
living.  This  my  heart  of  the  living  shall  not  be  given  to  thee. 
Begonel  The  gods  have  heard  my  offerings;  they  fall  on  their 
faces.  .  .  *  (rest  unintelligible).  Now  it  has  not  escaped  the  notice 
of  some  writers  that  this  spell  is  of  precisely  the  same  type  as 
those  used  for  parallel  purposes  in  the  living  world.  In  a  papyrus 
known  as  the  'Charms  for  Mother  and  Child'  (Papyrus  Berlin 
3027)  the  demons  who  may  cause  various  diseases  in  children  are 
warded  off  by  the  mother  by  means  of  charms  of  various  kinds 
chosen  from  the  animal,  vegetable  and  mineral  worlds,  together 
with  spells  sometimes  spoken  over  such  charms.  In  one  of  the 
spells  the  demon  is  thus  addressed:  'Art  thou  come  to  harm  this 
child  ?  I  will  not  suffer  thee  to  harm  him.  Art  thou  come  to  take 
him?  I  will  not  suffei* jhee  to  take  him  from  me/  From  this  it  is 
obvious  that  Chapter  29  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead  is  nothing  more 
or  less  than  an  application  to  the  life  hereafter  of  the  ordinary 
Egyptian  hike^  c  magic  power/  or  however  else  we  choose  to 
translate  it.  The  ethical  significance  of  this  fact,  which  is  clearly 
of  great  importance,  is  a  subject  to  which  we  shall  return  later* 

For  the  moment  we  must  return  to  our  second  example. 
Chapter  99.  This,  besides  being,  as  is  clear  from  its  frequency  in 
the  papyri,  an  important  chapter,  is  particularly  suitable  for  our 
present  purpose  in  that  it  has  lately  been  published  (by  Grapow) 
in  such  a  way  as  to  show  the  Middle  Kingdom  and  the  New 
Empire  versions  side  by  side,  and  in  that  a  portion  of  it  has  been 
subjected  to  an  acute  analysis  by  Sethe  with  a  view  to  determining 
its  structure  and  history.  In  fact  it  is  the  sole  text  from  the  Book 
of  the  Dead  on  which  the  full  light  of  modern  scholarship  has  as 
yet  been  turned. 

The  New  Kingdom  version  of  the  chapter  consists  partly  of  a 
series  of  phrases  in  the  following  form :  *  Tell  me  my  name,  says 
the  mooring-peg.  Mistress  of  the  Two  Lands  in  the  Shrines  is 
thy  name/  Each  part  of  the  equipment  of  the  ferry-boat  asks  the 
dead  man  to  declare  its  name,  and  to  each  he  replies  with  some 
complicated  title  drawn  from  Egyptian  theology,  the  suitability 
of  which  to  the  particular  object,  if  indeed  there  be  any,  we  are 
usually  unable  to  perceive.  The  point  is  clearly  that  the  various 
parts  of  the  boat  will  only  perform  their  functions  for  the  de- 
ceased if  he  enjoys  that  magic  power  over  them  which  a  know- 
ledge of  their  hidden  names  alone  can  give,  and  the  spell  was 


buried  with  him  in  order  that  when  called  upon  for  these  names 
he  might  have  them  at  hand. 

Even  more  interesting  than  the  name-spell  is  the  so-called 
introduction  which  in  some  cases  accompanies  it.  This,  which  at 
first  sight  is  virtually  unintelligible,  has  been  shown  (by  Sethe) 
to  be  a  combination  and  attempted  reconciliation  of  four  different 
texts.  The  first,  which  consists  of  a  summons  to  an  unnamed 
ferryman  to  bring  over  the  boat  in  which  the  dead  are  ferried  to 
the  east  side  of  the  sky,  is  derived  from  the  Pyramid  Texts.  The 
second  is  a  much  longer  summons  to  one  Turn-face,  who  in  the 
Pyramid  Texts  figured  as  the  ferryman,  but  who  in  our  text  is 
besought,  not  to  bring  the  boat  himself,  but  to  awaken  for  this 
purpose  another  ferryman  called  Aken.  Despite  the  subordinate 
and  merely  intermediate  rSle  which  is  here  assigned  to  Turn-face, 
he  is  represented  as  asking  the  questions  and  making  the  usual 
excuses  on  the  grounds  of  the  loss  of  certain  essential  parts  of 
his  boat,  just  as  though  he  were  the  fer^man  himself.  This  is 
clearly  a  text  in  which  Turn-face  originally  played  the  part  of 
ferryman,  but  which  has  lost  its  original  form  owing  to  the 
influence  of  the  fourth  text  shortly  to  be  described*  The  third 
text  contains  a  similar  but  obviously  independent  set  of  questions 
and  answers,  having  no  connection  with  the  boat,  between  the 
dead  man,  who  is  addressed  as  a  magician,  and  a  being  who 
meets  him  on  his  approach  to  the  sky.  This  being  is,  by  way  of 
reconciliation  with  the  second  text  in  its  original  form,  called 
Turn-face,  though,  he  is  clearly  no  ferryman,  and  is  merely  re- 
quested to  wake  Aken.  In  the  fourth  text  Aken  himself  is  besought 
to  bring  over  the  boat.  Like  Turn-face  in  the  second  text,  he 
excuses  himself  on  the  ground  that  the  equipment  of  his  boat  is 
incomplete,  and  on  the  other  hand,  like  the  unnamed  being  in 
the  third  text,  he  addresses  the  deceased  as  magician  and  speaks 
to  him  with  considerable  respect.  Thus  the  text  as  it  has  come 
down  in  Chapter  99  consists  of  four  separate  elements  set  side 
by  side,  not  each  in  its  original  consistent  form,  but  with  altera- 
tions due  to  the  desire  to  reconcile  one  with  the  other,  resulting 
in  a  mass  of  inconsistency  and  absurdity. 

The  importance  of  this  piece  of  analysis  is  that  it  shows  how 
strong  was  the  desire  in  the  Egyptian  mind  to  lose  nothing  of 
what  religious  tradition  had  handed  down,  even  when  the  com- 
bination of  various  versions  led  to  inconsistency,  and  it  further 
proves  how  little  value  was  attached  to  the  actual  meaning  of  the 
texts,  unintelligibility  appearing  to  detract  in  no  wise  from  their 
magical  value. 

IX,  i]  MAGIC  AND  MORALS  201 

The  most  important  chapter  in  the  Book  of  the  Dead  is 
undoubtedly  Chapter  125,  for  it  has  a  considerable  ethical  con- 
tent, and  brings  us  face  to  face  with  the  insoluble  paradox  of 
Egyptian  thought  and  religion,  the  relation  of  ethics  to  hlke^  or 
magical  power — 'mana,'  to  use  an  anthropological  term.  This 
chapter  which,  though  it  makes  its  first  appearance  in  the  middle 
of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  is,  to  judge  from  the  corruption  of  the 
text,  considerably  older  in  origin,  is  entitled  *  Spell  for  entering  into 
the  Broad  Hall  of  Justice.'  The  vignette  represents  the  so-called 
Psychostasia  or  weighing  of  the  soul.  Within  a  hall  whose  roof  is 
ornamented  with  flames  of  fire  placed  alternately  with  feathers, 
the  symbols  of  righteousness,  sits  Osiris  on  a  throne  beneath  a 
canopy.  With  him  are  Isis  and  Nephthys,  and  in  some  cases  the 
four  sons  of  Horus.  In  the  background  are  seen  the  gods,  as 
judges  or  assessors,  forty-two  in  number,  perhaps  to  correspond 
with  the  number  of  the  nomes  of  Egypt.  In  front  are  the  scales 
with  the  heart  of  tlS^  deceased  in  one  pan  and  in  the  other  the 
feather,  the  sign  of  justice  or  righteousness.  Anubis  presides  over 
the  actual  operation  of  weighing,  and  Thoth,  the  scribe  of  the 
gods,  stands  by  with  pen  and  papyrus  to  record  the  result.  The 
other  prominent  figure  in  the  scene  is  a  composite  monster, 
crocodile  in  front,  lion  in  the  middle  and  hippopotamus  behind, 
who  stands  ready  to  devour  the  dead  man  should  the  verdict  of 
the  scales  be  unfavourable  to  him. 

Before  going  any  further  it  is  worth  while  to  notice  the  position 
assigned  to  Osiris  in  this  scene.  In  the  Middle  Kingdom  we 
found  but  obscure  hints  of  a  judgment  of  the  dead,  and  no 
undoubted  reference  to  Osiris  as  the  judge.  Here  in  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty  we  find  the  idea  firmly  established,  and  the  now  fully 
popularized  Osiris  dominates  the  funerary  aspect  of  religion. 

The  text  which  accompanies  the  vignette  is  a  composite  one 
formed  by  the  juxtaposition  of  two  texts  of  different  origin  but  of 
somewhat  similar  content.  These  are  the  longer  and  the  shorter 
4 Declarations  of  Innocence,'  frequently  known  by  the  para- 
doxical name  of  the  "Negative  Confessions.'  The  older  and 
shorter  of  the  two  consists  of  denials  of  certain  definite  sins.  The 
later  and  longer  shows  a  marked  preference  for  denials  of  evil 
qualities  rather  than  evil  deeds,  and  at  the  same  time  increases 
the  number  of  denials  to  forty-two,  to  suit  the  number  of 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  regard  these  two  lists  as  giving  a 
complete  sketch  of  the  Egyptian  moral  code,  and  a  still  greater 
mistake  to  try  to  deduce  any  development  of  ethical  thought  from 


a  comparison  of  the  two,  on  the  assumption,  probably  not  in- 
correct, that  they  are  in  origin  of  different  dates.  The  lists  should 
be  regarded  as  purely  conventional  in  composition;  corruption 
may  have  considerably  altered  their  original  form,  and  we  are  at 
liberty  to  say  no  more  than  that  the  actions  mentioned  in  them 
were  regarded  as  sinful  by  the  Egyptians  of  this  period. 

And  here  lies  the  paradox  to  which  allusion  has  been  made 
above.  The  chapter  embodies  an  ethical  belief,  namely  that 
happiness  in  the  future  life  is  dependent  on  morality  in  this  life. 
Yet  the  very  chapter  itself  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  spell 
which  enables  the  dead  man  to  avoid  the  consequences  of  the 
judgment  by  a  knowledge  of  the  right  words  to  say  and  the  right 
sins  to  repudiate.  Nay,  the  matter  is  even  cruder  than  this,  for  it 
is  not  necessary  that  he  should  actually  know  these  things  by 
heart,  but  merely  that  a  papyrus  roll  on  which  they  are  inscribed 
should  be  laid  beside  him  in  the  tomb  (see  pp.  51,  197).  How 
are  we  to  explain  this  inconsistency?  %" 

The  answer  is  that  there  is  no  explanation.  In  dealing  with  the 
earlier  periods  we  found  that  the  Egyptian  exhibited  a  wonderful 
capacity  for  holding  two  inconsistent  beliefs  at  one  and  the  same 
time.  In  the  Middle  Kingdom  the  moral  consciousness  had 
awakened  and  the  idea  had  grown  up  that  future  happiness  was 
in  some  way  or  other  dependent  on  present  virtue.  This  must 
have  been  to  many  people,  as  indeed  it  still  is,  a  most  unattractive 
doctrine,  but  a  simple  means  of  avoiding  its  logical  consequences 
lay  to  hand.  By  virtue  of  the  action  of  hike  the  mere  verbal  re- 
pudiation of  sins  in  the  prescribed  manner  was  just  as  effective 
as  actual  innocence,  indeed  even  the  mere  possession  of  a  papyrus 
containing  such  a  repudiation  would  suffice  (see  voL  r,  p.  354  sy.*)* 
And  let  it  not  be  thought  that  the  two  beliefs,  that  in  the  necessity 
of  innocence,  and  that  in  the  all-powerful  ness  of  Kike>  were  held 
by  different  individuals  or  different  classes  of  persons*  Chapter 
12,5  is  in  itself  an  indubitable  proof  that  both  views  were  com- 
bined. The  best  we  can  believe  of  the  Egyptian  is  that  he  really 
thought  that  virtue,  and  perhaps  virtue  alone,  would  procure  him 
happiness  in  the  future  life,  but  that  he  also  had  the  comfortable 
feeling  that  if  the  standard  of  his  conduct  was  not  sufficiently 
high  he  might  yet  be  saved  by  the  agency  of  the  spells  of  hike. 
And  yet  it  would  be  difficult  to  support  this  view  by  documentary 

The  consequences  of  this  invasion  of  the  funerary  realm  by 
htke  need  hardly  be  pointed  out.  The  priests  and  their  scribes,  in 
whose  hands  the  collections  of  spells  lay,  were  provided  with  a 


means  of  acquiring  wealth  and  influence  which  they  did  not  fail 
to  utilize  to  the  utmost,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  increased 
power  of  the  priesthood  thus  obtained  was  a  circumstance  which 
precipitated,  if  it  did  not  actually  cause,  the  religious  revolution 
of  Ikhnaton. 

But  we  must  now  turn  from  Osiris-worship  and  the  cult  of  the 
dead  to  the  religion  of  the  state.  In  the  Middle  Kingdom  the 
Sun-god  Re,  syncretized  with  Horus,  the  falcon-god,  under  the 
form  Re-Horus-of-the-Horizon,  had,  at  Thebes  the  original  home 
of  the  ruling  family,  been  combined  with  the  local  god  Amon. 
Since  the  kings  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  were  also  of  Theban 
origin  this  combination  had  suffered  no  change  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Dynasty.  Suddenly,  however,  in  the  reign  of  Amenhotep  IV 
or,  as  he  later  styled  himself,  Ikhnaton,  we  find  ourselves  face  to 
face  with  a  complete  change,  for  the  king  and  his  court  are 
entirely  given  up  to\$hat  seems  to  be  a  true  monotheistic  worship 
of  the  sun-god  in  a  new  form.  No  event  in  Egyptian  history  has 
appealed  more  strongly  to  the  modern  world  than  this  so-called 

*  heresy  of  Ikhnaton.'  The.  king  himself  has  been  hailed  as  the 

*  first  individual  in  history'  (cf.  p.  127^,),  and  there  are  those 
who  have  seen  in  his  ideas  an  anticipation  of  much  that  is  of 
value  in  Christianity.    Although  we  do  not  as  yet  know  as  much 
as  we  should  wish  about  the  'reformer,*  it  is  becoming  more 
and  more  apparent  that  the  reform  was  not  a  mere  momentary 
excrescence  on   the  body  of  Egyptian  religion,  as  some  have 
supposed  it  to  be.   However  much  influence  we  may  attribute 
to  the  personality  of  Ikhnaton  himself,  it  remains  true  that  the 
development  was  in  a  very  great  measure  the  outcome  of  gradually 
changing  conditions,  and,  as  such,  unavoidable;  though  in  other 
hands  it  might  have  taken  a  less  extreme  and  hence  perhaps  more 
permanent  form. 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  and 
more  especially  the  reign  of  Thutmose  III,  saw  the  rise  of  the 
conception  of  an  Egyptian  world-empire,  embracing  both  Nubia 
and  Syria,  and  thus  constituting  a  very  considerable  fraction  of 
the  known  world.  The  sun-god,  as  state-god  of  Egypt,  had 
hitherto  held  no  sway  outside  Egypt  itself,  and,  though  the  pious 
might  regard  him  as  the  creator  of  Egypt,  it  had  doubtless  never 
occurred  to  them  that  he  had  also  created  the  world  at  large. 
Now,  however,  Re  had  carried  the  victorious  Egyptian  arms  over 
'all  that  the  sun's  disk  embraces/  to  use  the  Egyptians'  own 
term,  and  he  had  thus  become  a  world-god  instead  of  merely  the 


local  god  of  Egypt.  How  far  the  Egyptian  nation  at  large  felt 
this  it  would  be  difficult  to  say,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in 
the  minds  of  the  more  thoughtful  it  was  not  overlooked.  Thus 
the  ground  was  prepared,  or  appeared  to  be,  for  an  attempt  at  a 
universal  religion  with  the  sun-god  for  its  chief,  if  not  its  only 

There  was  another  factor  which  affected  the  situation.  We  have 
seen  how  the  power  of  the  priesthood  in  general  had  been 
strengthened  by  the  ever-increasing  encroachment  of  htke^  or 
macric  power,  upon  the  funerary  world.  Nowhere  was  this  gain  in 
influence  so  astonishing  as  in  the  case  of  the  priesthood  of  Amon 
of  Thebes.  Under  the  form  of  Amon-Re-Horus-of-the-Horizon 
this  god  received  the  lion's  share  of  the  booty  brought  from  Asia 
by  the  victorious  Egyptian  kings,  and  his  temples  became  more 
and  more  wealthy  in  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  in  cattle 
and  herds,  and  in  Syrian  slaves.  Many  writers  have  been  so  much 
struck  by  this  that  they  have  interpreted *-$ie  *  reformation *  of 
Ikhnaton  as  little  more  than  an  attempt  to  break  away  by  means 
of  a  change  in  religion  from  a  tradition  which  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  priests  of  Amon  a  power  whicbuwas  beginning  seriously  to 
clog  and  confine  the  liberty  of  the  sovereign.  There  may  be  a 
measure  of  truth  in  this  point  of  view,  but  it  is  right  to  insist  that 
it  is  only  an  inference,  and  that,  while  nothing  in  contemporary 
records  contradicts  it,  so  also  there  is  "nothing  to  prove  it.  The 
fact  is  that  what  rendered  the  religious  revolution  of  Ikhnaton 
possible  was  a  complex  of  causes  the  most  important  of  which 
were  the  tendency  towards  a  wider  conception  of  religion  due  to 
the  expansion  of  Egypt,  the  desire  of  the  kingship  to  rid  itself  of 
the  limitations  imposed  on  it  by  the  over-powerful  priesthood  of 
Amon,  and  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  a  peculiar  genius  in  the 
person  of  Ikhnaton, 

The  bare  facts  of  the  case  are  simple  enough  and  have  been 
already  related  (chap.  vi).  They  may  be  briefly  summed  up  as 
follows.  In  the  sixth  (possibly  even  the  fourth)  year  of  his  reign, 
Amenhotep  IV,  still  a  youth  of  less  than  twenty  years  of  age,  if 
we  may  believe  the  evidence  of  his  mummy,  transferred  his 
capital  from  Thebes  to  the  district  now  known  as  ekAmarna, 
300  miles  farther  downstream,  where  he  founded  the  city  of 
Akhetaton,  *  Horizon  of  the  Disk/  at  or  about  the  same  time 
changing  his  name  from  Amenhotep,  'Amon  is  satisfied/  to 
Akhenaton  (or  Ikhnaton),  'The  Disk  is  pleased'  (p.  113).  Here 
he  proceeded  to  devote  himself  with  his  court  to  the  worship  of 
the  sun-god  under  the  name  of  *Horus-of-the-horizon,  rejoicing 

IX,  i]  NATURE  OF  THE  REFORM  205 

in  his  horizon,  in  his  name  of  Shu-who-is-in-the-disk/  The  new 
religion  lasted  little  more  than  a  dozen  years.  At  the  end  of 
this  time  Ikhnaton  died,  and,  after  attempts  by  two  ephemeral 
successors  to  carry  on  the  system,* the  cult  of  Amon  was  re-estab- 
lished, the  court  returned  to  Thebes,  and  the  city  of  Akhetaton 
fell  into  ruin. 

Up  to  a  few  years  ago  it  was  customary  to  believe  that  this 
entire  movement  was  a  product  of  the  brain  of  Ikhnaton  and  that 
there  had  been  no  foreshadowing  of  it  in  earlier  years.  This  we 
now  know  to  be  incorrect.  An  inscribed  block  of  stone  found 
re-used  in  the  pylon  of  Harmhab  at  Karnak  shows  a  figure  of  the 
sun-god  in  the  traditional  form  of  the  falcon-headed  Horus 
accompanied  by  the  full  name  *  Horus-of-the-horizon,  rejoicing 
in  his  horizon,  in  his  name  of  Shu-who-is-the-disk.'  The  car- 
touches of  the  king  who  stands  before  the  god  are  those  of 
Ikhnaton,  but  a  close  examination  has  shown  that  they  have  been 
altered  in  antiquity  -from  those  of  his  father  Amenhotep  III. 
The  significance  of  this  is  considerable.  There  must  have  been 
already  in  Thebes  in  the  reign  of  Amenhotep  III  a  temple  of  the 
sun-god  under  the  name  previously  supposed  to  have  been  given 
to  him  by  Ikhnaton  himself.  In  form,  however,  the  deity  was 
still  represented  as  a  falcon-headed  god  instead  of  in  the  guise  of 
a  disk  giving  forth  rays  ending  in  human  hands,  a  guise  which 
became  usual  and  invariable  early  in  Ikhnaton's  reign. 

This  is  undoubtedly  the  greatest  discovery  which  has  been 
made  for  many  years  in  regard  to  the  Aton-worship.  It  throws 
the  origins  of  Ikhnaton's  *  heresy'  back  to  the  reign  of  his  pre- 
decessor on  the  throne,  though  whether  they  go  back  still  further 
is  disputed  (p.  114,  n.  i).  It  is  precisely  this  fact  that  makes  it 
now  necessary  to  see  in  the  movement  not  merely  the  personal 
influence  of  an  original  genius,  but  also  the  inevitable  product  of 
the  conditions  of  the  time.  Having  traced  the  beginnings  of  the 
movement  back  to  the  reign  of  Amenhotep  III,  we  need  not  be 
surprised  at  finding  in  a  hymn  to  the  sun-god  dedicated  by  two 
brothers,  architects  of  this  king,  a  very  close  anticipation  of 
Ikhnaton's  hymn  to  the  disk,  in  which  the  universality  of  the 
sun's  sway  in  the  world  is  already  recognized. 

Ikhnaton,  then,  found  the  movement  already  in  being,  and  by 
giving  it  a  more  definite  content  and  form,  and  devoting  his  time 
to  it  to  the  exclusion  of  the  claims  of  his  kingdom  in  Egypt  and 
his  empire  in  Asia,  now  threatened  with  destruction  by  Hittites 
and  Habiru,  turned  it,  as  it  were,  on  to  an  unprofitable  side-track, 
where  it  could  only  come  to  a  standstill. 


What  exactly  was  the  nature  of  the  cult  as  practised  by  the 
king  and  his  court?  It  seems  to  have  been  more  contemplative 
than  practical,  and  nothing  has  struck  the  moderns  as  more 
astonishing  in  the  Disk-hymns  than  their  total  lack  of  ethical 
content.  At  the  same  time  Ikhnaton  cannot  be  deprived  of  the 
credit  of  having  approached  very  close  to  the  conception  of  a 
universal  monotheism.  Some  have  tried  to  deny  him  this  credit. 
It  is  true  that  the  occurrence  in  the  hymns  of  such  words  as 
'Sole  god  beside  whom  there  is  none  other*  proves  nothing,  this 
phrase  being  used  quite  impartially  of  various  deities  in  poly- 
theistic Egypt,  It  is  true  that  Ikhnaton  himself,  up  to  his  fifth 
year  at  least,  had  not  abandoned  all  the  gods  of  Egypt.  It  is  true 
that  while  on  many  old  monuments  his  agents  chiselled  out  even 
the  word  for  'gods/  yet  on  others  the  names  of  various  gods 
remained  unerased.  Nevertheless  in  Akhetaton  there  is  no  sign 
that  any  god  other  than  the  Aton  or  Disk  was  worshipped.  The 
reference  to  the  burial  of  the  Mnevis  buW  at  Akhetaton  dates 
from  as  early  as  the  sixth  year,  and  is  merely  a  sign  of  attempted 
compromise  with  the  priesthood  of  Heliopolis,  the  centre  of 
sun-worship  from  time  immemorial.  The  retention  of  the  *  Two 
Goddesses 9  name  in  the  royal  titulary  is  a  piece  of  formal  con- 
servatism which  proves  nothing  whatever;  in  the  oft-quoted 
references  to  the  Nile  in  the  hymns  the  river  appears  not  as  a 
god  but  merely  as  a  river,  and  finally  the  claim  that  Ikhnaton  was 
no  monotheist  because  he  called  himself  the  Good  God  (like  every 
other  Egyptian  king)  and  the  *  Child  of  the  Disk/  and  allowed 
himself  to  be  worshipped,  has  more  subtlety  than  sense  in  it* 

The  reformer  undoubtedly  aimed  at  monotheism,  though  the 
extreme  conservatism  of  the  country  he  ruled  may  have  forced 
him  to  make  some  formal  and  unimportant  concessions  to  poly- 
theism. In  the  sense  that  he  worshipped  the  sun  he  did  not 
introduce  a  new  religion,  for  sun-worship  had  been  for  centuries 
the  state-cult.  He  did  not  even  reject  the  names  Re  and  Horus, 
both  ancient  titles  of  the  sun-deity*  We  know  so  little  of  the  true 
nature  of  the  sun-cult  of  Heliopolis  that  we  cannot  attempt  to 
say  how  far  he  accepted  this  and  how  far  he  modified  it. 

To  what  extent  he  succeeded  in  impressing  his  cult  upon  the 
people  at  large  we  are  not  yet  in  a  position  to  judge.  Future 
excavation  and  a  proper  study  of  the  material  already  available 
may  do  much  to  enlighten  us  on  this  point.  It  is,  however,  clear 
that  in  regard  to  the  funerary  cult  some  concessions  to  custom 
were  made.  Canopic  vases,  usbaM-figwces  (p.  51)  and  heart-scarabs 
continued  to  be  used,  and  the  tomb-walls  at  el-Amarna  still  show 


the  traditional  scene  of  the  farewell  to  the  dead  and  the  cutting 
off  of  the  leg  of  a  live  calf. 

Side  by  side  with  the  revolution  in  religion  went  a  revolution 
in  art.  At  the  time  of  writing  a  fierce  controversy  rages  in  Ger- 
many as  to  whether  the  now  well-known  artistic  style  of  Ikhnaton 
began  immediately  at  his  accession,  or  whether  there  was  a  short 
period  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  when  the  normal  Egyptian 
style  with  its  rigid  conventions  was  still  followed.  The  decision 
of  this  question,  though  interesting  to  the  specialist,  is  hardly 
likely  to  throw  much  light  on  the  main  problems  of  the  reforma- 
tion. What  is  important  to  realize  is  that  not  later  than  the  sixth 
year  of  the  reign  a  new  and  freer  style  of  art  was  in  use.  This 
naturally  did  not  arise  out  of  nothing,  and  we  may  surmise  that 
the  king,  finding  in  some  particular  artist  or  school  of  artists  new 
tendencies  in  art  which  would  serve  to  differentiate  the  new 
religion  more  strongly  than  ever  from  the  old,  encouraged  the 
new  school  by  placing"  the  state  contracts  in  its  hands,  and  making 
its  style  the  official  style  of  Akhetaton  and  perhaps  of  all  Egypt. 
See  pp.  1 2O,  411  $qq« 

Why  did  Ikhnaton's  attempt  fail  ?  It  failed  for  two  reasons.  In 
the  first  place  it  lacked  that  spirit  of  compromise  with  the  estab- 
lished religion  which  was  an  indispensable  condition  of  successful 
change  in  Egypt.  That  the  sun-god  should  be  worshipped  under 
a  new  name  and  a  new  form  was  in  itself  little  or  nothing;  but 
that  Amon  should  be  suppressed,  his  temples  lie  idle  and  his  name 
be  erased  from  the  monuments  was  more  than  Egypt  had  stood 
or  would  stand  (see  p.  126).  In  the  second  place,  the  movement 
failed  because  the  new  religion  was  of  a  purely  contemplative 
character,  absorbing  its  votaries  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other 
employments  whether  political  or  diplomatic.  While  Ikhnaton 
and  his  court  were  singing  hymns  to  the  sun  an  empire  was  being 
lost  to  Egypt  in  Asia,  and  we  have  but  to  read  the  great  decree 
of  Harmhab,  the  first  king  of  the  restored  religion,  to  realize  the 
extent  to  which  Egypt  had  become  disorganized  internally  during 
the  heresy. 

It  is  generally  said  that  the  revolution  left  no  mark  on  Egyptian 
religion.  This  may  be  almost  literally  true.  It  is  difficult  to  find 
in  the  later  developments  of  religion  any  feature  which  could 
possibly  be  derived  from  the  Aton-wor  ship.  At  the  same  time,  unless 
we  know  more  of  the  inner  meaning  of  the  cult,  we  are  hardly 
in  a  position  to  identify  its  possible  effects.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  must  be  pointed  out  that  there  is  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a 
new  element  in  the  religion  of  the  XlXth  Dynasty  which,  it  may 


be  urged,  can  hardly  have  been  inspired  by  anything  in  the  Aton- 
worship.  For  many  years  there  have  been  known  a  number  of 
votive  and  memorial  stelae,  mostly  found  at  Thebes,  the  humility 
of  whose  dedicators  stands  out  in  strong  contrast  to  the  self- 
satisfaction  typical  of  the  Egyptian  worshipper.  The  most  famous 
of  these  is  a  stela  now  at  Berlin,  dedicated  to  Amon  by  a  certain 
draughtsman,  Nebre,  and  his  son  Pay,  as  a  thank-offering  for  the 
recovery  from  illness  of  Nekhtamon,  also  a  son  of  Nebre,  The 
following  quotations  will  give  a  good  idea  of  the  whole: 

Beware  of  him  (Amon),  repeat  his  name  to  son  and  to  daughter,  to  great 
and  small.  Declare  him  to  generations  and  to  generations,  to  those  that  are 
not  yet  born.  Tell  of  him  to  the  fishes  in  the  stream  and  the  birds  in  the 
air.  Repeat  his  name  to  him  who  knows  him  not  and  to  him  who  knows 
him.  Beware  of  him.  Thou  art  Amon,  the  lord  of  him  who  is  silent,  coming  at 
the  call  of  the  poor,  I  called  to  thee  when  I  was  in  trouble,  and  thou  didst  come 
and  didst  save  me;  thou  didst  give  breath  to  the  poor  and  didst  rescue  me  who 
was  in  bondage. ...  I  made  for  him  praises  to  his  name  because  of  the  greatness 
of  his  might.  I  cried  'Lord  of  the  poor'  before  him  in  the  presence  of  the 
whole  land  for  the  draughtsman  Nebarnoii  when  he  lay  sick  and  about  to 
die,  being  in  the  power  of  Amon  because  of  his  sin. ,  .  .  While  the  servant 
was  wont  to  sin  yet  was  the  Lord  wont  to  be  gracious.  The  Lord  of  Thebes 
spends  not  a  whole  day  in  wrath.  His  anger  lasts  but  for  a  moment  and  there 
is  nought  remaining. 

What  a  contrast  is  this  to  the  formal  Declaration  of  Innocence 
in  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  or  to  the  bombastic  utterances  of  the 
typical  stela,  *I  gave  bread  to  the  hungry,  clothes  to  the  naked. 
I  was  one  whom  his  father  loved  and  his  brethren  approved/ 
Another  stela  of  type  similar  to  that  dealt  with  above  contains  an 
appeal  to  the  god  Ptah  from  one  who  had  been  struck  blind  in 
consequence,  as  he  thought,  of  having  sworn  falsely  by  the  god. 
Coming,  as  they  do,  after  centuries  of  self-satisfied  protestations 
of  innocence,  these  simple  prayers  strike  a  note  which  finds  a 
much  more  sympathetic  echo  in  the  modern  mind  than  anything 
else  in  Egyptian  religion,  even  in  the  Aton-worship,  For  we  have 
a  belief  in  punishment  for  sin  here  on  earth,  a  doctrine  of  humility 
and  a  conception  of  a  merciful  god.  What  is  the  place  of  this  in 
the  development  of  Egyptian  religion  ?  We  still  know  too  little 
of  it  to  say.  It  can  hardly  have  any  direct  connection  with  the  Aton 
faith,  and  we  can  only  suppose  that  it  was  a  temporary  phase 
affecting  only  the  poorer  classes  at  a  certain  period  of  the  XlXth 
Dynasty,  and  that  in  it  we  catch  a  precious  if  fleeting  glance  of  a 
simpler,  purer  faith  which  had  held  sway  throughout  among  the 
poorer  and  humbler  Egyptians,  and  which  at  this  period  managed 
to  find  momentary  expression.  See  also  p,  i6osg* 

IX,  i]  DECAY  OF  RELIGION  209 

Apart  from  this  peculiar  and  interesting  manifestation,  the 
development  of  Egyptian  religion  is  one  of  movement  towards 
complete  sacerdotalism,  culminating  in  the  passing  of  the  tem- 
poral power  from  the  hands  of  the  king  into  those  of  the  chief 
priest  of  Amon.  The  steps  in  this  change  were  gradual.  Thut- 
mose  III  had  made  use  of  the  priesthood  of  Amon  to  secure  his 
own  elevation  to  the  throne  over  the  head  of  his  brother  by  means 
of  a  trumped-up  oracle  of  the  god.  In  return  for  this  he  seems  to 
have  been  forced  to  make  the  chief  priest  of  Amon  head  of  all  the 
priesthoods  of  the  land.  The  consequences  of  this  are  easily  fore- 
(seen.  Henceforward  the  whole  policy  of  the  state  can  be  guided 
by  the  Amon-priesthood  by  a  judicious  employment  of  oracles. 
We  know  little  of  their  use  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  but  from  that  time  onward  they  become  remarkably 
frequent.  The  vast  armies  of  workmen  in  the  Theban  necropolis 
were  accustomed  to  settle  their  differences  by  having  recourse  to 
an  image  of  the  dead  king  Amenhotep  I,  the  patron  god  of  the 
cemetery,  which  announced  its  decision  by  nodding  its  head.  An 
interesting  memorial  tablet  found  at  Abydos  shows  us  an  oracular 
image  of  the  dead  king  Aahmes  I  being  carried  in  a  sacred  barque 
on  the  shoulders  of  four  priests  to  settle  a  dispute  as  to  the  owner- 
ship of  certain  lands.  The  culmination  of  this  system  is  seen  in 
an  inscription  of  Ramses  II  in  which  the  king  relates  how, 
anxious  to  make  an  election  to  the  office  of  high  priest  of  Amon, 
he  had  recited  to  the  god  the  names  of  all  the  likely  candidates, 
and  the  god  had  nodded  approval  on  hearing  that  of  a  certain 
Nebweneef,  who  was  thereupon  installed.  It  is  clear  enough  from 
this  that  the  priests  were  now  making  use  of  oracles  to  retain  the 
succession  to  the  great  priestly  offices  in  the  hands  where  they 
would  have  them.  There  could  be  but  one  end  to  the  process.  In 
the  reign  of  the  last  Ramses  the  crown  passed  from  the  head  of 
the  Pharaoh  to  that  of  the  chief  priest  of  Amon  and  commander 
of  the  armies,  Hrihor. 

From  this  moment  onward  the  old  trunk  of  Egyptian  religion 
failed  to  put  forth  a  single  new  shoot.  Thebes  became  a  mere 
sacerdotal  principality,  and  sank  into  such  a  lethargy  both  physical 
and  moral  that  she  was  rapidly  surpassed  in  importance  by  the 
cities  of  theDelta,  and  Amon  became  a  minor  deity.  Osiris-worship, 
however,  as  a  popular  cult  never  lost  its  hold,  and,  despite  the 
attempted  resuscitation  of  the  ancient  sun-worship  in  the  Sa'ite 
period,  Osiris,  under  the  form  of  Osiris- Apis  or  Serapis,  completely 
dominated  both  state  and  popular  religion  in  Greek  times.  See 
above,  p,  157. 

C.A.H.  II  *4 


II.   LAW 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  feature  in  Egyptian  religion  is  its 
easy  detachment  from  morality  by  the  force  of  kike  or  magical 
power.  But  although,  in  consequence  of  this,  the  Egyptians  neither 
had  nor  could  have  a  sound  philosophical  or  religious  theory  of 
ethics,  this  did  not  in  practice  prevent  them  from  having  a  moral 
code.  This  is  exposed  to  some  extent  in  the  Declarations  of  Inno- 
cence in  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  but  we  may  gain  an  even  closer 
and  more  precious  view  of  it  by  an  examination  of  the  legal  code, 
Oddly  enough,  although  the  Greek  writers  assure  us  that  the 
Egyptians  codified  their  laws,  and  although  the  inscription  in  the 
tomb  of  Rekhmire  informs  us  that  the  vizier  sat  in  the  court  to 
do  justice  with  the  forty  rolls  containing  the  law  open  before  him, 
yet  no  fragment  of  any  of  these  rolls  has  come  down  to  us. 
Indeed,  we  know  remarkably  little  abou£  Egyptian  law  in  the 
concrete  and  not  very  much  concerning  the  spirit  in  which  it  was 
administered.  Of  the  latter,  however,  we  do  catch  a  glimpse  in 
the  famous  inscription  known  as  the  Installation  of  the  Vizier 
from  the  above-mentioned  tomb.  In  this  the  Vizier,  the  supreme 
legal  functionary  in  the  state,  next  to  the  Pharaoh,  is  enjoined  to 
'take  heed  that  thou  do  all  things  according  to  what  is  in  the  law. 
.  .  .Behold  men  expect  the  doing  of  justice  in  the  conduct  of  the 
Vizier.  Behold  that  is  its  usual .  .  .  since  the  days  of  the  God. 
Behold  the  name  given  to  the  Vizier's  chief  scribe;  Scribe  of 
Justice  is  what  he  is  called.  As  for  the  office  in  which  thou  givest 
audience  there  is  a  hall  of  judgment  therein.  And  he  who  shall  do 
justice  before  all  men  is  the  Vizier.'  See  above,  pp.  45  $$$*y  and  for 
HarmhaVs  work,  p.  133  sq. 

Of  the  constitution  of  the  courts  we  do  not  know  very  much. 
In  the  XlXth  Dynasty  we  find  two  Great  Courts,  each  presided 
over  by  a  Vizier^  one  at  Thebes  and  the  other  at  Heliopolis,  In 
addition  to  these  there  must  also  have  been  Local  Courts.  The 
inscription  of  Mes  reveals  one  such  at  Memphis,  constituted 
apparently  by  the  'Notables  of  the  Town/  and  in  the  reign  of 
Ikhnaton  a  dispute  as  to  a  debt  was  settled  by  a  similar  Local 
Court  (Berlin  Papyrus  9875).  In  the  Abbott  Papyrus  (reign  of 
Ramses  IX)  the  court  which  tries  the  tomb-robbers  is  called  the 
Great  Court  (Qenbef)  of  Thebes,  and  consists  of  the  Vizier  and 
seven  other  officials.  In  the  trials  recorded  in  Papyrus  Mayer  A 
neither  the  name  of  the  court  nor  its  composition  appear,  but  the 
Vizier  presides.  The  Harem  Conspiracy  under  Ramses  III  was 

IX,  n]  CRIMINAL  LAW  211 

dealt  with  by  a  special  court  appointed  by  the  king  for  the 
purpose  (p.  1 86  s$.).  A  much  earlier  case  of  a  special  court  occurs 
in  the  inscription  of  Uni  of  the  Vlth  Dynasty,  where  Uni  him- 
self, with  one  other  judge,  is  appointed  by  the  king  to  deal  with 
a  charge  against  the  Royal  Wife  (vol.  i,  p.  292). 

Egyptian  criminal  law  is  mainly  known  to  us  from  a  series  of 
papyri  relating  to  certain  causes  celelres  which  unfortunately  all 
date  from  about  the  same  period,  and  that  not  an  early  one.  In 
the  XXth  Dynasty  the  professional  robbers  of  tombs  had  become 
so  daring  that  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  attack  and  plunder  the 
royal  tombs  in  the  western  valleys  of  Thebes.  The  situation 
seems  to  have  been  firmly  dealt  with,  and  a  number  of  papyri, 
the  most  famous  of  which  are  the  Abbott  and  the  Amherst,  have 
preserved  for  us  the  official  account  of  the  trials.  A  small  papyrus 
at  Vienna  actually  records  the  inspection  of  a  number  of  such 
documents,  which  had  been  filed  for  reference  in  two  pottery 
vases.  One  or  two  of  th«  papyri  which  have  survived  may,  though 
not  without  uncertainty,  be  identified  with  some  of  those  on  the 
Vienna  list,  but  in  any  case  it  is  clear  that  the  various  tomb 
robbery  papyri  scattered  among  the  museums  of  Europe  and 
America  once  formed  part  of  a  great  legal  dossier  stored  away  in 
Egyptian  times,  and  discovered,  we  know  not  where,  by  the 
modern  Arabs,  only  to  be  dispersed  by  sale. 

From  these  documents  as  a  whole  we  can  obtain  a  rough  idea 
of  the  procedure  in  these  criminal  cases.  The  first  act  was  for  the 
officials  of  the  Pharaoh  to  visit  the  scene  of  the  crime  and  satisfy 
themselves  as  to  the  facts,  taking  some  of  the  thieves  with  them 
to  identify  the  scene  of  their  crime.  This  done,  the  evidence  was 
heard.  And  here  the  methods  of  Egyptian  law  display  a  certain 
crudity.  Each  witness,  whether  suspected  of  complicity  or  not, 
was  given  a  preliminary  bastinado.  If  this  did  not  achieve  the 
desired  result  it  could  be  repeated.  For  example  in  Papyrus 
Mayer  A  we  read  *  There  was  brought  the  scribe  of  the  army, 
Ankhefenamun,  son  of  Ptahemhab.  He  was  examined  by  beating 
with  the  stick,  the  bastinado  was  given  on  his  feet  and  his  hands; 
an  oath  was  administered  to  him,  on  pain  of  mutilation,  not  to 
speak  falsehood.  They  said  to  him,  Tell  the  manner  of  your 
going  to  the  places  with  your  brother.  He  said,  Let  a  witness  be 
brought  to  accuse  me.  He  was  again  examined.  He  said,  I  saw 
nothing.  He  was  placed  under  arrest  in  order  to  be  examined 

The  evidence  was  all  given  on  oath,  and  taken  down,  if  we 
may  believe  the  records,  word  for  word  as  spoken.  The  court, 



having  heard  the  evidence,  gave  its  decision,  but  the  assessment 
of  the  penalty  seems  to  have  been  left  in  the  hands  of  the  Pharaoh. 
It  is  well,  however,  to  remember  that  these  tomb-robberies,  on 
account  of  their  importance,  may  have  been  dealt  with  in  a 
special  manner,  and  it  may  perhaps  be  unwise  to  argue  from  them 
as  to  the  normal  practice  of  Egyptian  criminal  law* 

The  same  reservation  must  be  made  in  the  case  of  the  famous 
trial  for  the  Harem  Conspiracy  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  III.  A 
plot  against  the  king  had  been  hatched  in  the  royal  harem,  and, 
to  make  matters  worse,  one  of  the  queens  was  implicated  in,  if 
not  mainly  responsible  for,  it.  Worse  still,  magic  rolls  and  figures 
of  wax  were  among  the  methods  employed  by  the  conspirators. 
The  plot  was  discovered,  and  the  king,  apparently  disgusted  with 
the  whole  affair,  which  involved  many  of  those  who  were  his 
intimates  in  his  daily  life,  appointed  a  special  court  of  twelve  to 
deal  with  the  case  and  to  deliver  and  execute  the  sentences  without 
further  reference  to  himself.  The  mandate^  of  the  court  runs  as 
follows.  'As  for  the  talk  which  people  are  making  I  know  nothing 
of  it.  Hasten  ye  to  examine  it.  Ye  shall  go  and  examine  them  and 
cause  those  who  are  to  die  to  die  by  their  own  hand  without 
(my)  knowing  it.  And  ye  shall  execute  punishment  upon  the  rest 
without  my  knowing  it/  Different  groups  of  the  conspirators 
were  tried  by  different  groups  of  the  judges,  and  the  affair  was 
further  complicated  by  the  fact  that  two  of  the  judges  *  forsook 
the  good  instruction  which  had  been  given  to  them'  and  entered 
into  an  intrigue  with  some  of  the  women  of  the  harem.  These 
two  persons  were  punished  by  the  cutting  off  of  their  noses  and 
ears,  while  the  rest  of  the  guilty  were  suffered  to  take  their  own 
lives,  apparently  in  the  court.  No  reference  was  made  to  the 
Pharaoh,  and  the  criminals,  or  some  of  them,  were  actually  tried 
under  false  names  (see  p.  187^,), 

Turning  now  to  civil  law,  we  are  at  once  struck  by  the  high 
development  of  the  conception  of  property  in  Egypt,  It  is  first 
brought  to  our  notice  in  connection  with  mortuary  endowments. 
As  early  as  the  IVth  and  Vth  Dynasties  we  find  a  series  of  in- 
scriptions— the  most  complete  is  in  a  tomb  close  beside  the 
pyramid  of  Khephren — in  which  the  owner  of  the  tomb  declares 
that  he  has  left  to  his  mortuary  priest  certain  property  and  serfs, 
the  revenues  from  which  are  to  accrue  to  the  priest  in  return  for 
the  keeping  up  of  the  funerary  cult  and  offerings  to  the  testator 
after  his  death.  This  in  itself  is  straightforward.  But  the  testator 
then  proceeds  to  tie  up  the  property*  The  legatee  may  not  sell  or 
bequeath  it,  but  it  descends  to  his  children  and  to  anyone  else 

rr]  LAW  OF  PROPERTY  213 

who  may  share  with  them  the  duties  of  funerary  priest  to  the 
testator.  In  the  case  of  the  legatee's  leaving  the  guild  of  priests  of 
which  he  is  at  present  a  member  the  property  reverts  to  the 

The  careful  treatment  of  questions  of  property  of  which  the 
above  is  an  example  is  admirably  exemplified  in  the  records  of 
the  Middle  Kingdom.  In  order  to  be  convinced  of  this  it  is  only 
necessary  to  glance  through  the  complicated  and  yet  perfectly 
clear  wills  among  the  Kahun  Papyri,  Still  more  striking  from  the 
same  point  of  view  are  the  contracts  made  by  the  nomarch  of 
Slut,  a  certain  Hapzefa,  in  the  time  of  the  Xllth  Dynasty.  This 
noble  wished  to  secure  that  certain  offerings  should  be  made  to 
him,  and  certain  ceremonies  performed  for  him  after  his  death.  He 
therefore  made  a  series  of  formal  contracts,  ten  in  number,  with 
various  members  and  groups  of  members  of  the  temple  staff  of 
Upwawet,  of  whom  he  himself  was  chief  priest.  Now  the  property 
and  rights  which  he  tesld  as  nomarch  of  Siut  and  as  chief  priest 
of  Upwawet  were  not  his  to  dispose  of,  being  held  in  fief  from 
the  king.  On  the  other  hand  he  had  a  hereditary  right  to  .certain 
portions  of  the  income  of  the  temple  by  reason  of  the  fact  that 
his  family  belonged  by  birth  to  the  priestly  college.  These  last 
emoluments  he  describes  as  his  *  paternal  estate,'  and  it  is  these 
which  he  barters  in  perpetuity  with  the  various  contracting  parties 
in  return  for  certain  offerings  which  they  are  to  give  him  after 
his  death. 

The  contracts  are  all  cast  in  a  definite  mould,  doubtless  that 
prescribed  by  Egyptian  civil  law.  One  example  (No.  3)  will  give 
an  adequate  idea  of  their  nature. 

Contract  which  the  nomarch  and  chief  of  priests,  Hapzefa,  deceased, 
made  with  the  staff  of  the  temple,  for  the  giving  to  him  of  bread  and  beer 
on  the  1 8th  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  Inundation  Season,  the  day  of  the 
feast  of  Uag.  L/ist  of  what  (is  to  be)  given  (to  him).  [Here  follows  a  list  of 
the  ten  members  of  the  staff  and  the  number  of  jugs  of  beer, 
and  white  loaves  to  be  given  by  each.]  What  he  has  given  to  them  for  it  is 
22  temple-days,  out  of  his  paternal  estate,  not  out  of  the  nomarch's  estate, 
namely  4  days  to  the  chief  priest  and  2  days  to  each  priest.  Now  he  said  to 
them,  A  temple-day  means  one  3&oth  part  of  a  year.  Ye  shall  divide  all 
that  accrues  to  this  temple  in  bread,  in  beer,  and  in  flesh  of  the  daily  rations, 
The  resulting  36oth  part  of  the  bread,  beer  and  everything  else,  will  be 
the  income  of  the  temple  for  one  of  these  days  which  I  have  given  to  you. 
Behold  it  is  my  property  belonging  to  my  paternal  estate,  not  to  the  estate 
of  the  nomarch,  since  I  am  the  son  of  a  priest  like  any  other  of  you.  Behold 
these  temple-days  shall  pass  in  turn  to  any  staff  of  the  temple  which  shall 
come  into  being,  on  condition  that  they  provide  for  me  this  bread  and  beer 
which  they  are  to  give  me.  And  they  agreed  thereto. 


The  concise  and  accurate  form  of  the  contract  needs  no  com- 
ment. The  distinction  between  Hapzefa's  paternal  estate,  which 
is  alienable,  and  his  estate  qua  nomarch,  which  is  not,  has  already 
been  remarked.  Not  less  striking  than  this  is  the  legal  definition 
of  the  income  of  a  'temple-day7  as  the  income  of  a  whole  year  of 
360  days  divided  by  360,  i.e.  the  income  of  an  average  day.  But 
the  most  surprising  contract  of  all  is  No.  6,  in  which,  as  nomarch 
of  the  Lycopolite  nome,  he  makes  a  contract  with  the  chief 
priest  of  Upwawet,  i.e.  himself,  for  certain  roast  meat  and  beer  to 
be  offered  to  him  after  his  death.  He  gives  in  return  two  temple- 
days,  from  the  property  of  his  paternal  estate,  not  out  of  his 
property  as  nomarch.  Here  Hapzefa  as  a  private  individual  is 
making  an  agreement  with  Hapzefa  as  chief  priest,  that  is  as  an 
official,  which  agreement  is  to  be  binding  on  his  heirs  on  the  one 
hand  and  on  his  successors  in  office  on  the  other.  It  is  true  that 
the  contract  can  hardly  come  into  operation  until  his  death,  but 
it  is  actually  made  during  his  life,  and  we  <£hus  have  a  recognition 
by  Egyptian  law  of  a  dual  legal  personality,  and  of  the  possibility 
of  contracting  between  the  two  sides  of  the  same  personality. 

For  the  period  of  the  New  Empire  we  have  an  admirable 
example  of  a  civil  action  in  the  inscription  of  Mes.  A  certain 
Neshi  had  received  from  king  Aahmes  I,  probably  in  recognition 
of  services  in  the  war  of  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos,  a  tract  of  land. 
This,  after  Neshi's  death,  descended  from  heir  to  heir  until,  in 
the  reign  of  Horemheb,  the  Great  Court  of  Heliopolis  was  called 
upon  to  divide  the  estate  between  several  co-heirs  for  whom  a 
certain  Werel  was  made  administrator.  The  subsequent  history 
of  the  property  is  difficult  to  follow,  and  there  seems  to  have  been 
considerable  litigation.  Finally  in  year  18  of  Ramses  II  a  certain 
Khay  wrested  the  lands  by  fraud  from  the  then  occupier,  Nub- 
nofret,  by  producing  in  court  forged  title-deeds  and  falsifying  a 
register.  The  villainy  passed  undiscovered  and  Khay  took  pos- 
session. Nubnofret's  son,  Mes,  on  attaining  manhood,  appealed 
against  this  verdict.  In  his  speech  before  the  Court  he  pleads 
that  the  title-deeds  of  Khay  were  forgeries,  and  calls  witnesses  to 
prove  his  own  descent  from  Neshi,  the  original  owner  of  the 
property.  The  defendant  Khay  speaks  next,  and  merely  recapitu- 
lates the  incidents  of  the  original  trial,  making  no  attempt  to 
prove  descent  from  Neshi.  Evidence  on  oath  is  next  heard,  and 
finally  the  verdict  is  given,  in  words  now  lost,  in  favour  of  Mes. 
On  another  wall  of  the  tomb  in  which  this  inscription  is  recorded 
are  fragments  of  copies  of  the  documents  used  by  Mes,  but  the 
itate  of  the  text  does  not  enable  us  to  say  at  what  point  in  the 

m]  THE  SCIENCES  215 

trial  he  used  them.  The  light  thrown  on  Egyptian  civil  law  by  this 
inscription  is  creditable.  We  find  that  records  existed  of  trials 
held  many  years  back,  and  that  there  was  a.  register  of  properties 
with  their  owners. 

An  equally  interesting  though  less  known  document  is  the 
Berlin  Papyrus  3047,  which,  when  intact,  contained  the  complete 
account  of  a  civil  law  suit  tried  before  a  court  in  the  royal  judg- 
ment-hall in  Thebes.  The  papyrus  is  badly  mutilated,  and  no  full- 
sized  facsimile  has  been  published.  The  plaintiff  claims  that 
certain  lands  over  which  he  and  his  brothers,  for  whom  he  is 
executor,  have  rights  are  being  reaped  by  someone  else,  apparently 
a  certain  overseer  of  the  slave-prison,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  he  himself  has  made  them  over  to  the  temple  of  Mut, 
reserving,  however,  as  it  would  seem,  the  right  to  a  certain  pro- 
portion of  their  produce.  The  plaintiff  first  makes  his  deposition. 
Next  the  court  makes  a  statement  which  is  mostly  lost,  and  then 
Wennefer,  a  priest  of  tjhe  Temple  of  Mut,  makes  a  deposition  on 
behalf  of  the  temple.  The  court  now  gives  judgment.  Then  the 
plaintiff,  in  whose  favour  the  decision  has  clearly  gone,  says  to 
the  priest  of  Mut,  *  Behold  my  land.  .  .you  are  to  give  me  the 
half  of  its  produce  in  grain  and  vegetables,'  and  the  trial  ends 
with  the  reply  of  Wennefer,  *  I  will  do  it;  behold  me,  I  will  do  it, 
I  will  do  it/ 


It  is  now  necessary  to  turn  to  other  aspects  of  Egyptian  life 
and  activity.  The  Egyptian  mind,  as  has  been  noted  above,  did 
not  run  in  the  direction  of  pure  philosophy.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  showed  no  sloth  in  grappling  with  the  problems  of  every  day 
life.  The  result  is  that  the  practical  sciences,  so  far  as  they  were 
not  blighted  by  the  all-destroying  influence  of  magic,  were  in  a 
flourishing  condition. 

In  a  land  where  it  was  necessary  to  cultivate  every  inch  of 
fertile  soil,  and  where,  as  we  have  seen,  the  conception  of  property 
was  so  highly  developed,  mensuration  must  have  been  of  vital 
importance.  The  evidence  of  the  pyramids  of  the  Old  Kingdom 
proves  that  even  in  this  period  the  Egyptians  were  capable  of 
making  measurements  of  extraordinary  accuracy.  It  need  therefore 
not  surprise  us  to  find  in  the  reign  of  Apophis,  a  Hyksos  ruler,  a 
papyrus  (Papyrus  Rhind,  now  in  the  British  Museum)  which 
consists  of  a  series  of  mathematical  problems  with  their  solution 
and  explanation,  and  which  claims  to  be  a  copy  of  a  still  older 


document.  There  is  also  a  similar  papyrus  at  Moscow,  one 
problem  from  which  has  been  published,  and  there  are  also  a  few 
mathematical  fragments  among  the  Middle  Kingdom  papyri 
from  Kahun. 

The  Egyptian  system  of  counting  was  decimal.  A  single  stroke 
stood  for  i,  two  strokes  for  2  and  so  on.  The  number  10  was 
expressed  by  a  sign  like  a  capital  U  reversed,  20  by  two  such 
signs,  and  so  on  up  to  90.  There  was  a  new  sign  for  100,  another 
for  1000,  and  others  for  10,000,  100,000  and  1,000,000.  This 
system  shows  us  that  for  practical  purposes  there  was  no  limit 
set  to  counting.  But  in  actual  use  the  system  had  a  serious  defect. 
In  order  to  write  the  number  985  it  was  necessary  to  write  5 
units,  8  tens  and  9  hundreds,  or  22  signs  in  all.  It  is  true  that  in 
the  hieratic  script  this  process  was  considerably  shortened  by  the 
use  of  contractions  such  as  two  long  horizontal  strokes  for  8 
instead  of  two  rows  of  four  vertical  strokes  each.  But  in  a  sense 
this  only  further  complicated  the  system,^  for  there  arose  in  this 
manner  a  separate  hieratic  sign  for  each  unit,  for  each  of  the  tens, 
each  of  the  hundreds  and  so  on.  The  discovery  that  in  a  decimal 
system  ten  figures  could  be  made  to  express  all  possible  numbers 
by  giving  them  values  as  units,  tens,  hundreds,  etc.,  according  to 
their  position  was  never  reached  by  the  Egyptians, 

Fractions  had  no  terrors  for  them,  though  they  dealt  only  in 
those  whose  numerator  was  unity.  The  sole  exception  to  this  was 
two-thirds,  which  wjas  originally  written  *the  two  parts':  two- 
thirds  of  a  number  was  taken  directly  and  one-third  could  only 
be  obtained  by  halving  this.  The  consequence  of  this  limitation 
with  regard  to  fractions  was  that  tables  had  to  be  made  up  for 
reducing  every  fraction  whose  numerator  was  not  unity  to  a  sum 
of  fractions  whose  numerators  were  unity.  As  direct  multiplica- 
tion by  numbers  other  than  2  (and  rarely  10)  was  unknown,  these 
tables  needed  only  to  deal  with  fractions  whose  numerator  was  2, 
and  the  Rhind  Papyrus  therefore  begins  with  a  table  for  reducing 
to  unity-fractions  all  2-fractions  from  two-fifths  to  two  over  a 
hundred-and-one.  Thus  two-fifths  equals  a  third  plus  a  fifteenth, 
and  so  on.  These  results  are  obtained  mainly  by  trial.  They  are 
used  constantly  in  the  problems  of  this  Papyrus. 

The  fundamental  processes  of  addition  and  subtraction,  both 
mere  questions  of  counting  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  gave 
the  Egyptian  scholar  little  difficulty.  But  when  he  came  to 
multiplication  he  was  in  serious  difficulties,  for  he  memorized 
only  the  results  of  multiplication  by  2,  instead  of  by  all  numbers 
up  to  12  and  even  beyond,  as  we  do.  Thus,  to  multiply  by  5,  it 


was  necessary  to  multiply  by  2,  then  by  2  again,  which  was 
equivalent  to  multiplying  by  4,  and  lastly  to  add  on  the  original 
number.  Division  was  of  course  merely  the  converse  of  multi- 
plica  tion3  and  was  done  purely  by  trial.  To  divide  27  by  4  the 
reckoner  took  the  number  4,  doubled  it,  quadrupled  it,  halved  it, 
quartered  it  and  so  on.  Among  the  figures  thus  obtained  he  noted 
that  16+8+2+1  made  27.,  and  that  therefore  the  quotient 
when  27  was  divided  by  4  must  be  4+  2  +  -|+Jor6  +  -J  +  J 
(since  §  was  not  used).  Apart  from  this  multiplication  and  division 
by  2  the  Egyptian  had  but  one  weapon  in  his  mathematical 
armoury,  namely  the  peculiar  power  alluded  to  above  of  taking 
two-thirds  of  a  number  in  a  single  operation.  One-third  was 
arrived  at  indirectly  by  halving  this,  and  from  this  one-sixth, 
one-ninth  and  so  on  could  be  obtained.  With  these  primitive 
means,  however,  he  managed  to  get  much  further  than  might 
have  been  expected.  Among  the  purely  arithmetical  problems  of 
the  Papyrus  we  find  <the  division  of  fractions  by  fractions,  the 
equal  division  of  ten  loaves  among  various  numbers  of  men,  and 


the  solution  by  trial  of  equations  of  the  form  #  -| —  =  b+ 

The  same  methods  were  applied  to  mensuration.  The  area  of 
the  rectangle  was  correctly  determined  as  the  product  of  its 
length  and  breadth.  This  was  obviously  a  mere  matter  of  ob- 
servation, once  the  conception  of  units  of  area  as  apart  from  units 
of  length  had  developed.  The  area  of  the  circle  was  obtained  by 
squaring  eight-ninths  of  its  diameter.  We  have  no  idea  how  this 
approximation  was  arrived  at,  but  it  is  a  remarkably  good  one, 
giving  the  value  of  TT  as  3-1 6,...  Whether  the  Egyptians  had 
successfully  determined  the  area  of  the  scalene  triangle  is  a  matter 
of  doubt,  owing  to  the  uncertainty  in  meaning  of  some  of  the 
technical  terms  used.  The  formula  given  is  half  the  base  multi- 
plied by  the  meryet.  This  last  is  generally  taken  to  be  the  length 
of  a  side  (the  triangle  in  the  figure  which  accompanies  the 
problem  is  isosceles),  but  it  may  just  possibly  be  the  perpendicular 
height,  in  which  case  the  solution  is  correct. 

Passing  on  to  solids  we  find  the  volume  of  the  cylinder  deter- 
mined as  the  product  of  its  base  (approximately  ascertained  as 
above)  into  its  vertical  height.  The  volume  of  a  parallelepiped  is 
correctly  given  as  the  product  of  its  three  dimensions.  Practical 
rules  are  also  given  us  for  determining  how  many  bushels  of 
corn  can  be  placed  in  a  granary  of  given  measurements,  without 
actually  working  out  the  volume  of  the  granary.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  remark  that  such  problems  as  this  show  a  complete 


understanding  of  the  nature  of  three-dimensional  units.  In  the 
Moscow  Papyrus  the  volume  of  a  truncated  pyramid  is  given  as 

_  (#  +  #b  -f-  ^  where  a  and  b  are  the  sides  of  the  squares  which 

bound  the  figure  top  and  bottom  respectively  and  h  is  the  height, 
but  whether  vertical  or  slanting  is  not  quite  certain. 

A  number  of  problems  deal  with  the  determination  of  the 
slope  or  batter  of  the  sides  of  a  pyramid  of  given  base  and  height. 
This  is  a  purely  practical  matter,  the  result  being  given  in  the 
form  of  so  many  palms  per  cubit,  and  intended  for  the  use  of  the 
stonemason  who  had  to  dress  the  outer  blocks  of  the  pyramid. 
The  remaining  problems  of  the  Rhind  Papyrus  are  all  purely 
arithmetical,  but  all  deal  with  practical  problems,  the  numbering 
of  cattle,  the  food  of  a  poultry  farm,  the  number  of  loaves  of 
bread  or  jugs  of  beer  of  a  certain  size  which  can  be  made  from  a 
fixed  quantity  of  grain,  etc. 

Of  the  application  of  mathematics  to  astronomy  there  is  very 
little  trace.  It  is  true  that  the  length  of  the  solar  year  had  been 
fairly  accurately  determined,  but  this  was  done  in  the  first  place  by 
observation  of  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  or  Sothis,  which  hap- 
pened to  correspond  rather  closely  with  the  first  rise  of  the  Nile. 
In  other  words,  it  was  a  matter  of  observation  and  involved  no 
calculation  whatever  (vol.  r,  p.  168). 

At  the  same  time  the  aspect  of  the  heavens  was  carefully 
studied,  and  the  various  groups  of  stars  were  divided  into  con- 
stellations according  to  the  forms  which  they  presented  to 
Egyptian  imagination.  The  material  at  our  disposal  for  study  is 
unfortunately  rather  late  in  date,  running  from  the  XlXth  Dynasty 
down  to  Roman  times,  and  consists  mainly  in  tables  and  pictures 
of  stars  from  the  roofs  of  royal  tombs  and  of  temples.  Five 
planets  seem  to  have  been  known,  identified  generally  with 
Venus,  Mercury,  Mars,  Saturn  and  Jupiter.  Perhaps  the  most 
striking  documents  are  the  star-tables  in  the  tombs  of  Ramses  VI 
and  Ramses  IX.  In  these  the  heaven  is  regarded  as  represented 
or  occupied  by  the  figure  of  a  squatting  man,  and  the  position  of 
certain  prominent  stars  is  mapped  out  on  this  figure  for  every 
fortnight  of  the  year,  such  and  such  a  star  being  said  to  be  over 
the  left  eye,  such  and  such  another  over  the  right  ear,  and  so  on. 

Among  the  learning  of  the  Egyptians  medicine  found  a  place. 
No  fewer  than  four  considerable  papyri  dealing  with  the  subject 
have  come  down  to  us,  while  a  recently  re-discovered  papyrus 
treats  of  surgery,  though  of  a  very  elementary  kind,  and  a  frag- 
ment from  Kahim  attests  the  existence  of  veterinary  treatises. 


As  early  as  the  Old  Kingdom  we  find  references  to  the  wr  swnw 
or  chief  doctor.  A  certain  Khuy,  who  bore  this  title  in  the  royal 
court,  is  described  as  'interpreter  of  a  difficult  science.'  The 
Egyptians  themselves  attributed  a  hoary  antiquity  to  the  begin- 
nings of  their  medical  knowledge.  A  section  of  the  Berlin  Medical 
Papyrus,  which  also  occurs  in  the  Ebers  Papyrus,  is  stated  to 
have  been  found  "in  an  ancient  script  in  a  chest  of  documents 
beneath  the  feet  of  the  majesty  of  king  Usaphais.  After  his  death 
it  was  brought  to  the  majesty  of  king  Send  on  account  of  its 
excellence/  These  names  take  us  back  to  the  earliest  dynasties, 
and,  indeed,  the  portion  of  the  papyri  to  which  the  heading  refers 
contains  peculiarities  of  writing  and  syntax  not  inconsistent  with 
a  very  early  origin. 

Like  religion,  the  science  of  medicine  was  permeated  by  the 
blighting  influence  of  magic,  which  made  any  serious  progress 
impossible.  Of  our  five  main  papyri  one  contains  little  beyond 
a  series  of  spells  to  be^recited  at  the  taking  of  certain  medicines. 
The  medicaments  here  occupy  an  entirely  subordinate  place,  and 
the  proportions  in  which  they  are  to  be  mixed  are  not  even  given. 
Thus  the  document  stands  half  way  between  the  purely  magical 
Spells  for  Mother  and  Child'  (Papyrus  Berlin  3027),  in  which 
the  child  is  protected  against  disease  by  the  recitation  of  spells 
by  the  mother,  and  the  more  serious  medical  papyri,  such  as  the 
Ebers.  One  or  two  examples  will  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  this 
London  Papyrus.  'Receipt  for  driving  the  blood  from  a  wound. 
Fly-dung  and  vinegar  placed  thereon.  Incantation.  The  weak  was 
carried  off  by  the  strong  (repeat  backwards).  The  weak  is  saved; 
he  smites  the  strong.  This  against  that.'  A  recipe  for  the  healing 
of  burns  consists  of  a  long  incantation  telling  how  Horus  was 
once  burnt  in  the  marshes,  and  cured  by  the  milk  of  his  sister 
Isis.  The  remedy  to  be  applied  has  relation  to  the  incantation, 
for  it  consists  of  various  vegetable  products,  mixed  and  stirred 
up  with  the  milk  of  the  mother  of  a  male  child.  Another  incanta- 
tion against  a  disease  called  thent-aamu  is  said  to  be  'in  the 
language  of  Keftiu'  (see  p.  280  and  note),  and  yet  others  are  *in 
the  language  of  the  foreigners/  perhaps  more  particularly  "the 

Putting  aside  the  whole  paraphernalia  of  magic,  can  we  discern 
in  Egyptian  medicine  anything  of  real  value?  To  answer  this 
question  we  must  consider  the  Egyptians*  knowledge  of  anatomy, 
the  correctness  of  their  diagnoses,  the  nature  of  their  drugs,  and 
the  method  of  their  application.  Seeing  that  they  were  in  the  habit 
of  opening  bodies  for  mummification,  their  opportunities  for  the 


study  of  human  anatomy  must  have  been  unrivalled.  Yet  they 
seem  to  have  made  little  use  of  them.  They  had,  it  Is  true,  taken 
cognizance  of  the  existence  and  position  of  the  larger  organs,  an 
achievement  of  no  very  great  merit,  but  in  their  attempts  to  go 
beyond  this  they  failed  badly.  Having  observed  the  great  blood- 
vessels which  enter  and  leave  the  heart,  they  had  evolved  a 
vessel-theory  which  is  twice  exposed  in  the  Ebers  Papyrus,  with 
considerable  variations.  The  various  vessels  were  said  to  lead 
from  the  heart  to  different  parts  of  the  body,  so  many  to  each  leg 
and  arm,  so  many  to  the  liver,  and  so  on.  According  to  one 
account  there  were  forty  in  all,  according  to  another  only  twelve. 
The  circulation  of  the  blood  was  quite  unknown,  for  they  thought 
that  these  vessels  conveyed  various  substances :  air,  water,  blood, 
mucus  and  other  materials.  Disease  was  held  to  be  caused  by 
failure  in  their  functioning,  and  a  long  section  of  the  papyrus  is 
devoted  to  recipes  for  cooling,  calming,  vivifying,  freshening  and 
reducing  the  activity  of  these  vessels.  *  * 

It  is  clear  that  a  system  of  medicine  could  not  with  any  success 
be  based  upon  such  a  mass  of  misconception  and  invention  as 
this.  It  only  remains  to  ask  whether  the  Egyptian  materia  medica 
has  any  empirical  value.  Here  there  is  no  doubt  that  an  affirmative 
answer  must  be  given.  There  are  many  things  for  which  vinegar, 
ointment,  olive-oil,  milk,  beer,  honey,  castor-oil,  cummin  and 
such  common  substances  are  beneficial.  It  is  further  probable 
that  many  of  the  plants  contained  in  these  prescriptions  which  we 
are  as  yet  unable  to  identify  were  efficacious  for  the  diseases  for 
which  the  Egyptians  used  them.  Let  us  not  deny  to  this  great 
nation  that  knowledge  of  the  medical  effects  of  various  natural 
substances  which  is  possessed  by  even  the  most  savage  people  of 
modern  times.  The  majority  of  the  recipes  contain  at  least  one 
of  a  small  group  of  medicines  such  as  those  enumerated  above. 
These  formed  the  kernel  of  the  prescription,  and  if  ignorance  and 
superstition  insisted  on  adding  the  excreta  of  animals  and  flies 
together  with  other  less  abominable  if  equally  useless  ingredients, 
these  can  hardly  have  prevented  the  really  useful  portions  of  the 
whole  from  doing  their  work  and  'proving  most  efficacious/  as 
the  Egyptians  loved  to  add  at  the  end  of  their  favourite  recipes. 
^  Our  papyri  tell  us  little  about  diagnosis.  The  nature  of  the 
disease  is  generally  taken  for  granted,  and  the  supposed  remedy 
prescribed.  The  new  Smith  Papyrus  and  certain  sections  of  Ebers, 
however,  show  that  diagnosis  was  attempted.  *  If  you  are  treating  a 
man  with  a  pain  in  the  abdomen  and  all  his  limbs  are  heavy,  you  are 
to  lay  your  hand  on  his  abdomen.  If  you  find  his  abdomen  swollen 



and  it  comes  and  goes  beneath  the  fingers,  then  shall  you  say. 
This  is  a  weariness  of  eating.  Stop  him  eating  forthwith.  You  are 
to  make  for  him  every  kind  of  purge/  Here  the  section  consists, 
as  often,  of  three  parts :  examination,  diagnosis  and  prescription. 
The  examination  is,  however,  always  of  a  very  elementary  nature. 

In  the  method  of  applying  drugs  some  discrimination  is 
naturally  shown.  External  complaints  are  as  a  rule  treated  ex- 
ternally by  poultice  or  fomentation.  Inhalation  or  fumigation  is 
rare.  Internal  medicines  are  often  marked  to  be  taken  in  water  or 
milk,  in  many  cases  for  four  successive  days,  this  number  appear- 
ing to  have  a  special  efficacy  in  medicine. 

A  special  section  of  Egyptian  medicine  dealt  with  gynaecology 
and  the  diseases  of  children.  In  this  section  is  a  method  for 
detecting  whether  a  child  will  live  or  not  *  on  the  day  of  its  birth. 
If  it  says  ny  (yes  ?),  that  means  it  will  live.  If  it  says  mbi  (no),  that 
means  it  will  die.' 

This  by  no  means  exhausts  the  domain  of  medicine,  for  the 
doctor  was  expected  to  drive  out  vermin  from  the  house,  to 
prevent  a  snake  from  coming  out  of  his  hole,  to  keep  rats  from 
devouring  the  grain  in  the  barn,  to  drive  out  a  bad  smell  from  a 
house  or  a  garment,  and  to  prevent  mosquitos  from  biting.  Even 
in  the  preparation  of  toilet  prescriptions  the  doctor  was  called 
upon.  He  had  a  remedy  for  beautifying  the  skin,  for  preventing 
the  hair  from  falling,  and  even  for  causing  the  hair  of  a  hated 
rival  (the  word  is  feminine  gender)  to  come  out. 


The  changes  which  transformed  Egyptian  religion  were  not 
without  their  effect  on  literature  (see  above,  p.  160^.).  Much 
though  there  is  both  in  quantity  and  quality  in  the  New  Empire 
we  cannot  help  feeling  that  the  great  age  of  Egyptian  writing  has 
passed  with  the  Middle  Kingdom.  There  is  no  group  of  writings 
in  the  later  period  which  could  compete  in  literary  merit  with  such 
a  combination  as  Sinuhe,  the  Eloquent  Peasant  and  the  Proverbs 
of  Ptahhotep  (see  vol.  i).  The  reason  for  this  is  difficult  to  find, 
and  it  may  be  that  we  are  simply  face  to  face  with  the  old  and 
insoluble  problem,  why  art  flourishes  more  at  one  period  than 
"at  another,  though  the  conditions  of  the  two  periods  seem  equally 
conducive  to  successful  artistic  activity.  It  might  be  thought  that 
the  failure  of  the  New  Kingdom  is  merely  apparent,  and  that 
fortunate  discoveries  will  yet  force  us  to  alter  our  opinion.  That 
this  is  improbable  is  clear  from  the  fact  that,  as  the  numerous 
fragments  of  schoolboys'  copy-books  show,  the  great  works  of 


the  Middle  Kingdom  were  still  the  favourite  subjects  for  copy- 
work  in  the  New  Empire,  a  sure  sign  that  little  of  equal  merit 
had  arisen  to  take  their  place. 

From  one  point  of  view  this  is  strange,  for  one  might  have 
confidently  expected  that  the  great  victories  of  the  XVIIIth  and 
XlXth  Dynasties  would  prove  a  sharp  stimulus  to  literature. 
Yet  to  these  we  seem  to  owe  little  beyond  the  Victory  Hymn  of 
Thutmose  III,  the  so-called  Poem  of  Pentewere  (see  below),  and 
a  series  of  not  too  brilliant  historical  and  semi-historical  stories. 
Religious  literature,  however,  occasionally  reached  quite  a  high 
level,  especially  in  the  hymns  to  the  sun-god  (e.g.  Leiden  Papyrus 
350)  and  in  the  hymns  and  prayers  of  the  Aton  faith.  At  the 
same  time  the  Book  of  the  Dead  is  on  the  whole  a  dull  successor 
to  the  Pyramid  and  Coffin  Texts. 

In  secular  writing  the  literary  forms  of  the  Middle  Kingdom 
were  by  no  means  abandoned,  and  in  the  Maxims  of  Ani,  and 
the  Teachings  of  Dwauf  (Papyrus  Sallier  M)'  we  have  a  continua- 
tion of  the  very  popular  "Instructions'  of  older  days.  The  first 
•  of  these  works  seems  but  a  feeble  echo  of  the  far  more  piquant 
Proverbs  of  Ptahhotep,  but  the  second  holds  something  that  is 
new  to  us.  It  is  an  exaltation  of  the  profession  of  literature. 
Dwauf  is  taking  his  son  Pepi  up  the  Nile  to  set  him  to  school 
and  exhorts  him  to  strenuous  efforts  by  recounting  the  toils  and 
difficulties  which  beset  every  trade  and  profession  save  that  of 
the  scribe.  The  piece  has  been  not  ill-described  as  the  Satire  on 
the  Professions.  *I  have  never  seen  the  smith,'  says  the  speaker, 
'as  an  ambassador,  nor  the  goldsmith  as  a  messenger  (?).  But  I 
have  seen  the  smith  at  his  work  at  the  mouth  of  his  furnace,  his 
fingers  like  the  crocodiles  (in  their  rugosity?),  and  he  stank 
more  than  eggs  or  fish/ 

The  art  of  story-telling,  so  admirably  exemplified  in  the  Middle 
Kingdom  in  Sinuhe  and  the  Shipwrecked  Sailor,  had  not  been 
altogether  lost.  In  Papyrus  Harris  500  we  have  a  naive  tale  known 
as  the  Enchanted  Prince.  A  childless  king  is  granted  a  son  by  the 
gods,  and  at  the  birth  the  Hathors  decree  him  a  destiny,  'He 
shall  die  by  the  crocodile  or  the  snake  or  again  the  dog/  The 
father,  anxious  to  save  his  son  from  the  fate  decreed,  shuts  him 
up  in  a  house  of  stone  in  the  desert.  But  the  prince  not  only 
contrives  to  obtain  a  puppy  for  companion,  but  eventually  wrings 
from  his  father  a  reluctant  consent  to  his  going  out  into  the 
world.  'What  is  to  come  of  it  if  I  sit  idle  here?  Behold  I  am 
ordained  to  three  fates.  Let  it  be  granted  me  to  do  according  to 
my  heart's  desire.  Surely  God  will  do  what  is  in  his  heart.'  He 

IX,  iv]  LITERATURE  223 

sets  off  with  his  dog  and  comes  to  the  land  of  Naharin  in  the 
north-east  of  Syria.  Here  he  finds  that  the  king  of  the  land  has 
shut  up  his  daughter  in  a  lofty  tower,  and  promised  her  hand  to 
whosoever  shall  succeed  in  flying  up  to  her  window.  Concealing 
his  identity,  the  prince  joins  the  competitors  and  wins  the  princess, 
despite  the  objections  of  her  father,  who  believes  him  to  be  merely 
the  son  of  an  Egyptian  officer.  He  discloses  the  secret  of  his  fates 
to  his  wife,  who  implores  him  to  have  the  dog  killed,  but  in  vain. 
She  next  saves  him  from  the  first  of  his  fates  in  the  form  of  a 
snake,  which  attacks  him  while  he  is  asleep.  The  rest  of  the 
papyrus  is  incomplete  and  obscure.  The  expected  crocodile, 
however,  makes  his  appearance,  together  with  a  giant  whose 
function  in  the  plot  is  not  evident.  The  last  lines  leave  the  prince 
in  considerable  trouble  with  the  crocodile.  It  needs  no  prophet 
to  tell  us  that  he  will  escape  this  peril  only  to  be  done  to  death 
by  some  misplaced  zeal  on  the  part  of  the  faithful  dog.  The  story 
is  clearly  told,  but  compared  with  Sinuhe  or  the  Shipwrecked 
Sailor  it  is  the  work  of  a  child  as  against  that  of  a  grown  man. 
Vocabulary  and  phraseology  are  very  limited  and  the  constant 
repetition  of  a  few  groups  of  words  is  so  tedious  that  despite  our 
interest  in  the  ultimate  fate  of  the  prince  we  view  the  mutilated 
end  of  the  papyrus  without  a  pang. 

Distinctly  higher,  from  the  stylistic  point  of  view,  must  be 
placed  the  Story  of  Anubis  and  Bet  contained  in  the  d'Orbiney 
Papyrus.  It  has  a  particular  interest  in  that  it  contains  an  anticipa- 
tion of  the  history  of  Joseph  and  Potiphar's  wife.  At  first  sight  it 
seems  a  perfectly  straightforward  fairy-tale,  but  there  is  a  con- 
siderable probability,  judging  by  the  name  Anubis,  and  by  some 
of  the  incidents,  that  the  story  has  a  religious  background. 

In  some  of  these  stories  a  historical  setting  is  attempted.  The 
warlike  exploits  of  the  kings  of  the  XVII  Ith  and  XlXth  Dynasties 
had  appealed  strongly  to  the  story  writer  and  to  this  fact  we  owe 
some  of  our  knowledge  of  Egyptian  history.  Thus,  Papyrus 
Sallier  I  contains  the  famous  tale  of  Sekenenre  and  the  Hyksos 
referred  to  in  vol.  i,  p.  314,  while  in  Harris  500  we  have  an 
account  of  a  stratagem  whereby  Thutmose  III  captured  the  town 
of  Joppa  (p.  84,  above).  Naturally  the  student  of  Egyptian  history 
will  exercise  caution  in  making  use  of  this  material,  for  it  is  often 
difficult  to  distinguish  fact  from  fancy. 

Among  the  same  group  of  texts  must  be  placed  the  description 
of  Ramses  IPs  fight  with  the  Hittites  and  their  allies  at  the  town 
of  Kadesh.  This,  known  wrongly  by  the  name  of  the  Poem  of 
Pentewere,  who  is  merely  the  scribe  who  made  our  papyrus  copy 


of  it  (Papyri  Raifet  and  Sallier  III),  was  written  by  an  unknown 
author  to  please  the  vanity  of  the  king  after  his  return  from 
narrowly  escaping  disaster  at  Kadesh.  It  was  inscribed  on  the 
walls  of  three  temples  in  Egypt. 

To  the  same  martial  inspiration  we  owe  the  famous  Hymn  of 
Victory  dedicated  by  Thutmose  III  to  Amon  and  inscribed  on  a 
slab  of  black  granite  found  in  the  Amon  temple  at  Karnak.  The 
composition  is  in  parts  strophic  in  arrangement,  and  is  in  the 
form  of  a  speech  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  god.  Two  strophes 
will  give  an  idea  of  the  whole. 

I  have  come, 

I  granted  thee  to  trample  on  the  great  ones  of  Syria; 
I  spread  them  beneath  thy  feet  in  their  lands. 
I  caused  them  to  see  thy  majesty  as  Lord  of  the  Rays., 
When  thou  didst  shine  in  their  faces  in  my  image. 

I  have  come. 

I  granted  thee  to  trample  on  the  dwellers  in  Asia; 

To  smite  the  heads  of  the  Asiatics  of  Retenu. 

I  caused  them  to  see  thy  Majesty  equipped  with  his  splendour. 

When  thou  didst  seize  the  weapons  of  warfare  in  thy  chariot. 

From  these  hymns  of  victory  and  accounts  of  royal  prowess  it 
is  distressing  to  turn  to  the  last  of  the  historical  papyri  of  this 
period,  the  Story  of  Wenamon.  This  tells  of  the  adventures  of  a 
certain  Wenamon,  who,  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  XII,  was  sent 
by  the  chief  priest  of  Amon,  Hrihor,  to  the  ruler  of  Byblus  in 
Syria  to  ask  for  timber  for  the  sacred  barque  of  Amon.  The  main 
value  of  this  document  lies  in  the  sad  picture  it  gives  us  of  the 
position  of  Egypt,  now  compelled  to  beg  and  to  give  a  price  for 
the  wood  of  Lebanon  which  Thutmose  III  and  Ramses  II  would 
have  exacted  as  tribute*  See  p.  192  sq* 

The  rest  of  the  Secular  literature  of  the  period,  apart  from  law- 
documents,  accounts,  and  the  day-books  of  temples,  cemeteries 
and  fortresses,  consists  mainly  of  letters,  actual  or  model.  The 
latter  we  owe  to  the  fact  that  letter-writing  played  a  prominent 
part  in  the  education  of  the  scribe,  with  the  result  that  numbers 
of  model  letters  have  come  down  to  us  with  the  master's  cor- 
rections in  the  margin*  The  following  is  an  admirable  example  of 
this  style  of  writing,  and  comes  from  the  collection  of  model 
letters  contained  in  Papyrus  Bologna  1094.  'The  scribe  Meh  of 
the  armoury  of  Pharaoh  says  to  the  scribe  Uhem.  Don't  play  the 
man  of  no  intelligence  who  has  no  education.  Though  one  spends 
the  night  in  teaching  you,  and  spends  the  whole  day  in  teaching 
you,  yet  you  hearken  to  no  advice,  but  follow  your  own  counsel. 

IX,  iv]  LETTER-WRITING  225 

The  ape  is  obedient  when  he  is  brought  from  Ethiopia;  men 
can  teach  lions  and  subdue  horses,  but  as  for  you,  your  like  is  not 
known  in  the  whole  world.  Don't  forget  it/ 

Another  of  the  same  series  is  of  still  more  mundane  tenour. 
'The  scribe  Uhem  greets  his  lord  the  scribe  Meh  of  the  armoury 
of  Pharaoh.  This  is  to  inform  my  lord  that  the  vizier  has  sent 
three  youths,  saying,  Place  them  as  priests  in  the  temple  of 
Merenptah  Hetephermaat  in  the  estate  of  Ptah.  But  they  seized 
them  and  took  them  to  .  . . ,  saying,  they  shall  be  soldiers.  Do 
thou  make  haste  and  overtake  them,  and  write  to  me  what  is 
their  position.  Moreover,  do  thou  seek  out  the  merchant  (or 
possibly,  Pashuy,  a  proper  name)  and  see  whether  he  has  come 
from  Syria.  Further,  do  thou  hurry  hither  from  Memphis,  for 
my  heart  is  sick  and  I  am  unable  to  write  to  thee.  Do  thou  send  the 
servant  Tinen,  and  write  to  me  of  thy  condition  by  the  hand  of 
everyone  who  comes  hither  from  thee.  May  thy  health  be  good/ 

A  peculiar  development  of  the  epistolary  style  is  the  satiric 
letter  as  exemplified  by  Papyrus  Anastasi  I.  The  argument  is  as 
follows.  A  scribe  of  the  royal  stable  named  Hori  has  received  from 
his  colleague  Amenemope  a  letter  which  he  considers  shows  a 
complete  lack  of  epistolary  skill.  Hori  undertakes  in  his  reply  to 
show  his  friend  how  a  letter  ought  to  be  composed,  and  to 
surpass  him  at  every  point  in  dealing  with  precisely  the  same 
topics.  Among  other  tests  of  skill  Hori  propounds  several  mathe- 
matical problems  which  he  regards  his  rival  as  incapable  of 
solving,  jeers  at  him  for  his  pretensions  as  a  traveller,  and  cross- 
examines  him  on  the  subject  of  a  journey  in  Syria,  of  the  geo- 
graphy of  which  region  Amenemope  shows  himself  totally 
ignorant.  Finally  Hori  comforts  him  with  the  hope  that  with 
time  and  application  he  too  may  become  equally  proficient  (see 
p.  326  Jj".).  The  appeal  of  this  type  of  literature  to  the  modern 
mind  is  not  very  direct,  but  its  popularity  in  Ancient  Egypt  is 
attested  by  the  existence  of  excerpts  from  it  on  no  fewer  than 
eight  ostraca  and  a  papyrus. 

No  account  of  Egyptian  literature  of  the  New  Kingdom  would 
be  complete  without  some  mention  of  its  admirable  love  songs. 
The  best  known  of  these  are  contained  in  a  collection  known  as 
'The  beautiful  joyful  songs  of  thy  sister  whom  thy  heart  loves, 
who  walks  in  the  fields/  These  have  been  so  frequently  quoted 
that  it  may  be  advisable  to  give  an  instance  from  a  less  well-known 
composition  found  inscribed  on  an  ostracon  of  the  XlXth  or 
XXth  Dynasty.  *  The  love  of  my  beloved  leaps  on  the  bank  of 
the  stream  among A  crocodile  lies  in  the  shallows,  yet  I  go 

X,n]  THE  ROUT  OF  BABYLON  251 

and  he  renewed  the  palaces.  Above  all  did  he  cherish  his  land, 
for  he  proudly  records  that  he  repaired  all  the  water-machines 
throughout  the  land,  and  accumulated  stores  of  grain.  His  con- 
quests had  vastly  increased  the  'cattle,  sheep,  horses  and  asses, 
and  he  had  even  seen  to  the  breeding  of  wild  deer  and  ibex  which 
he  had  captured;  his  gardens  and  parks  were  adorned  with 
strange  trees  and  fruits  from  foreign  lands,  It  was  doubtless 
in  full  appreciation  of  his  passion  for  collecting  strange  animals 
that  the  king  of  Egypt  sent  him  a  crocodile  (p.  194).  Such  a  bizarre 
gift  would  surely  soften  the  heart  of  a  great  conqueror  who  had 
the  strength  to  press  so  far  into  the  Syrian  arena.  In  a  word,  he 
was  an  admirable  Oriental  despot  of  the  best  kind. 

He  crossed  swords  with  the  Babylonian  king,  Marduk-nadin- 
akhe  (c.  1116— 1101),  towards  the  end  of  his  reign.  If  we  may 
infer  anything  from  a  statement  of  Sennacherib,  it  was  about  the 
year  1107  B.C.  that  Marduk-nadin-akhe,  the  king  of  Babylon, 
made  a  raid  on  Assyria,  and  carried  off  the  statues  of  the  two 
deities,  Adad  and  Shala.  The  Synchronous  History  then  relates 
that  'a  second  time'  the  armies  met,  this  time  near  Arzukhina  on 
the  Lower  Zab,  and  *in  the  second  year*  they  fought  at  Marrite 
in  Upper  Akkad.  The  Assyrian  king  was  victorious  and  then 
pressed  into  Babylonia,  capturing  Dur-Kurigalzu,  the  two  Sip- 
pars,  Babylon  and  Opis;  and  then  plundered  the  land  from 
Akarsallu  to  Lubdi,  Sukhi  and  to  RapikL 

With  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  B.C.  and  the  end  of  Tiglath- 
pileser's  reign  this  chapter  may  conveniently  break  off*  Meso- 
potamian  history  becomes  obscure,  and  what  little  has  to  be  said 
will  be  the  natural  prelude  to  the  period  dealt  with  in  the  next 



RAFFIC  and  intercourse  in  the  Near  East  are  dependent 

Ji  on  two  factors  —  water  and  animals*  The  bank  of  a  river, 
presuming  that  it  is  not  rendered  impassable  by  forests  or  moun- 
tains, will  always  provide  a  route  for  a  wayfarer  on  foot,  from  its 
mouth  to  its  source.  But  if  the  traveller  essay  to  strike  away  from 
it,  to  cross  country  which  is  either  desert  or  sparse  of  water,  his 
risks  of  dying  of  thirst^are  great,  until  the  water-holes  are  known 
to  him  either  by  his  own  discovery,  or  by  hearsay  from  the  in- 
habitants. It  is  then  that  the  horse  comes  to  aid  the  adventurer, 
who  is  thus  able  to  make  his  day's  journey  twice  or  three  times 
as  long,  from  one  water-pan  to  another,  or  escape  attack  by 
fleeing  at  a  gallop  where  formerly  he  must  rely  on  his  own  heels 

It  was  the  introduction  of  the  horse  from  the  East  which, 
perhaps  more  than  any  one  factor,  changed  the  face  of  inter- 
national politics.  Where  in  previous  times  man  had  depended  on 
ass  and  camel  and  his  own  slow  pace,  he  now  was  able  to  traverse 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  with  horse  or  mule;  the  ass 
must  yield  in  power  to  both,  and  the  camel,  excellent  on  the  flat, 
cannot  climb  rocks  in  colder  altitudes. 

It  was  the  Kassites  who  really  introduced  the  horse  into  Baby- 
lonia, although  it  had  already  been  known  in  the  time  of  Ham- 
murabi (vol.  i,  p.  501).  It  must  surely  have  been  in  common  use 
some  time  before  the  Kassites  dominated  Babylonia  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  for  it  entered  Egypt  about  the  time  of  t|ife 
Hyksos  conquest,  c.  i8oo(?)  B.C.,  together  with  the  Semitic 
word  for  'chariot,'  markabata,  the  same  as  the  Hebrew  merkabhak. 
The  obvious  assumption  is,  of  course,  that  the  Hyksos  brbught 
it  in  with  them.  Even  Murshil  II,  the  Hittite  (c.  *3$5~I33°\ 
in  his  cuneiform  inscriptions  used,  like  any  Babylonian,  the  word 
an^hu.kur.ra,  'the  beast  from  the  East/  for  the  horse, 

With  this  tremendous  increase  in  pace  and  power,  paralleled 
by  our  use  of  motor-lorry  and  aeroplane  in  the  East  during  the 



latter  part  of  our  Mesopotamian  campaign,  the  political  horizon 
changed,  and  Assyria  and  Babylonia  had  to  adapt  themselves 
accordingly.  Troops  and  merchants  could  travel  long  distances 
with  comparative  safety;  the  different  nations  were  no  longer 
able  to  shut  themselves  within  their  own  ring-fences.  The  begin- 
ning of  the  second  millennium  shows  an  extraordinary  quickening 
of  political  conversations  between  Asia  Minor,  Egypt  and  Meso- 
potamia; the  el-Amarna  tablets  from  Egypt,  the  scattered  tablets 
from  the  Palestine  mounds,  the  great  finds  of  Hittite  tablets  at 
Boghaz  Keui,  all  tell  the  same  tale  of  interchange  of  diplomatic 
correspondence,  with  intermarriage  between  Royal  Houses,  such 
as  would  hardly  have  been  suggested  as  possible  in  the  third 

It  must  not,  however,  be  supposed  that  there  had  been  no 

hardy  and  reckless  spirits  to  explore  neighbouring  lands  before 

the  introduction  of  the  horse.  For  instance,  Egypt  had  long  been 

in  some  kind  of  possession  of  the  turqueise  mines  in  the  rocky 

fastnesses  of  Sinai,  which  had  been  secured  for  her  by  expeditions 

even  as  far  back  as  the  1st  Dynasty.  Later  on  is  told  the  exciting 

Egyptian  story  of  Sinuhe,  who,  in  the  reign  of  Amenemhet  I  of 

the  Xllth  Dynasty,  made  his  way  through  the  Palestinian  lands, 

luxuriant  with  vines,  figs  and  olives  (vol.  i,  pp.  226  ^y-)-  On  the 

Babylonian  side  there  is  little  record  of  individual  travel,  although 

perhaps  the  Legend  of  Gilgamesh  marks  the  admiration  of  the 

Sumerian  for  bold  exploits  in  solitary  wandering,  which  may  well 

have  some  foundation   in   fact.   There  are  the  rather   dubious 

legends  of  Sargon  in  the  west  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean,  and 

the  more  satisfactory  stories  of  Gudea  ranging  foreign  lands  in 

search  of  wood  and  stone;  but  these  are  the  campaigns  of  warriors 

and  not  the  wanderings  of  single  wayfarers.  Nevertheless,  in  spite 

of  this  lack  of  stories,  there  must  have  been  frequent  mercantile 

traffic  between  land  and  land  with  caravans  strong  enough  to  be 

secured  against  robbery,  plying  up  the  banks  of  the  two  rivers 

and  thence  diverging  whither  the  rich  and  safer  roads  led  them. 

Practically  the  only  district  which  merchants  had  to  avoid  were 

the  deserts  west  of  the  Euphrates  which  were  only  to  be  crossed 

with  the  greatest  difficulty. 

With  the  spread  of  the  horse  went  one  of  the  great  inventions 
of  the  ancient  world,  the  cuneiform  character.  It  was  adopted  by 
practically  all  the  nations  of  the  Near  East  as  a  medium  for  the 
exchange  of  diplomatic  correspondence;  Egypt,  Syria,  Mitanni, 
Hanigalbat  and  the  Hittite  country  all  borrowed  it  from  the 
Tigris  valley  about  this  time:  Van  adopted  it  at  a  later  period; 


Elam  had  already  long  absorbed  it.  Some  of  these  chancelleries 
preferred  to  retain  even  the  Semitic  language  of  Babylonia  as  a 
lingua  franca  for  their  communications  to  foreign  powers;  others, 
more  ambitious,  attempted  to  apply  the  cuneiform  signs  with 
their  Babylonian  values  to  their  own  languages,  in  which  they 
then  wrote  their  correspondence.  Egypt  recognized  the  futility 
of  this,  as  did  the  Kassites;  the  Hittites  wrote  in  Semitic  Baby- 
lonian side  by  side  with  their  native  language  spelt  out  laboriously 
in  cuneiform.  To  this  fortunate  circumstance  of  the  almost 
universal  adoption  of  cuneiform  on  clay  by  the  ancient  world, 
we  owe  most  of  our  knowledge  of  the  politics  of  the  fifteenth 
century  B.C.1, 

To  go  back  for  a  moment  to  the  preceding  century,  the  six- 
teenth, let  us  examine  the  relations  between  the  great  lands  of 
the  civilized  world,  Egypt,  Hatti,  Assyria,  Babylonia  and  Elam, 
Of  these  the  Egyptians  and  the  Hittites  were  the  two  pre- 
eminent; the  Kassites  i»  Babylonia  were  shortly  to  take  the  third 
place,  but  these  were  merely  cuckoos  in  the  nest,  without  great 
inventive  capacity,  and  markedly  inferior  to  the  first  two.  As  for 
Assyria,  it  was  as  yet  only  a  very  small  state  barred  out  from  the 
west  by  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Mitanni  and,  in  a  less  degree, 
Hanigalbat,  and  by  the  Aramaean  tribes  of  the  Middle  Euphrates. 
Elam,  again,  in  the  far  south-east  was  now  a  kingdom  to  itself, 
but  at  first  without  grave  menace  to  the  flat  lands  below  her  to 
the  west. 

This  was  the  period  when  Egypt,  having  thrown  off  the 
Hyksos  yoke,  was  beginning  to  overflow  into  the  fertile  lands  of 
Palestine,  Not  merely  had  the  Shepherd  Kings  been  driven  back 
into  Asia,  but  the  irresistible  wave  which  had  thrust  them  forth 
surged  over  into  Syria,  where  the  impetuous  Thutmose  I  carried 
his  standards  as  far  as  the  brown  waters  of  the  Euphrates.  But 
there  was  another  power  besides  Egypt  in  the  arena,  with  equal 

1  The  chronology  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  Kassite  period  is  difficult  to 
settle.  We  are  now  approaching  a  time  when  we  have  the  actual  letters 
which  passed  between  Egypt,  Babylonia  and  northern  Syria.  Then,  in 
addition,  we  have  the  later  resumls  afforded  by  the  Synchronous  Hfstdrjr, 
not  always  above  suspicion,  and  by  Chronicle  *P,'  on  which  the  same 
comment  may  be  made.  Finally,  we  have  the  recently  published  important 
series  of  chronological  tablets  from  Ashur,  which  give  the  Kassite  con- 
temporaries for  Assyrian  kings,  but  even  here  the  scribes  made  serious 
errors.  In  these  circumstances  it  is  impossible  to  reach  conclusive  results 
and  the  chronological  scheme  which  has  been  adopted  must  be  accepted 
with  these  reservations.  All  these  dates  therefore  must  be  regarded  as 
approximate.  See  the  Appendix. 


capacity  for  expansion,  springing  forth  from  the  oak-clad  hills  of 
Anatolia.  Long  before,  the  Hittite  ruler,  Murshil  (Murshilish)  I, 
probably  three  centuries  or  more  before  the  raid  of  Thutmose  I 
to  the  Euphrates,  according  to  the  description  of  his  exploits  on 
a  clay  tablet  in  his  own  native  tongue,  swept  down  through  the 
Taurus  passes  from  Boghaz  Keui  over  the  Amanus  to  Halpash 
(Aleppo)  and  took  it.  Following  the  bank  of  the  Euphrates  down 
its  course,  his  freebooters  raided  Babylon.  Indeed,  this  may  be  the 
raid  mentioned  in  one  of  the  Chronicles  as  happening  in  the  reign 
of  Shamash-ditana.  It  helps  to  fill  out  our  understanding  of  Kassite 
history,  and  throws  a  light  on  the  Egyptian  campaigns  of  the  later 
time,  for  although  Egypt  was  subsequently  able  to  expand  as  far 
as  the  Euphrates,  the  Hittites  apparently  as  yet  ignored  her.  That 
is  to  say,  a  Hittite  expedition  to  Babylon  troubled  little  about 
exposing  its  flank,  its  line  of  communications,  and  its  retreat  by 
the  River,  to  attack  by  the  Egyptians.  If  this  really  be  the  truth 
of  the  case,  it  is  a  clear  indication  of  the*  political  conditions  at 
the  beginning  of  the  second  millenium. 

Assyria  appears  at  this  time  to  have  been  temporarily  over- 
shadowed by  the  power  of  its  western  neighbour,  Mitanni,  the 
boundaries  of  which  reached  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates.  So 
strong  was  this  state  In  the  third  quarter  of  the  fifteenth  century 
that  its  king  Shaushshatar  was  able  to  invade  Assyria  and  carry 
off  from  its  chief  city,  Ashur,  a  great  gate  of  gold  and  silver  for 
re-erection  as  a  trophy  in  the  Mitanni  capital,  Washshukkani. 
If  the  early  kings  of  Assyria  really  were  Mitannians  whom  the 
Semites  had  subsequently  ousted,  the  hostility  is  easily  explicable 
(see  vol.  r,  p.  452  sy*). 

Two  solid  buffers  therefore  prevented  the  kingdoms  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia  at  this  time  from  taking  any  very  active  part  in 
the  Palestinian  and  Syrian  wars  in  the  sixteenth  to  fourteenth  cen- 
turies. These  were,  first,  the  people  of  Mitanni  to  the  north-east 
of  Syria,  and,  secondly,  the  desert  itself  to  the  east  of  Palestine, 
The  battle-area  lay  west  of  the  Euphrates,  where  Hittite,  Mitan- 
nian,  Amorite  and  Egyptian  were  to  fly  at  each  other's  throats 
over  the  possession  of  these  fertile  lands;  Assyria  and  Babylonia 
were  by  comparison  isolated,  and,  therefore,  while  the  great 
powers,  the  Hittite  and  Egyptian,  were  exhausting  themselves  in 
these  two  or  three  centuries  of  perpetual  fighting,  Assyria  was 
free  to  build  a  firm  base  for  her  own  future  empire  by  extending 
her  conquests  over  the  northern  area  and  confining  within  a 
narrow  compass  the  southern  kingdom  ruled  by  the  Kassites 
until  the  twelfth  century  B.C. 

X,  i]  EGYPT  IN  ASIA  231 

With  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,,  after  this  expansion 
of  Hittite  and  Egyptian  across  each  other's  paths,  sprang  up  a 
long  vendetta,  with  intervals  of  peace  enforced  by  treaties  between 
the  two.  Each  sought  the  coast-lands  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean, 
and  made  warlike  expeditions  thither,  and  with  this  aim  each 
used  every  endeavour  to  strengthen  the  forces  at  his  disposal. 
Mitanni,  which  could  at  any  moment  threaten  the  eastern  flank 
of  an  army  in  Syria,  was  courted  equally  by  both;  its  royal  family 
was  bound  by  ties  of  marriage  with  Hatti  and  Egypt.  Indeed, 
intermarriages  between  the  courts  had  become  very  fashionable; 
even  Egypt  received  into  the  royal  harem  a  princess  from  remote 
Babylonia  about  1400.  Equally  effective  as  a  diplomatic  aid 
were  the  douceurs  of  gold  which  those  states  whose  mines  pro- 
vided it  were  able  to  send  to  those  whose  favour  they  courted. 
Many  a  king,  like  a  spoilt  child  surfeited  with  presents,  became 
surly  if  he  felt  entitled  to  be  dissatisfied  with  the  small  amount 
of  gold  sent,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  grumble.  This  habit  of  the 
Oriental  has  never  been  more  openly  displayed  than  in  some  of 
the  letters  of  this  period. 

With  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  Thutmose  III  (1501— 
1447)  set  out  to  complete  the  work  of  his  illustrious  ancestor.  In 
the  twenty-second  year  of  his  reign  (counting  from  the  date  of 
his  association  with  Hatshepsut)  he  invaded  Palestine  where  the 
prince  of  Kadesh  and  his  allies  attempted  vainly  to  withstand 
the  Egyptian  advance.  The  fame  of  this  exploit  reached  the 
Assyrian  king,  who  was  not  slow  to  turn  it  to  his  own  account 
against  his  old  foe  Mitanni,  and  when  the  Egyptian  king  made 
a  second  thrust  in  his  twenty-fourth  year  he  was  among  the  first 
to  mark  his  friendliness  to  the  conqueror  with  magnificent 
presents  of  lapis,  gold  and  silver.  His  assessment  of  the  potenti- 
alities of  the  Egyptian  armies  was  justified.  It  was  perhaps  due 
to  this  diplomatic  embassy  from  Assyria  (with  all  the  help  and 
expectation  it  implied)  that  Thutmose  crossed  the  Euphrates 
four  years  later  and  included  Mitanni  in  his  victorious  advance 
(see  pp.  73,  77). 

Assyria  had  certainly  impressed  the  Egyptian  king  favourably, 
According  to  a  passage  in  a  cuneiform  letter  sent  by  one  Adad- 
nirari  to  a  king  of  Egypt,  it  appears  that  his  grandfather  Taku 
had  been  appointed  by  Thutmose  III  or  IV  (called^*  Manakhbiya') 
to  be  chief  over  the  state  of  Nukhashshi.  Taku,  it  is  true,  is  not 
definitely  an  Assyrian  name,  but  Adad-nirari  is;  so  that  although 
we  cannot  say  that  an  Assyrian  was  appointed  in  the  first  instance, 
there  are  good  grounds  at  all  events  for  seeing  an  *  Assyrianizing ' 


tendency  developing  in  the  offspring,  possibly  from  the  maternal 
side.  Within  twenty  years  of  the  first  expedition  of  Thutmose  III 
Egyptian  control  extended  as  far  as  Aleppo  and  Carchemish,  and 
friendly  relations  were  opened  by  Egypt  with  the  Chief  of 
Sengara,  doubtless  the  Sinjar  Hills  between  the  Euphrates  and 
Tigris,  now  occupied  by  the  Yezidis.  By  this  time  so  high  did  the 
Egyptian  reputation  stand  that  even  the  Hittite  kings  were  pre- 
pared to  send  gifts  to  the  conquering  Pharaoh. 

Thus  was  the  position  of  Assyria  and  Egypt  at  the  dawn  of 
the  fifteenth  century.  Secure  in  the  west,  Assyria  looked  south- 
wards to  guard  herself  against  the  Kassites  of  Babylonia.  It  was 
Puzur-Ashur  IV  (1486—1460  B.C.)  who  was  astute  enough  to 
come  to  an  arrangement  with  Burna-Buriash  I  (1461—1436), 
making  a  treaty  delimiting  the  frontiers  between  the  two  lands. 
From  this  time  forth  the  Assyrians  had  little  to  fear  from  the 
Kassites;  indeed,  the  Kassites,  as  far  as  we  know,,  never  really 
controlled  this  northern  kingdom,  * 

Puzur-Ashur  is  not  known  as  yet  for  any  military  exploit.  He 
was  the  first  after  Sharru-kin  to  restore  the  temple  of  Ishtar  in 
Ashur,  which  had  fallen  into  decay,  probably  as  a  result  of  the 
Mitanni  raid;  and  he  was  also  the  first  to  girdle  the  *New  Town,' 
or  southern  quarter  of  Ashur,  with  a  defensive  wall.  His  successor, 
and  perhaps  son,  was  Enlil-nasir  (1459)  of  whom  we  know 
nothing;  and  as  much  may  be  said  of  the  son  of  the  latter,  Ashur- 
rabi  I  (1440),  and  grandson,  Ashur-nirari  III  (1425—1407). 

Contemporary  Kassite  history  is  almost  equally  vague.  Burna- 
Buriash  I  was  succeeded  probably  by  Kurigalzu  II  (i43;—i4ii 
B.C.),  whose  help  was  solicited  by  the  'Canaanites'  against  Egypt 
and  as  promptly  refused,  So>  at  least,  we  are  told  in  the  ex  pane 
professions  of  loyalty  made  some  half-century  later  by  Burna- 
Buriash  II  in  his  letter  to  Amenhotep  IV  (Ikhnaton)  of  Egypt* 
The  Kassite  king  here  reminds  the  Pharaoh  that  'his  father/ 
Kurigalzu,  had  been  approached  by  the  Kinakhkhi  to  join  them 
in  revolting  against  Egypt,  but  had  returned  answer  that  he  would 
have  no  hand  in  annoying  'his  brother/  the  king  of  Egypt.  These 
are  the  first  relations  between  Kassite  and  Egyptian  of  which  we 
know;  otherwise  the  period  of  Kurigalzu  II  is  a  blank, 

There  were  good  reasons  for  the  temporary  eclipse  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia,  for  Egypt  was  continuing  its  brilliant  Palestinian 
campaign.  Amenhotep  II  (1447-1420)  made  an  expedition  into 
Syria,  which,  although  it  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  a  victorious 
march,  so  far  affected  Mitanni  that  the  latter  sought  the  favour  of 
Egypt,  Thutmose  IV  (1420-1411),  recognizing  the  importance 


of  Mitanni,  sought  diplomatically  to  link  the  two  kingdoms  by  a 
royal  marriage,  asking  for  the  hand  of  the  daughter  of  Its  king 
Artatama  I,  and,  if  the  Mitanni  version  be  true,  had  to  ask  seven 
times  before  she  would  consent.  Mitanni  was  no  pinchbeck 
kingdom  at  this  time,  for  Artatama  had  made  alliance  with  the 
Hittites;  that  the  Egyptian  king  thus  succeeded  in  connecting 
himself  by  marriage  with  Mitanni  is  evidence  that  Egypt  was 
still  regarded  as  a  powerful  factor  west  of  the  Euphrates  in  the 
second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  B.C. 

It  was  a  fact  recognized  both  by  Kara-indash,  the  Kassite 
(1410—1401),  who  probably  succeeded  Kurigalzu  II,  and  his  con- 
temporary Ashur-bel-nisheshu  of  Assyria,  No  matter  what  feel- 
ings the  two  kings  of  the  Tigris  valley  might  bear  to  each  other, 
they  were  ready  at  all  costs  to  show  a  bold  front  to  an  external 
enemy.  They  were  so  nervous  about  Egypt,  the  coquette  now 
flirting  with  Mitanni,  that  they  followed  the  custom  of  their 
fathers  in  swearing  an*agreement  together,  ostensibly  about  their 
boundaries,  but  doubtless  not  without  a  possible  defensive  war 
in  view.  At  home  they  set  their  house  in  order;  the  Assyrian  king 
re-fortified  the  weak  spots  in  the  ramparts  of  his  citadel  at  the 
'New  Town'  of  Ashur,  and  his  brother,  Ashur-rlm-nisheshu,  who 
succeeded  him,  carried  on  the  work  of  fortification  still  further. 

There  was  no  real  need.  Amenhotep  III  (1411—1373'),  who 
succeeded  Thutmose  IV,  sent  his  envoys  to  Kara-indash  towards 
the  end  of  the  latter's  reign  (so  we  are  told  by  Burna-Buriash  II) 
in  all  friendliness.  The  young  Egyptian  king  had  210  desire  to 
extend  his  conquests  east  of  the  Euphrates  or  northwards  into 
the  mountains,  for,  even  omitting  all  question  of  the  dangerous 
length  of  his  Palestinian  empire,  neither  he  nor  his  people  from 
warm  Egypt  liked  the  winter  snows  of  the  highlands  or  muddy 
rains  of  the  winter  season  in  Naharain.  The  Euphrates  with  its 
broad  stream,  often  a  quarter  of  a  mile  across  in  the  reaches  at 
Carchemish,  constituted  an  admirable  boundary.  Beyond  that, 
he  hoped  for  friends,  not  foes,  and  by  his  judicious  matrimonial 
ventures  welded  the  Near  East  into  some  kind  of  diplomatic 
harmony.  Instead  of  echoing  with  the  clash  of  arms  and  warlifcei 

maidens,  travelling  in  state  to  royal  nuptials.  In 'the  end  we  find 
one  of  these,  the  sister  of  Kadashman-Enlil  I,  probably  the 
daughter  of  Kara-indash  himself,  going  dowtt  to  the  harem  of 
Amenhotep  III;  the  Kassite  king  had  learnt  how  groundless  were 
his  fears  for  the  safety  of  Babylonia  at  the  hands  of  Egypt. 


Already  married  to  the  beautiful  Tiy,  perhaps  a  Mesopotamia*!, 
Amenhotep  III  had  allied  himself  with  Mitanni  by  marrying,  in 
his  tenth  year  (1401),  its  princess  Gilukhipa,  the  daughter  of 
Shuttarna,  and  subsequently  he  took  her  own  niece,  Tadukhipa, 
the  daughter  of  Tushratta  and  granddaughter  of  Shuttarna,  who 
came  down  to  Egypt  dowered  with  all  possible  presents  that  such 
a  princess  could  wish,  a  full  inventory  of  which  has  been  left  by 
careful  scribes.  Again,  not  content  with  marrying  the  sister  of 
Kadashman-Enlil,  the  uxorious  Egyptian  sought  also  to  wed  the 
daughter,  in  accordance  with  a  custom  certainly  at  that  time 
popular.  In  return  he  sent  his  own  daughter  abroad  in  marriage, 
the  king  of  the  little  state  Arzawa,  by  name  Tarkhundaraush  (or 
Tarkhundaraba),  being  thus  honoured.  Everywhere  there  was  a 
reasonable  peace;  it  was  an  easy  period. 

Friendly  alike  to  Kassite  and  Assyrian  king,  Amenhotep  sent 
presents  to  the  latter,  who  was  now  building  his  palace  in  Ashur; 
what  more  opportune  than  twenty  talents*  of  gold  for  the  more 
lavish  decoration  of  its  walls?  Ashur-nadin-akhi  (1396)  was  the 
favoured  recipient  of  this  gift,  as  Ashur-uballit  tells  us;  he  lived 
at  peace  on  the  Tigris,  constructed  his  dwellings,  dug  his  wells, 
and  his  son  Eriba-Adad  (1390)  kept  them  in  good  order,  and, 
when  other  amusements  failed,  made  additions  to  the  great 
temple  E-Kharsag-kurkura,  until  his  time  came  to  depart  from 
this  world,  when  he  was  buried  in  the  particular  tomb  (lit  ska 
pagri\  in  the  heart  of  the  capital,  of  which  the  Broken  Obelisk 
speaks.  His  successor  Ashur-uballit  (1386—1369)  is  said  to  have 
subdued  Mu§ri  and  ShubarL  At  one  time  he  was  in  close  cor- 
respondence with  Amenhotep  IV,  at  lea^t  so  far  as  the  Sutl 
bedouin,  who  held  the  routes  between  the  two  lands,  would 
permit,  and  one  of  his  letters  shows  that  he  was  in  a  position  to 
ask  for,  if  not  to  demand,  twenty  talents  of  gold  from  the  Egyptian 
king.  But  Burna-Buriash  II,  the  Kassite  king  (1395—1371)5  learnt 
of  these  pourparlers,  and  a  jealous  fear  of  Assyrian  pre-eminence 
at  the  Egyptian  court  led  him  to  urge  a  strong  protest.  He,  too, 
had  written  frequently  to  Amenhotep  IV,  now  hoping  that  friend- 
ship would  continue  between  Egypt  and  Babylonia  as  it  was  in 
the  days  of  Amenhotep  III,  and  now  making  a  request  for  gold, 
like  Ashur-uballit,  because  he  was  building  a  temple,  probably 
that  of  Enlil  at  Nippur.  He  had  cemented  the  friendship  between 
the  two  lands  by  the  betrothal  or  marriage  of  his  son  with  Amen- 
hotep's  daughter,  who  lived  in  Egypt  at  her  father's  court;  and 
on  one  occasion  he  sent  her  a  present  of  a  necklet  of  1048  beads, 
counting  them  with  due  caution  lest  unauthorized  hands  should 

X,  i]  THE  AMARNA  PERIOD  235 

take  their  toll  of  them  on  its  long  journey-  When,  therefore,  he 
heard  of  Ashur-uballit's  friendliness  with  Egypt,  as  we  have  said, 
he  protested.  The  sting  was  in  the  tail  of  one  of  his  letters:  *Now 
as  for  the  Assyrians  who  are  my  dependents.,  I  myself  wrote  to 
thee  about  them.  Why  have  they  come  to  thy  land?  If  thou 
lovest  me,  they  shall  bring  about  no  result;  let  them  attain  vanity 
only/  He  left  nothing  to  chance,  however,  and,  an  Assyrian 
princess,  the  daughter  of  Ashur-uballit,  by  name  Muballitat- 
sherua(or  -erua),  was  sought  by  him  in  marriage,  either  for  himself 
or  much  more  probably  for  his  son  Kara-khardash1. 

She  bore  a  son  Kadashman-Kharbe,  who  in  due  time  came  to 
the  Kassite  throne  (1369—1368  B.C.),  and  one  of  his  exploits  was 
to  repress  the  bedouin  tribes,  the  Sut!  roaming  the  western  desert, 
who,  as  was  mentioned  above,  had  been  in  control  of  the  road  to 
Egypt  from  Assyria  in  Ashur-uballit's  time,  so  that  the  latter  had 
feared,  as  he  says,  to  send  back  the  Egyptian  envoys.  Kadashman- 
Kharbe  drove  them  b^ck  vigorously  into  their  deserts,  and  estab- 
lished a  chain  of  blockhouses  with  wells  as  a  barrier  against  their 
inroads.  Indeed,  at  a  later  time  (at  some  period  before  the  ninth 
century)  so  impudent  did  they  become  that  they  raided  Sippar 
and  burnt  its  temple  to  the  Sun.  The  Shammar  and  Aneyzeh  of 
modern  times  inherit  their  characteristics. 

But  civil  war  suddenly  broke  out  in  Babylonia,  about  1368 
B.C.;  and  the  Kassite  people,  incited  to  revolution,  murdered 
Kadashman-Kharbe  and  elected  either  Nazibugash  or  Shuzigash 
— there  are  two  accounts — to  the  Kassite  throne.  The  Chronicle 
CP'  says  that  this  rebellion  was  *  after1  Kadashman-Kharbe's 
energetic  action  against  the  Suti.  We  cannot  say  whether  the 
Assyrian  queen-mother  was  unpopular;  but  there  was  evidently 
a  rising  feeling  against  Assyria  (as  the  letter  of  Burna-Buriash  II 
to  Ikhnaton  shows),  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  there  was 
an  anti-Assyrian  party  in  Nippur  who  fanned  the  natural  anger 
of  the  Sutl  against  Kadashman-Kharbe  into  a  blaze,  so  that  these 
wild  tribes  were  ready  to  help  oust  this  half-breed  Kassito- 
Assyrian  from  the  throne.  Moreover,  by  now  the  Egyptian  con- 
trol of  Palestine  and  Syria  was  slipping  from  the  lax  hold  of 
Ikhnaton,  who  thought  more  of  his  *  Sun-disk  Movement"  than 

1  The  Chronicle  known  as  *P'  calls  the  latter^  Kara-indash,  but  the 
Synchronous  History  is  more  probably  right  in  giving  the  form  Kara- 
khardash,  since  one  of  the  new  cuneiform  tablets  from  Ashur  is  a  letter 
directed  to  Kara-khardash  and  a  princess,  and  is  probably  the  draft  of  a 
letter  of  Ashur-uballit  to  this  son-in-law  and  daughter  (K.jt.H^  1920, 
No.  97). 


of  statesmanship;  and  It  may  be  that  the  Kasslte  people,  perhaps 
displeased  at  the  'Egyptianizing'  tendency  of  their  Royal  Line 
as  a  form  of  copying  or  truckling  to  Assyria,  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity of  bringing  it  to  an  end. 

Ashur-uballit,  still  on  the  Assyrian  throne,  although  by  no 
means  a  young  man,  had  no  hesitation  about  acting  vigorously  on 
behalf  of  his  grandson.  He  led  or  sent  an  expedition  down 
against  the  usurper  and  overthrew  his  party,  who  were  not  strong 
enough  to  withstand  the  Assyrian  forces.  If  they  had  expected 
any  aid  from  the  Sutl,  they  should  have  known  better  than  to 
rely  on  such  tribesmen  for  persistent  or  difficult  effort.  The 
wheel  of  Fortune  turned  again :  the  usurper  was  killed  and  the 
Assyrian  king  left  the  government  of  the  country  in  the  hands 
of  his  great-grandson  Kurigalzu  III,  who  can  hardly  have  been 
more  than  a  child  when  the  revolt  took  place,  and  must  have  been 
lucky  to  escape  being  murdered. 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Kurigalzu  was  a  baby  when 
he  came  to  the  throne;  $ikhru^  as  he  was  called,  means  In  general 
*  young,'  and  may  well  signify  a  boy  here.  If  we  reckon  that 
Ashur-uballit  was  seventeen  when  his  daughter  Muballitat- 
(sh)erua  was  born,  and  that  she  was  sixteen  when  she  bore 
Kadashman-Kharbe,  who  In  his  turn  may  have  been  only  seventeen 
at  the  birth  of  Kurigalzu,  Ashur-uballlt's  age  need  not  have  been 
more  than  fifty  when  his  great-grandson  was  born;  and  if  Kuri- 
galzu III  was  fifteen  when  he  was  on  the  throne,  the  Assyrian 
king  need  have  been  only  sixty-five  when  he  championed  his 
cause.  The  curious  point  is  that  we  cannot  in  fact  assign  a  very 
long  reign  to  Ashur-uballit:  the  new  Ashur  synchronisms  seem 
to  show  that  he  was  a  contemporary  of  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
of  Burna-Buriash  II,  and  that  before  Kurigalzu  was  dead  or 
deposed  he  had  been  succeeded  by  Enlil-nirarl. 

We  do  not  know  if  Elam  had  had  any  hand  in  the  revolt,  but 
the  first  activity  of  Kurigalzu  III  was  to  lead  a  campaign  against 
its  king  Khurbatilla.  So  successful  was  he  that  he  took  the  Elamite 
king  prisoner  at  Dur-Dungi,  and  captured  large  booty;  but  un- 
happily contemporaneous  events  in  remote  lands  made  themselves 
felt  in  his  kingdom,  and  nullified  the  advantage  he  had  gained 
over  his  neighbour. 

It  fell  out  in  this  way,  Ikhnaton  was  neating  the  end  of  his 
reign,  and  his  Asiatic  provinces  were  seething  with  revolt.  The 
reiterated  and  pathetic  appeals  from  his  loyal  governors  in  Asia 
for  help  against  the  rebels  fell  on  deaf  ears  and  in  the  end  the 
rebels  threw  off  the  Egyptian  yoke  (see  pp.  302  sqg)*  With  this 


gradual  decadence  of  Egypt  had  come  a  corresponding  HIttite 
rise.  Shubbiluliuma,  the  Hittite  king  (c.  1411-1359),  was  bound 
by  treaty  with  Egypt,  but  it  was  probably  not  from  any  love 
which  he  bore  to  her,  for  the  Hittite  and  Egyptian  royal  houses 
were  not  yet  inter-related  by  marriage,  and  we  may  reasonably 
consider  that  the  great  Syrian  revolt  against  Egypt  was  a  source 
of  satisfaction  to  the  Hittites,  even  if  it  were  not  actually  fomented 
by  them.  When,  therefore,  as  one  of  the  Amarna  letters  seems  to 
imply  (No.  LXXXVI),  Mitanni,  probably  under  Tushratta  (c.  1399- 
1360),  attempted  to  help  the  Egyptians  by  trying — and  unsuc- 
cessfully— to  relieve  Simyra  on  the  Phoenician  coast,  the  key  to 
the  military  situation,  the  Hittite  king  was  naturally  displeased. 
Whether  it  was  post  hoc  or  propter  hoc  we  do  not  know,  but 
Shubbiluliuma  invaded  Mitanni  and  brought  the  neighbouring 
land  of  Ishuwa  under  his  control.  There  was  an  emeute  in  Mitanni, 
and  Tushratta  was  murdered  by  his  son  Artatama:  his  elder 
brother  had  met  with  a  similar  fate  (p.  301). 

It  was  the  moment  for  Assyria.  'The  land  of  Mitanni  was 
ruined;  the  men  of  Assyria  and  Alshe  divided  it.'  Alshe,  doubtless 
the  Alzi  of  Tiglath-pileser  I,  must  have  been  a  neighbour  of  both 
Assyria  and  Mitanni.  The  north  and  west  were  now  harmless 
against  Assyria,  and  it  was  a  favourable  opportunity  to  deal  with 
the  southern  Kassite  kingdom.  Enlil-nirari,  the  Assyrian  king 
(1368—1346)  was  quick  to  seize  it.  He  led  an  expedition  against 
Kurigalzu  III  and  the  two  armies  encountered  each  other  at 
Sugagi  (or  Zugagi)  on  the  Tigris;  the  Assyrian  king  utterly  routed 
Kurigalzu,  and  then  altered  the  frontier  line  between  the  two 
countries  to  suit  his  own  ideas.  His  success  was  definite;  it  is 
recorded  in  both  Chronicles,  and  it  is  mentioned  as  a  heroic 
tradition  in  an  inscription  of  his  grandson,  Adad-nirari  I:  'Enlil- 
nirari,  the  priest  of  Ashur,  who  destroyed  the  army  of  the  Kassites, 
whose  hand  overcame  all  his  enemies,  who  enlarged  boundary 
and  border/  There  is  even  a  fleeting  reference  to  the  war  on  a 
'boundary  stone'  (kudurru)  of  the  time  of  Kashtiliash  III,  found  at 
Susa;  'during  the  war  ($iltu)  with  Shubartu  Kurigalzu  saw  it'  {£<?, 
a  certain  parcel  of  land), 

Artatama  II  on  the  throne  of  Mitanni  apparently  welcomed  the 
Assyrians.  But  there  was  obviously  a  hostile  faction  in  this 
country  ready  to  put  on  the  throne  Mattiuaza,  the  son  of  Tush- 
ratta. The  prime  movers  were  the  Jrlarri,  and  Mattiuaza  was 
driven  forth  by  Shuttarna,  Artatama's  son,  lest  he  should  seize 
the  kingdom.  Shuttarna  curried  favour  with  Assyria  by  restoring 
the  doors  of  silver  and  gold  which  had  been  carried  off  by 


Shaushshatar  In  his  raid;  he  treated  the  Hani  with  such  severity 
that  they  fled  to  the  Kassites.  But  the  Kassite  king  was  not  inclined 
to  anger  the  Assyrians  again,  and  he  promptly  distrained  on  the 
fugitives,  seizing  their  property  and  two  hundred  chariots.  Mitanni 
was  by  now  in  woeful  plight;  the  inhabitants  were  starving. 

It  was  then  that  the  Hittite  king  Shubbiluliuma  came  to  the 
rescue,  alive  to  the  advantage  of  having  a  friend  and  not  an 
enemy  as  ruler  over  Mitanni.  '  In  order  that  the  land  of  Mitanni, 
the  great  land,  might  not  disappear,'  the  great  king  Shubbiluliuma 
sent  practical  relief  in  the  form  of  food;  he  drove  out  the  Assyrians 
and  the  men  of  Alshe;  he  put  Mattiuaza  on  this  throne  and  gave 
him  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Yet  what  he  feared  came  to  pass 
presently,  for  the  very  name  Mitanni  died  out  of  cuneiform 
records,  although  it  may  perhaps  survive  in  the  modern  Metina, 
a  name  for  a  mountainous  district  a  day's  march  north-west  from 

By  this  time,  at  the  death  of  Ikhnaton  f  1358),  Egypt  had  lost 
Palestine  and  Syria.  The  Hittite  king  who  had  driven  the 
Assyrians  out  of  Mitanni  had  laid  secure  foundations  for  his  two 
sons,Arnuwandash  II (i  358—1 356)  and  Murshil  II  (1355—1330); 
the  powerful  Amurru  were  their  friends,  and  Murshil  did  not 
forget  their  help  when  he  ousted  a  usurping  dynasty  from  the 
old  Amurru  (Amorite)  possession  of  Barga,  south  of  Aleppo.  But 
Assyria  was  not  affected  by  such  a  small  set-back:  Enlil-nirari's 
son  Arik-den-ilu  (1345—1306),  if  negative  evidence  counts  for 
anything,  was  too  strong  to  be  attacked  by  his  contemporaries  on 
the  Kassite  throne  (Burna-Buriash  III  [?],  Kurigalzu  IV[?]  and 
Nazi-Maruttash  II)  and>  from  what  his  son  Adad-nirari  tells  us,  he 
was  free  for  vigorous  thrusts  elsewhere*  With  the  Kassites  still 
feeling  the  effects  of  their  defeat,  he  was  able  to  consolidate  his 
empire  from  the  Persian  border  on  the  east  to  Commagene  on  the 
west.  His  first  expedition  against  the  Yashubakula  (probably  the 
Yasubigalla  of  Sennacherib),  was  completely  successful,  although 
they  had  put  seven  thousand  men  in  the  field.  Then  he  conquered 
Nigimti,  besieged  the  city  Arnuni,  and  apparently  slew  the  hostile 
commander,  Esini,  who  had  thirty-three  chariots  at  his  command. 
Turuki,  probably  near  the  Persian  frontier,  and  ]£utL,  east  of  the 
Lesser  Zab,  must  be  included  in  his  eastern  successes;  Kutmukh, 
and  even  the  tribes  of  the  Akhlamu  and  Sutu,  always  troublesome 
in  the  western  deserts,  mark  his  western  exploits. 

The  old  smouldering  hostility  between  the  Kassites  and  Assyria 

1  See  Kiepert's  map  illustrating  von  Oppenheim's  Fom  Mittelmeer  %um 
Persischen  Golf. 

X,  i]  THE  WORK  OF  ADAD-NIRARI  239 

broke  again  into  flame  in  the  time  of  Adad-nirari  I  (1305—1277), 
and  one  of  the  early  successes  of  the  latter  king  was  when  he 
defeated  Nazi-Maruttash  II  at  'Kar-Ishtar  of  Akarsallu.'  The  old 
frontier  was  again  altered,  running  now  from  the  land  of  Pilaski 
on  the  far  side  of  the  Tigris,  from  Arman-akarsali  to  Lulume 
(east  of  Khanikin).  Not  without  reason  did  he  claim  to  be  'the 
destroyer  of  the  mighty  hosts  of  the  Kassites.' 

Secure  in  the  south,  the  Assyrian  king  was  able  to  expand  his 
empire  in  the  north.  He  claims  to  have  trampled  down  the  lands 
of  his  foes  'from  Lupdu  and  Rapiku  to  Elukhat/  giving  the 
names  of  the  towns  he  captured  in  detail;  his  domain  now  spread 
from  the  hills  of  Persia  to  the  fertile  red  lands  of  Harran,  as  far 
as  Carchemish.  As  yet  so  far  and  no  farther :  this  is  the  old  western 
Mitanni  boundary,  and  beyond  it  he  would  meet  the  Hittites,  a 
power  which  he  was  not  yet  strong  enough  to  overthrow.  During 
his  warfare  in  the  north  he  left  behind  him,  perhaps  in  dedication, 
the  bronze  scimitar  inscribed  with  his  name  which  is  said  to  have 
been  found  at  Mardin  or  Diarbekr.  Yet  although  he  might  not 
meet  the  Hittites  in  the  field,  his  fame  had  reached  them,  as  is 
testified  by  a  fragment  of  a  letter  found  at  Boghaz  Keui,  with 
its  phrase  'your  lord,  Adad-nirari/  In  fact,  there  was  a  very 
distinct  line  of  cleavage  between  the  Tigris  valley  and  the  Hittites; 
the  boundary  between  them  was  the  Euphrates,  and  we  do  not 
find  rencontres  frequent.  Now  was  beginning  the  period  of  the 
XlXth  Dynasty  (see  chap.  vii)>  during  which  there  were  famous 
wars  and  treaties  between  Egypt  and  the  Hittites,  which  directly 
concern  Assyria  little  or  not  at  all.  Finally,  after  a  hundred  years 
more,  the  great  Hittite  dynasty  was  to  fall  out  of  the  political 
horizon  at  the  death  of  Dudkhaliash  III.  Murshil  II  (1355- 
1330)  apparently  never  pushed  east  of  the  Euphrates;  Car- 
chemish, and  Gashgash  (the  Kashka  of  Tiglath-pileser  I)  to  the 
north  of  Commagene  represented  his  eastern  boundaries.  He  and 
the  Assyrian  glared  at  each  other  across  the  River,  without  ven- 
turing to  dispute  possession;  but  the  Assyrian  empire  had  at  last 
reached  the  Euphrates. 

The  Hittite  throne  went  first  to  Mutallu  (1329-1290),  the 
eldest  son  of  Murshil,  and  then  the  second  son  Hattushil  (1289— 
1256?),  who  was  fully  alive  to  the  advantage  of  Kassite  hostility 
against  Assyria.  He  was  in  correspondence  with  the  successor  to 
Nazi-Maruttash  II,  Kadashman-Turgu(i293-i277),  with  whom 
he  made  a  treaty  of  alliance.  So  long  as  Assyria  was  threatened 
even  a  little  in  the  south,  she  would  find  ample  scope  for  her 
northern  activities  east  of  the  Euphrates  without  taking  responsi- 


biiities  farther  west.  No  Hittite  king  would  now  consider  himself 
justified  in  campaigning  in  Palestine  with  his  left  flank  exposed 
to  hostility  from  the  Assyrian  side  of  the  River,  and  all  the  records 
show  how  carefully  Murshil,  Mutallu  and  Hattushil  secured 
themselves  by  friendship  with  the  kinglets  of  Barga,  Aleppo, 
Carchemish,  Arvad  and  Kadesh,  and  the  powerful  Amurru,  even 
intermarrying  with  the  latter  about  the  second  quarter  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  The  Syrian  princes  thoroughly  understood  the 
virtue  of  combination,  and  were  as  ready  to  band  themselves 
together  now,  just  as  they  did  later  against  Shalmaneser  III  in  the 
ninth  century. 

With  the  death  of  Kadashman-Turgu  (1277)  Babylonia  seethed 
with  discontent.  There  must  have  been  some  faction  hostile  to 
the  ruling  king  (possibly  with  pro-Assyrian  tendencies),  for 
Hattushil  wrote  to  the  notables  of  Karduniash  threatening  hostility 
if  they  did  not  accept  Kadashman-Turgu's  son,  Kadashman-Enlil, 
as  their  king,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  premising  active  help  in 
war  (that  is,  of  course,  against  Assyria)  if  they  concurred.  He  also 
reminds  the  young  king  that  even  Itti-Marduk-balatu,  Kadash- 
man-Enlil's  own  minister,  had  repudiated  any  external  champion- 
ship on  his  behalf.  One  remark  which  he  made  reiterates  the 
usual  difficulty  of  communication  between  the  two  countries; 
this  time  it  is  the  AkhlamU,  the  wild  tribes  of  Babylonia,  who  had 
been  the  cause  of  delay  in  negotiations, 


The  accession  of  Shalmaneser  I  (1276—1257)  to  the  throne  of 
Assyria  came  at  the  period  when  the  Hittite-Egyptian  wars  were 
ending  and  the  Great  Treaty  between  Hattushil  and  Ramses  II 
was  about  to  be  made  (1266).  The  monument  of  this  Assyrian 
king,  found  lately  at  Ashur,  indicates  the  rapid  advance  of  Assyrian 
power,  for  it  shows  how  his  first  exploit  was  to  invade  the  north, 
including  Uruadri  (i.e.  Urartu,  Armenia)  and  the  lands  of 
Khimme,  Uadkun,  Bargun,  Salua,  Khalila,  Lukha,  Nilipakhri, 
and  Zingun,  which  he  subdued  after  three  days*  hard  fighting, 
and  made  to  pay  tribute,  Khimme  and  Lukha  we  meet  again  in 
the  inscriptions  of  Tiglath-pileser  I  (1115-1103),  for  they  sent 
aid  to  the  people  of  *Sugi,  which  is  in  the  land  of  Kirkhi/ 

The  Hittite  power  was  waning.  Shalmaneser  marched  to  'the 
city  of  Arina  a  strongly-fortified  mountain,*  which  had  revolted 
'despising  the  god  Ashur';  and  he  destroyed  it,  sprinkling 
kutime  ('ashes')  thereon.  Having,  as  his  inscription  says,  brought 


all  Musri,  or  part  of  Cappadocia,  into  subjection,  the  king  con- 
tinued his  victorious  campaign  by  invading  Hani  (i.e.  Hani- 
galbat).  Its  king,  Shattuara  (whose  name  is  reminiscent  of 
Shaushshatar,  Shuttarna  and  Shutatarra  of  Mitanni  in  the  pre- 
ceding centuries)  brought  to  his  aid  the  Hittites  and  the  Akhlamu, 
and,  by  cutting  off  the  water  which  the  Assyrian  army  drank, 
was  nearly  successful.  But  Shalmaneser  was  too  clever  for  him,  for, 
apparently  by  mere  weight  of  numbers,  he  defeated  his  foe  and 
took  fourteen  thousand  four  hundred  prisoners.  After  that,  he 
invaded  the  highlands  'from  the  city  Taidi  to  the  city  Irridi,'  the 
whole  of  the  mountains  of  Kashiari,  as  far  as  Elukhat,  Sudi  and 
Harran  as  far  as  Carchemish.  Clearly  the  Assyrians  regarded  the 
inhabitants  of  the  mountains  to  the  north  as  more  easily  subdued 
than  those  of  the  plains;  doubtless  intercourse  was  far  more 
difficult  between  villages  in  the  mountains  than  between  those  on 
more  level  ground,  and  the  Assyrian  soldiery  were  able  to  deal 
piecemeal  with  an  erlfemy  in  the  highlands  more  successfully 
than  they  could  have  hoped  to  do  in  the  open. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Kassites  must  have  been  a  thorn  in  the 
side  of  the  Assyrian  king,  for  his  expeditions,  as  far  as  we  know, 
extended  only  west,  north  and  east.  He  was  able  to  subdue  the 
KutI  to  the  east,  but  he  left  the  Kassites  alone,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  next  reign  that  the  southern  kingdom  was  attacked,  when 
Hattushil  was  no  longer  able  to  promise  his  aid.  Even  then, 
although  they  thus  became  an  easy  mark  for  Assyria,  the  conquest 
was  only  for  a  few  years. 

Shalmaneser  in  his  less  warlike  moments  found  time  to  rebuild 
the  great  temple  of  Ashur,  E~Kharsag-kurkura.  Originally 
founded  by  Ushpia,  who,  besides  being  ruler  was  also  priest  of 
the  god,  it  had  fallen  into  ruin,  and  Erishu  restored  it;  again  it 
decayed  and  Shamshi-Adad  renewed  it.  Then  five  hundred  and 
eighty  years  later,  in  the  time  of  Shalmaneser,  the  ancient  temple 
caught  fire  and  was  burnt  to  the  ground,  and  with  loving  care 
Shalmaneser  rebuilt  the  whole  of  it,  in  a  manner  befitting  the 
dignity  of  Ashur. 

His  son  Tukulti-Ninurta  (1256—1233)  was  a  worthy  successor, 
Before  dealing  with  the  Kassites,  one  of  his  first  works  was  to 
continue  his  father's  consolidation  in  the  north-west  across  the 
lands  of  Na'iri  to  Commagene,  and  subsequently  to  Mari,  Hana 
and  Rapiku,  He  transplanted  28,800  of  the  people  of  Hatti  to  the 
east  of  the  Euphrates;  he  fought  with  forty-three  kings  of  Na'iri 
and  defeated  them;  and  subdued  'all  the  broad  lands  of  Shubarl/ 
including  Alzi  and  Purukhumzi,  which  must  be  the  Purukuzzi  of 


c  A.  H  u 


later  texts.  There  exists  a  curious  little  detail  in  confirmation  of 
his  invasion.  An  inscription  found  at  Susa  shows  that  a  certain 
Agabtakha  fled  for  refuge  from  Hanigalbat  to  Kashtiliash  III 
(1249—1242) — not,  be  it  noted,  to  the  Hittites,  but  to  Babylonia — 
and  here  he  continued  his  trade  of  leather-worker,  so  common  in 
the  districts  of  the  Upper  Euphrates  where  the  dwarf  oaks  used  in 
tanning  are  plentiful.  Clearly  Tukulti-Ninurta's  campaign  had 
made  itself  felt  in  Hanigalbat. 

But  most  striking  of  all  Tukulti-Ninurta's  exploits  was  his 
overthrow  of  the  Kassite  power.  Kadashman-Enlil  II  had  been 
succeeded  by  Kudur-Enlil  (1270—1263)5  of  whom  we  know 
little  more  than  that  he  was  father  of  Shagarakti-Shuriash  (1262— 
1250),  who,  according  to  Nabonidus,  rebuilt  a  temple  in  Sippar. 
The  debacle  came  after  the  latter 's  death,  when  Kashtiliash  III 
had  come  to  the  throne.  The  Hittites  were  no  longer  powerful  to 
aid,  nor  were  they  concerned  further  with  Syria.  Now  was  the 
time  to  wipe  off  old  scores.  Tukulti-Ninu*ta  challenged  an  issue. 
'At  the  head  of  my  warriors  they  (i.e.  the  gods?)  marched.'  He 
fought  Kashtiliash  III  (1249—1242),  defeated  him  and  took  him 
prisoner.  He  destroyed  the  ramparts  of  Babylon  and  killed  many 
of  the  inhabitants;  and  among  the  booty  which  he  carried  off  to 
Assyria  was  the  statue  of  Marduk,  doubtless  out  of  E-Sagila, 
and  a  signet  of  the  preceding  king  Shagarakti-Shuriash.  So 
thorough  was  his  conquest  that  he  governed  the  country  for 
seven  years,  actually  appointing  Assyrian  governors.  He  retired 
to  Assyria  to  build  himself  a  new  capital,  Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, 
and  boast  that  he  was  'king  of  Ashur  and  Karduniash,  of  Sumer 
and  Akkad,  of  Sippar  and  Babylon,  of  Dilmun  and  Melu- 
khkhaV  ' 

His  rule  over  his  new  province  was  disastrous.  The  first 
governor  appointed  over  the  Kassites  was  a  native  Assyrian, 
Enlil-nadin-shum,  and  it  is  obvious  that  his  office  was  no  sinecure. 
Hardly  had  he  taken  up  the  reins  of  power  when  the  Elamite 
army,  ready  to  take  advantage  of  any  diversion,  swept  down  on 
him  under  the  king,  Kidm-Khutrutash,  and  sacked  Nippur  and 
Der.  This  was  too  much  for  the  Assyrian  king,  and  Enlil-nadin- 
shum  abruptly  ceased  to  govern  the  Kassites — 'ended  his  rule/  as 

1  An  inscription  found  at  Susa  states  that  Untash-Gal,  son  of  Khuban- 
numena,  king  of  Anzan,  carried  off  Immiriya,  the  god  of  Kashtiliash,  and 
put  it  in  Siyankuk  (Scheil,  Dlttg.  en  Perse,  x,  85).  If  this  be  Kashtiliash  III, 
we  have  to  include  an  Elarnite  invasion  of  Babylonia  probably  coincident 
with  the  success  of  the  Assyrian  arms.  Scheil,  however,  is  inclined  on  epi- 
graphical  grounds  to  think  of  Kashtiliash  I. 

X,  n]  THE  END  OF  THE  KASSITES  243 

the  Assyrian  historian  puts  it.  His  rule  lasted  nomore  than  eighteen 
months  (1241),  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  when  he  was  relieved 
of  his  office  he  was  made  governor  of  Nippur.  At  least,  a  man  of 
this  name  governed  Nippur  in  the  time  of  Adad-shum-iddin,  A 
Kasstte,  Kadashman-Kharbe  II  (i 240-1 239),  was  diplomatically 
chosen  to  succeed  him,  and  after  an  equally  short  tenure  he  was 
succeeded  by  Adad-shum-iddin,  who  ruled  for  six  years  (1238- 
1233).  Then  came  an  upheaval,  a  revolution  in  Assyria.  If  we 
are  to  believe  the  statement  that  the  Assyrians  governed  Baby- 
lonia for  only  seven  years  this  revolt  must  have  occurred  about 
1233.    The  nobles  of  Akkad   and  Karduniash  intrigued  with 
Ashur-nadin  (or  nasir)-apli,  the  son  of  Tukulti-Ninurta  of  Assyria, 
and  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion.   The  old  Assyrian  king 
was  trapped  in  his  new  capital,  besieged  and  murdered  by  his 

Exactly  when  in  Adad-shum-iddin's  reign  the  Elamites  made 
a  second  raid  we  do  ^not  know:  but  Kidin-Khutrutash  again 
attacked  Babylonia,  reaching  Ishin.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  in 
one  of  these  expeditions  that  two  *  knobs "  (or  phalli)  discovered 
at  Susa  were  carried  off;  one  had  been  devoted  to  Enlil  by  Kuri- 
galzu  II  (?),  son  of  Burna-Buriash  I  (?),  and  the  other  by  Shagarakti- 
Shuriash.  An  agate  scaraboid  dedicated  to  Kadi  by  Kurigalzu  met 
the  same  fate.  As  Father  Scheil  suggests,  the  love  of  souvenir- 
collecting  was  as  prevalent  then  as  now. 

Of  Tukulti-Ninurta's  son  Ashur-nadin-apli  we  know  nothing 
except  that  he  murdered  his  father.  After  his  reign  Ashur-nirari 
III  came  to  the  throne  (1213—1208),  and  we  find  the  king  of 
Karduniash,  Adad-shum-nasir  (1232—1203),  writing  to  Ashur- 
nirari  (*Ashur-narara*)  curiously  enough  with  one  Nabu-dayani 
as  joint  kings  of  Assyria1,  A  late  copy  of  this  letter  (K.  3045)  is 
extant;  it  is  modelled  on  the  form  of  Hammurabi's  letters,  and, 
it  must  be  admitted,  is  not  friendly  in  tone,  but  goes  so  far  as  to 
speak  of  the  mad  counsels  of  the  two  Assyrian  kings.  We  must 
therefore  assume  a  rising  hostility  between  the  two  countries, 
which  came  to  a  head  when  the  next  Assyrian  king,  Enlil-kudur- 
usur  (1207—1203),  again  challenged  the  Kassite  power  and  fought 
A*dad-shum-na§ir.  Both  these  latter"  kings  appear  to  have  been 
killed,  and  Ninurta-apal-ekur,  the  next  king  (1202—1176),  who 
was  possibly  not  Enlil-kudur-usur's  son,  but  perhaps  a  de- 
scendant of  Eriba-Adad,  carried  on  the  war,  but  returned  to 

1  The  text,  Weidner,  M.D.V.G.  1921,  p.  14,  makes  Ashur-nirari  a 
contemporary  of  Adad-shum-iddin  (and  not  of  Adad-shum-nasir),  which 
is  shown  by  this  letter  to  be  obviously  impossible. 


Assyria,  apparently  so  hard-pressed  that  he  had  to  reinforce  his 
army  with  reserves.  The  Synchronous  History  is  broken  at  this 
point,  but  it  would  appear  that  the  new  king  of  Babylonia, 
Meli-Shlpak  II  (1202-1188),  pursued  him  in  an  attempt  to 
conquer  Assyria,  but  was  defeated  and  driven  back  into  his  own 
land,  A  few  years'  peace  intervened,  and  then  the  armies  of 
the  two  nations  met  again.  Meli-Shlpak  II1  had  been  succeeded 
by  his  son  Marduk-apal-iddin  (1187-1175)  and  he  by  Ilbaba- 
shum-iddin  (1174).  Ashur-dan  I  (1175-1141)  had  replaced 
Ninurta-apal-ekur.  In  1 1 74  the  Assyrian  king  attacked  Karduniash, 
and  captured  the  towns  of  Zaban,  Irriya  and  Akarsallu,  doubtless 
near  the  frontier,  and  carried  off  their  booty  to  Assyria.  Worse 
followed:  the  Elamites  seized  their  opportunity,  swept  down 
from  the  mountains  under  Shutruk-Nakhkhunte  and  slew 
Ilbaba-shum-iddin,  and  the  Elamite  king  with  his  son  Kutir- 
nakhkhunte  sacked  Sippar.  It  was  the  end  of  Kassite  dominion; 
one  more  king  ascended  the  throne,  Ecilil-nadin-akhe  (1173— 
1169),  the  Kassite  dynasty  fell,  and  then  arose  a  new  power  in 
Babylonia,  the  'Pashe'  dynasty. 

So  came  to  an  end  the  great  Kassite  dynasty  which  had  in- 
cluded thirty-six  kings  and  endured  for  576  years  9  months. 
That  they  were  not  entirely  eliminated  we  may  possibly  infer 
from  a  bombastic  title,  *  spoiler  of  the  Kassites, '  which  Nebu- 
chadrezzar I,  the  third  king  of  the  Pashe  dynasty,  gives  himself. 
But  in  any  case  they  must  have  been  powerless.  This  long  period 
is  not  marked  by  any  salient  advance  either  in  literature,  art  or 
conquest,  and  there  is  little  to  show  that  the  people  had  any 
capacity  for  invention  or  poetry.  They  introduced  a  new  system 
of  dating,  and  brought  in  the  horse.  Their  kings  were  alert  to 
the  importance  of  securing  the  goodwill  of  the  people,  and,  with 
the  double  intention  of  conferring  benefits  on  the  great  land- 
owners, and  of  winning  their  loyalty,  they  bestowed  large  estates 
on  those  who  served  them,  Kurigalzu  III,  for  instance,  in  his  brief 
reign  gave  a  parcel  of  land  to  one  Enlil-bani,  a  priest  of  Enlil, 
the  patron-god  of  Nippur,  whose  worship  the  Kassites  adopted. 
This  grant  was  reaffirmed  to  the  descendants  by  a  successor, 
Kadashman-Enlil,  that  is,  at  a  period  subsequent  to  Enlil-nirari's 
defeat  of  the  Kassites;  and  it  may  be  that  such  a  catastrophe 
intervened  to  annul  such  rights.  Grants  of  this  nature  are  frequent 
on  the  so-called  'boundary  stones  *  (kudurrus)* 

1  We  know  the  name  of  his  daughter  Khunnubat-Nana,  who  was 
probably  a  priestess.  She  is  portrayed  wearing  a  long  robe  from  her  neck  to 
her  ankles,  holding  a  harp  (Scheil,  DMg.  x,  pL  13). 

X,  n]  THE  KASSITE  PEOPLE  245 

Equally  the  Kassites  accepted  the  religion  of  Babylonia,  although 
the  names  of  their  ancient  gods  appear  in  their  personal  names. 
Almost  all  the  deities  invoked  in  the  kudurrus  ('boundary  stones') 
are  the  familiar  Mesopotamian  powers,  and  at  the  same  time  such 
native  deities  as  Shukamuna  and  Shumalia,  'the  queen  of  the 
snowy  heights'  of  the  Persian  border,  as  well  as  Tishpak  of  Der, 
occur  side  by  side  with  them.  Ignorant  of  writing,  the  invaders 
had  adopted  cuneiform  and  learnt  the  Babylonian  tongue.  The 
Temple  at  Nippur  was  not  only  a  depository  for  temple-archives, 
but  had  also  a  school  attached,  as  the  numerous  *  practice-tablets' 
discovered  by  the  American  expedition  show.  It  was  held  in  high 
veneration,  the  very  kings  themselves  at  this  period  being  the 
chief  administrators.  The  officials  of  the  land  are  many  and 
various.  Among  the  most  important  is  the  guenna,  responsible  to 
the  king,  with  a  large  staff  of  administrative  clerks;  for  example,  on 
a  boundary  stone  (No.  Ill,  published  by  L.  W.  King)  Enlil-nadin- 
shum  is  guenna  of  Nippur.  The  bel-pakhan  appears  to  be  a  pro- 
vincial governor.  The  shakin  is  over  the  larger  towns,  such  as 
Babylon  or  Ishin  (Isin),  or  even  the  little  known  Ushti,  or  even 
a  district,  Namar;  and  the  khazannu,  the  mayor  of  a  town  or 
village,  is  doubtless  equivalent  to  the  modern  agha  or  even  higher. 
The  sukkallu  was  still  in  existence  (there  was  a  sukkallu  siru)^  the 
once  supreme  -patesi  is  now  only  a  king's  officer  known  by  the 
title  shak  sharrL 

The  Kassite  dress  of  this  period  is  doubtless  very  much  the 
same  as  that  which  we  find  two  centuries  later,  Duri-ulmash,  the 
son  of  a  Kurigalzu,  who  can  hardly  be  later  than  the  fourteenth 
century,  is  represented  on  his  seal  as  wearing  a  long  robe.  Before 
Kurigalzu  III,  judging  from  a  kudurru  of  which  the  inscription 
had  been  rubbed  out  in  his  time,  the  long  robe  was  the  cus- 
tomary dress,  and  the  flounced  dress  in  which  a  goddess  is 
portrayed  is  reminiscent  of  Sumer,  and  may  perhaps  not  represent 
what  the  Kassite  women  wore.  Men  retained  their  beards  at  this 
time  and  onwards:  on  a  poorly  sculptured  kudurru  of  Meli- 
Shipak  the  god,  who  wears  a  fringed  and  flounced  robe  with  a 
high  calathus-lfae  headdress,  is  bearded  and  his  hair  is  long.  A 
hundred  years  later  a  king,  probably  of  the  Ilnd  Dynasty  of  Isin, 
is  attired  in  much  the  same  way:  his  beard  and  hair  are  royally 
combed  and  oiled  and  he  wears  a  long,  richly-decorated  robe 
with  sleeves  to  the  elbows,  girt  about  with  cross-belt  and  waistbelt; 
on  his  head  is  the  same  ca/attius-like  headdress  decorated  with 
feathers,  and  on  his  feet  are  shoes.  The  weapons  customary  at 
this  time  are  the  mace,  the  dagger,  and  bows  and  arrows. 


Princesses,  as  is  shown  in  the  portrait  of  Khunnubat-Nana,  wore 
long  robes. 

We  have  a  picture  of  a  private  citizen  in  Babylonia  on  one  of 
thekudurrus  of  about  1000  B.C.  A  certain  Arad-Sibitti  lived  in  or 
near  the  village  of  Sha-mamitu,  which  also  boasted  a  jeweller,  by 
name  Burusha;  and  one  day  the  former,  for  reasons  unknown  to 
us,  flew  into  a  passion  with  Burusha's  unfortunate  slave-girl  and 
killed  her.  The  murderer  was  haled  before  the  royal  courts  at 
Kar-Marduk,  and  his  trial  was  a  cause  celebre^  at  which  many 
notables  were  present.  He  pleaded  his  cause  so  well  that  the  king 
condemned  him  merely  to  pay  Burusha  sevenfold,  seven  slaves, 
which  he  did.  The  record  of  the  trial  mentions  that  one  of  these 
slaves  was  practically  decrepit;  but  doubtless  one  of  the  blemishes 
in  Arad-Sibitti's  character  shines  out  in  his  scribe's  description 
of  him  here,  just  as  others  do  in  the  unflattering  portrait  by  the 
sculptor.  In  the  fulness  of  time  Arad-Sibitti's  daughter  Sag- 
mudammik-sharbe  grew  up,  and  Burusha's  son  cast  eyes  upon 
her,  and — in  spite  of  the  old  feud — the  families  were  united  by 
the  marriage  of  these  two,  and  then  it  was  that  all  the  relations 
marked  their  appreciation  of  the  reconciliation  by  lavish  wedding 
presents  in  land  and  kind.  We  can  see  how  they  dressed  at  this 
time :  the  truculent  Arad-Sibitti  is  portrayed  as  rather  a  common- 
looking  person,  with  a  long  nose  and  unkempt  beard  and  hair 
(indeed  the  artist,  doubtless  unintentionally,  has  suggested  that 
date-wine  was  not  unknown  to  him).  He  wears  a  long  robe  from 
neck  to  ankles,  belted  at  the  waist;  like  the  modern  inhabitant 
of  the  Near  East,  he  must  be  shown  holding  his  weapons,  a  bow 
and  arrows.  On  his  feet  are  sandals.  His  sister,  who  follows  him 
meekly,  is  more  pleasing  to  the  eyes;  her  buxom  figure  is  draped 
in  a  long  dress,  and  her  feet,  as  befits  a  housewife  in  these  muddy 
villages,  appear  to  be  encased  in  sabots. 

The  new  dynasty  of  Babylonia,  called  Pashe,  and  accepted  as 
the  Hnd  Dynasty  of  Isin,  consisted  of  eleven  kings  and  lasted  for 
132  years  6  months.  The  kings  appear  to  be  all  native  Babylonians, 
and  among  them  is  the  name  of  at  least  one  famous  man,  Nebu- 
chadrezzar L 

The  first  king,  Marduk-shapik-zeri  (c.  1169—1153),  came 
to  the  throne  during  the  reign  of  Ashur-dan  I,  who  had  de- 
feated Ilbaba-shum-iddin  the  Kassite  three  or  four  years  before. 
Neither  he  nor  his  successor,  Ninurta-nadin-shum  (1152—1147), 
have  left  us  sufficient  record  of  their  doings.  The  Assyrian  king, 
Ashur-dan,  died,  6r  perhaps  was  murdered  in  1141;  there  is 
great  probability  that  his  successor,  Ninurta-tukulti-Ashur  (i  140- 


1 138)5  was  a  usurper,  since  Ashur-resh-ishi  and  Tiglath-pileser  I 
sternly  omit  him  in  their  respective  genealogical  trees  between 
Ashur-dan  and  the  unimportant  Mutakkil-Nusku.  Indeed,  a 
little  additional  colouring  is  given  to  this  by  an  unintelligible 
broken  line  between  Marduk-shapik-zeri  and  Ninurta-nadin- 
shum,  in  the  new  list,  which  evidently  conceals  some  historical 
fact  about  Ninurta-tukulti-Ashur,  who  here  is  made  contemporary 
with  Marduk-shapik-zeri1.  He  was  certainly  a  troublesome  king, 
for  we  find  on  an  ancient  letter,  which  mentions  also  a  Kassite 
Kharbi-Shlpak  (*a  Khabirra')  that  he  was  an  active  enemy  against 
one  Ashur-shum-lishir,  possibly  a  ruler  in  Assyria.  So  great  were 
the  ravages  committed  that  Ashur-shum-lishir  fled  for  refuge  to 
the  king  of  Babylonia,  who  treated  him  with  honour,  and  later 
on  sent  him  home.  Indeed,  it  was  a  time  of  misfortune  for 
Assyria,  for  Tiglath-pileser  relates  that  about  1160  or  1170  the 
Mushkai  (Moschi,  Meshech)  had  overrun  Alzi  and  Purukuzzi, 
which  at  this  time  were  within  the  Assyrian  dominion,  as  they 
had  been  since  the  time  of  Tukulti-Ninurta.  See  p,  274. 

Ninurta-nadin-shum  was  succeeded  by  a  king  with  a  great 
name,  Nebuchadrezzar  I  (1146—1123).  Two  serious  wars  was 
Nebuchadrezzar  compelled  to  wage,  one  against  Elam  and  the 
other  against  Assyria,  the  latter  doubtless  arising  out  of  the 
incident  mentioned  above.  In  the  former  he  was  successful;  in  the 
latter  compaign  he  was  finally  defeated.  He  would  appear  also  to 
have  fought  other  campaigns,  since  he  calls  himself  the  subduer 
of  Amurru,  the  lands  of  the  Middle  Euphrates,  and  'the  hero. „ . 
who  overthrew  the  mighty  Lullubl.' 

The  Elamites,  possibly  under  Shilhak-In-Shushinak,  invaded 
the  land  and  carried  terror  with  them.  There  was  no  withstanding 
them;  the  Babylonian  troops  met  them  in  battle  near  the  head- 
waters of  the  Ukni  river  in  the  south  or  south-east,  and  were 
soundly  beaten,  and  retired  on  Dur-Apil-Sin.  Nebuchadrezzar, 
driven  back  still  further  to  Babylon,  could  but  appeal  to  Marduk: 
*  How  long,  O  Lord  of  Babylon,  wilt  thou  dwell  in  the  land  of 
the  enemy?'  Fugitives  had  come  in  for  sanctuary  from  all  sides; 
it  was  the  moment  for  a  final  effort,  and  Nebuchadrezzar  made 
it.  In  the  middle  of  summer,  in  Tammuz,  when  the  thermometer 
rises  to  120°  F.,  or,  as  the  cuneiform  account  says,  *the  axehead 
burnt  like  fire  and  the  tu\ka\t  of  the  roads  scorched  like  flame,* 
Nebuchadrezzar  went  forth  to  war,  and  marched  for  more  than 
two  hundred  miles  from  the  city  of  Der,  with  his  chariot-master 

i  On  fragment  D  of  Weidner  (M.D.F.G,   1915,  p.  3)  he  is  a  con- 
temporary of  Nebuchadrezzar  I. 


Ritti-Marduk  at  his  right  hand.  There  were  only  rare  watering- 
places  on  the  road,  and  the  army  reached  the  river  Eulaeus  tor- 
mented by  heat  and  thirst,  where  the  opposing  forces  confronted 
each  other.  A  duststorm  arose,  so  that  neither  could  see  the  other; 
the  Elamites  (who  perhaps  had  left  their  cooler  mountains  in 
ignorance  of  the  inferno  which  awaited  them  on  the  flat  deserts 
below)  were  driven  back  to  their  mountains,  and  Nebuchadrezzar 
plundered  their  land. 

So  pleased  was  he  with  the  conduct  of  Ritti-Marduk  that  he 
made  him  the  recipient  of  special  favours,  and  granted  concessions 
to  his  native  town  of  Bit-Karziabku.  Similarly  he  befriended  two 
fugitives,  Shamua  and  Shamai,  of  a  priestly  family  from  Dln- 
Sharri,  and  brought  their  god  Rla  into  Babylon  and  established 
it  in  a  shrine  in  the  village  of  Khussi,  which  was  near  Bit-Sin- 
asharidu,  on  the  bank  of  the  Takkiru  canal. 

But  he  failed  signally  in  his  campaign  against  Assyria.  The 
Assyrian  king,  Ninurta-tukulti-Ashur,  had  been  succeeded  by 
Mutakkil-Nusku  (1137—1128)  and  then  by  Ashur-resh-ishi  I 
(1127—1116);  the  new  Assyrian  monarch  was  vigorous  and 
energetic,  and  to  his  credit  we  must  place  the  suppression  of  the 
Akhlamu,  those  nomads  on  the  south-west,  and  a  conquest  of 
Lullume  (Sir-i-pul)  on  the  east.  He  was  a  man  capable  of  dealing 
effectively  with  Nebuchadrezzar,  and  he  promptly  stopped  the 
latter's  inroads.  Nebuchadrezzar  tried  conclusions  in  battle  with 
him  and  was  routed;  he  was  driven  back  home  with  the  loss  of 
forty  chariots  and  his  army  commander.  It  was  doubtless  not 
long  after  this  defeat  that  Nebuchadrezzar  died,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Enlil-nadin-apli  (i  122— 1 117) 

We  have  now  reached  a  period  when  Assyria  is  to  dominate 
by  sheer  force  the  lands  of  the  Two  Rivers.  Enlil-nadin-apli  was 
succeeded  in  Babylonia  by  Marduk-nadin-akhe  (in 6— 1101); 
Tiglath-pileser  came  to  the  Assyrian  throne  about  1115?  where 
he  remained  for  thirteen  years1. 

Everywhere  among  the  surrounding  nations  was  decadence, 
Egypt,  with  the  later  Ramessids,  was  Hearing  its  fall.  The  Hittite 
empire  had  been  engulfed  at  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century 
by  the  hordes  from  the  west,  of  which  we  have  already  heard  an 
echo  as  far  east  as  Alzi  and  Purukuzzi,  on  the  old  north-west 
confines  of  Assyria,  which  the  Moschi  had  captured  about 
1170—1 i 60. 

Babylonia  was  governed  by  a  dynasty  which  was  rapidly  to 
become  weak,  and  be  followed  by  equally  ineffective  groups  of 
1  On  the  chronology  see  the  Appendix. 


kings  'of  the  sea-lands/  'of  Bazi,'  and  the  like.  It  was  the  oppor- 
tunity for  a  vigorous  Assyrian  to  display  his  prowess,  to  enlarge 
his  boundaries  of  his  country;  and  Tiglath-pileser  took  it. 

His  first  exploit  was  to  regain  the  revolted  provinces  of  Alzi 
and  Purukuzzi  which  had  for  fifty  years  been  under  control  of 
the  Moschi,  So  impudent  had  these  latter  become  that  five  of 
their  kings  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  set  forth  against 
Kummukh  (Commagene)  about  1115,  and  Tiglath-pileser  hastened 
valiantly  to  meet  this  invasion  of  his  outlying  provinces.  'By  the 
help  of  Ashur,  my  lord/  he  says,  *I  gathered  my  war-chariots  and 
assembled  my  troops;  I  delayed  not,  but  crossed  Kashiari  (the 
Karaja  Dagh),  a  rugged  land.  With  their  twenty  thousand  men 
and  their  five  kings  I  fought  in  Commagene  and  defeated  them/ 
He  slew  many,  cut  off  the  heads  of  the  corpses  and  piled  them  in 
heaps,  and  carried  back  six  thousand  as  prisoners  to  Assyria. 

Commagene,  however,  appears  not  to  have  been  grateful. 
Hardly  had  Tiglath-pileser  destroyed  the  enemy's  forces  when 
Commagene  flaunted  its  refusal  to  pay  the  Assyrian  taxes.  The 
Assyrian  king  showed  them  that  they  could  take  no  liberties;  he 
carried  fire  and  sword  through  their  land,  so  that  the  inhabitants 
fled  to  Sherishe  across  the  Tigris,  making  alliance  with  the  KurtL 
A  bloody  fight  followed;  their  king  Kili-Teshub,  the  son  of  Kali- 
Teshub,  who  was  also  called  Sarupi  (or  Irrupi),  was  captured, 
with  a  large  booty.  So  terrifying  was  the  news  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  fortress  of  Urrakhinash  in  the  Panari  mountains,  taking 
their  gods  with  them,  fled,  and  their  king  Shadi-Teshub,  the  son 
of  Hatushar,  surrendered  himself.  The  personal  names,  so  ob- 
viously Hittite,  show  that  Tiglath-pileser  had  to  deal  with 
descendants  of  the  Hittite  kings. 

Other  countries  in  the  neighbourhood  were  subdued :  Mildish, 
near  Mount  Aruma,  Shubarl,  and  again  the  recalcitrant  Alzi  and 
Purukuzzi.  Then  the  king  dealt  with  the  outlying  portions  of 
what  had  once  been  the  Hittite  empire,  four  thousand  men  of 
Kashkai  (another  text  has  the  variant  Abeshlaya)  and  Uruma  in 
Shubartu,  'soldiers  of  the  land  of  Hatti.'  The  Kashkai  we  have 
already  seen  were  included  in  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Hittite 
king  Murshil  II  (1355-1330),  but  their  former  lords  were 
powerless  to  help  now.  Their  hearts  turned  to  water  and  they 
submitted  tamely,  and  Tiglath-pileser  went  home  with  large  booty 
including  120  chariots  or  wagons. 

Yet  for  all  his  expeditions  in  these  districts  the  fear  of  Assyria 
was  still  transient  here.  Commagene  again  proved  troublesome; 
Tiglath-pileser  once  more  sent  a  punitive  expedition  thither,  and, 


as  usual,  the  mountaineers  took  to  their  mountain  fastnesses 
where  he  could  not  touch  them.  Now  it  was  the  Kurt!  at  the 
mountain  Azu,  where  he  conquered  twenty-five  cities  at  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  which  included  the  lands  of  Arzanibiu  (i.e. 
Arzaniwiu  =  Arzanene);  then  the  lands  of  Adaush,  Saraush  and 
Ammaush,  near  the  mountain  Aruma,  the  lands  of  Isua  and 
Daria — all  gave  trouble.  Many  of  them  surrendered  at  discretion, 
for  very  fear  of  the  great  freebooter.  It  was  hardly  likely  that  the 
scattered  mountain  villages  could  resist  a  well-ordered  expedition. 
They  yielded  with  their  tongues  in  their  cheeks,  ready  to  break 
out  again  in  due  time. 

Leaving  the  northern  and  western  districts  he  went  south-east, 
crossing  the  Lower  Zab  against  the  lands  of  Maruttash  and 
Saradaush,  'which  are  in  the  mountains  of  Asaniu  and  Atuma/ 
and  conquered  them.  But  again  the  north  broke  out,  the  inde- 
fatigable Kurti  revolted;  and  finally  he  fought  with  twenty-three 
kings  of  the  land  of  Na'iri  and  their  allies.  Jt  is  the  north  and  west, 
always  the  north  and  west,  which  allow  him  no  respite;  Milidia 
(Malatia)  in  Hanigalbat,  Carchemish,  Mount  Bishri  (west  of 
Carchemish),  the  very  fringe  of  the  old  Hittite  empire,  to  Musri 
(Cappadocia)  with  its  city  Arina  and  Kumanl,  identified  with 
Comana  of  Cataonia,  Altogether,  as  he  sums  up,  from  the 
beginning  of  his  rule  to  the  fifth  year,  he  subdued  and  included 
in  his  realm  forty-two  countries  from  the  other  side  of  the  Zab  to 
the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates,  He  left  a  portrait  of  himself 
graven  in  the  rock  at  the  Sebenneh-Su  in  Na'iri.  One  of  his 
greatest  exploits  was  to  campaign  along  the  sea-coast  of  the 
Mediterranean:  he  took  toll  of  the  cedars  of  Lebanon  for  his 
buildings,  exacted  tribute  from  Gebal  (Byblus),  Sidon  and  Arvad, 
and  in  *  ships  of  Arvad*  made  a  voyage  of  "three  land  beru*  (about 
21  miles)  to  Simyra,  killing  a  nakhiru  (*  which  they  call  a  horse 
of  the  sea')  on  the  way.  In  a  subsequent  foray  in  the  west  among 
his  tributaries  were  the  cities  of  Tadmar  (Tadmor,  Palmyra)  and 
Anat  (Anah).  One  of  the  rock-sculptures  at  Nahr  el-Kelb  in 
Phoenicia,  which  is  now  so  worn  that  its  maker  is  doubtful,  may 
perhaps  be  his  work. 

As  befitted  a  great  conqueror,  he  was  a  mighty  hunter,  and 
the  plains  of  the  Khabur,  the  affluent  of  the  Euphrates,  yielded 
him  trophy  of  elephants,  while  near  Araziki  (the  classical  Eragiza) 
he  slew  wild  bulls;  perhaps  he  is  romancing  when  he  says  that  he 
killed  a  hundred  and  twenty  lions  on  foot,  and  eight  hundred 
from  his  chariot.  He  was  also  a  great  architect;  he  rebuilt  the 
temples  of  Ishtar,  Martu  and  of  BSl  'the  older/  of  Anu  and  Adad, 

X,n]  THE  ROUT  OF  BABYLON  251 

and  he  renewed  the  palaces.  Above  all  did  he  cherish  his  land, 
for  he  proudly  records  that  he  repaired  all  the  water-machines 
throughout  the  land,  and  accumulated  stores  of  grain.  His  con- 
quests had  vastly  increased  the  'cattle,  sheep,  horses  and  asses, 
and  he  had  even  seen  to  the  breeding  of  wild  deer  and  ibex  which 
he  had  captured;  his  gardens  and  parks  were  adorned  with 
strange  trees  and  fruits  from  foreign  lands,  It  was  doubtless 
in  full  appreciation  of  his  passion  for  collecting  strange  animals 
that  the  king  of  Egypt  sent  him  a  crocodile  (p.  194).  Such  a  bizarre 
gift  would  surely  soften  the  heart  of  a  great  conqueror  who  had 
the  strength  to  press  so  far  into  the  Syrian  arena.  In  a  word,  he 
was  an  admirable  Oriental  despot  of  the  best  kind. 

He  crossed  swords  with  the  Babylonian  king,  Marduk-nadin- 
akhe  (c.  1116— 1101),  towards  the  end  of  his  reign.  If  we  may 
infer  anything  from  a  statement  of  Sennacherib,  it  was  about  the 
year  1107  B.C.  that  Marduk-nadin-akhe,  the  king  of  Babylon, 
made  a  raid  on  Assyria,  and  carried  off  the  statues  of  the  two 
deities,  Adad  and  Shala.  The  Synchronous  History  then  relates 
that  'a  second  time'  the  armies  met,  this  time  near  Arzukhina  on 
the  Lower  Zab,  and  *in  the  second  year*  they  fought  at  Marrite 
in  Upper  Akkad.  The  Assyrian  king  was  victorious  and  then 
pressed  into  Babylonia,  capturing  Dur-Kurigalzu,  the  two  Sip- 
pars,  Babylon  and  Opis;  and  then  plundered  the  land  from 
Akarsallu  to  Lubdi,  Sukhi  and  to  RapikL 

With  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  B.C.  and  the  end  of  Tiglath- 
pileser's  reign  this  chapter  may  conveniently  break  off*  Meso- 
potamian  history  becomes  obscure,  and  what  little  has  to  be  said 
will  be  the  natural  prelude  to  the  period  dealt  with  in  the  next 



A  RACE,  social  group,  polity  or  civilization  designated 
Ji\.  'Hittite'  has  frequently  corne  up  for  notice  already  in  the 
previous  chapters.  This  term  is  used  by  modern  historians  and 
archaeologists  in  more  than  one  sense;  and  the  distinction  which 
should  be  observed  between  its  senses  is  not  always  obvious  to 
readers,  or,  indeed,  apprehended  clearly  by  writers.  It  is  im- 
perative to  mark  a  difference  between  its  ethnical  and  cultural 
uses.  As  an  ethnical  term  it  should  not  fee  applied  at  present  to 
any  race  or  racial  group  referred  to  under  another  name  than 
Khatti  (Ham  or  Hati,  or  Egyptian  Kheta  (HtJ),  or  Hebrew 
Heth  and  equivalent  transliterations);  or  again  to  any  people  not 
specified  as  Hattic  in  such  contemporary,  or  nearly  contemporary, 
written  records  as  we  possess  (Babylonian,  Assyrian,  Egyptian, 
Hebrew,  Vannic  or  actual  *  Hattic/  i.e.  Cappadocian).  Observance 
of  this  distinction  will  exclude  from  the  ethnical  use  of  the  term 
a  number  of  racial  groups  about  which  it  can  be  argued,  from 
the  presence  of  monuments  of  Hittite  character  in  their  several 
localities,  that  they  shared  Hittite  civilization — notably,  in  the 
first  place,  most  of  the  peoples  of  southern  Cappadocia,  Phrygia, 
Lydia  and  Cilicia,  in  fact  all  the  peoples  of  inner  Asia  Minor  with 
exception  of  the  northern  Cappadocians,  and,  perhaps,  of  a  group 
in  the  south  of  Cappadocia;  in  the  second  place,  all  peoples  of 
northern  Syria,  except,  perhaps,  a  group  which  occupied  a  strip 
of  territory  immediately  south  of  the  Taurus  Mountains,  another 
on  the  Euphrates'  bank,  and  also  an  element  of  population  in 
mid-Syria  and  Palestine;  in  the  third  place,  all  Mesopotamian 
peoples.  In  this  chapter  it  is  proposed  to  avoid  the  use  of 'Hittite* 
in  an  ethnical  sense,  and  to  substitute  *Hatti'  and  4 Hattic'  when- 
ever race  is  in  question. 

The  term  Hittite  will  then  be  left  to  carry  cultural  significance 
only.  As  the  proper  designation  of  a  certain  type  of  civiliza- 
tion, distinguished  by  common  use  of  a  peculiar  script  and  by 
practice  of  a  particular  art  which  depicts  various  human  types 
(we  cannot  predicate,  on  present  knowledge,  community  of 


either  language  or  religion),  it  has  a  larger  content  than  the  term 
'Hattic/  The  geographical  area  of  Hittite  civilization  embraces 
the  eastern  half  of  Asia  Minor  with  southern  Phrygia  and,  possibly, 
Cilicia;  also  all  north  and  north-central  Syria,  together  with  ex- 
tensions across  both  the  middle  and  the  upper  Euphrates,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  into  lands  west  of  the  central  plain  of  Asia  Minor 
on  the  other.  Hittite  civilization,  therefore,  occupied  at  a  certain 
epoch  all  the  inter-continental  bridge  between  Asia  and  Europe, 
sitting  astride  the  land-routes  of  communication  between  the 
elder  civilizations  of  the  heat-belt,  and  the  younger  of  the  tem- 
perate zone. 

The  sources  of  our  information  about  things  Hittite  are  various; 
and  only  within  the  last  twenty  years  has  it  been  possible  to 
combine  them  into  a  thin  stream  of  history,  thanks  to  a  dis- 
covery of  cuneiform  archives  at  Boghaz  Keui  in  north-western 
Cappadocia.  This  is  the  site  of  the  Hattic  capital  of,  at  any  rate, 
the  fourteenth  and  thirteenth  centuries  B.C.,  when  Hattic  kings 
had  imperial  control  of  all  Cappadocia,  great  part  of  Syria,  and 
possibly  also  some  part  of  central  Asia  Minor,  The  archives  in 
question  are  clay  tablets,  written  in  part  for  those  kings,  but 
comprising  also  many  documents  or  copies  of  documents  written 
for  their  predecessors  upon  a  throne  which,  whether  at  Boghaz  Keui 
or  on  some  other  site,  seems  to  have  been  Hattic  for  several  previous 
generations*  The  view  is  held  that  these  latter  documents  were 
collected,  supplemented  and  ordered  about  1300  B.C.  to  form  an 
official  library,  on  whose  remains  the  modern  excavators  have 
lighted.  Some  of  the  tablets  are  in  the  Babylonian  language,  which 
was  used  as  a  diplomatic  medium  of  communication  over  all  the 
Near  East.  These  can,  of  course,  be  read  with  some  certainty. 
More,  however,  are  couched  in  some  six  native  allied  dialects, 
according  to  the  latest  decipherers  (e.g.  Hrozn^  and  Forrer),  who 
agree  in  regarding  the  dialects  as  Indo-European,  and  put  forward 
interpretations  based  on  analogies  with  primitive  Indo-European 
linguistic  forms,  especially  those  of  Old  Latin.  To  the  six  dialects 
they  give  the  names  Kanesian,  Luvian>  Balaic,  proto-Hattic, 
Harrian  and  Mandaic,  the  last  two  being  presumably  foreign 
tongues  spoken  in  north  Mesopotamia  rather  than  Cappadocia. 
The  bulk  of  the  tablets  are  in  *  Kanesian^  by  which  is  meant  the 
common  speech  of  mid-Cappadocia,  where,  on  the  site  now  known 
as  Kara-Euyuk,  stood  a  city,  Kanes  (or  Ganesh,  see  p.  6),  often 
mentioned  upon  clay  tablets  of  a  special  Assyro-Cappadocian  class, 
probably  iion-Hattic,  which  will  be  dealt  with  presently.  In  these 
dialectical  documents  determinatives  (as  in  Babylonian)  indicate 


proper  names  of  persons  and  places  respectively,  and  other  help 
towards  their  interpretation  is  given  by  lexicographical  tablets, 
which  contain  lists  of  native  words  in  the  so-called  'Kanesian/ 
with  equivalents  in  Assyro-Babylonian  and  Sumerian;  these  were 
made,  no  doubt,  for  the  use  of  Cappadocian  officials  who  had  to 
conduct  correspondence  with  Mesopotamia  and  Egypt,  If  such 
aids  stood  alone,  too  little  could  be  made  of  the  documents  for 
any  useful  historical  purpose  to  be  served;  but  possible  affinities 
of  their  dialects  with  a  known  Indo-European  group  encourage 
much  wider  hopes,  and  justify  already  some  provisional  reliance 
on  the  fragmentary  translations  put  out  by  the  decipherers  to 
whom  the  Berlin  authorities  have  committed  the  publication  of 
their  collection. 

The  second  source  of  Hittite  information  consists  in  remains 
of  architecture,  art  and  script  surviving  above  ground  or  ex- 
cavated. The  script,  a  pictographic  system,  elaborately  carved 
in  high  relief  or  incised  with  simplified  Jinear  forms,  was  used 
to  express  what,  no  doubt,  is  the  'Kanesian*  language  in  which 
the  bulk  of  the  Cappadocian  cuneiform  archives  are  written,  and 
other  languages  besides.  But  the  syllabic  or  alphabetic  values  of 
its  very  numerous  characters,  with  a  few  not  universally  agreed 
exceptions,  are  still  unfixed;  and,  therefore,  in  its  case  there  are 
two  unknowns — character-values  as  well  as  language.  Inferences, 
however,  of  historical  import  may  often  be  drawn  from  the 
artistic  character,  the  distribution,  etc.,  of  illegible  inscriptions; 
and  similar  but  fuller  inferences  can  be  based  upon  other  monu- 
ments which  are  architectural  or  plastic.  So  far  as  Asia  Minor  is 
concerned,  the  monuments  in  question  are  distributed  fairly 
generally  over  north-western,  central  and  southern  Cappadocia, 
with  Lycaonia.  In  northern  Phrygia  also,  including  Galatia,  there 
are  a  few  isolated  monuments,  strung  out  at  wide  intervals  near 
or  on  the  line  of  a  natural  track  which  leads  down  the  Sangarius 
valley  from  Ancyra  to  Sardes  and  thence  to  the  sea  at  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  Smyrna.  In  the  coastal  provinces  of  the  Peninsula, 
both  north  and  south  as  well  as  west  (with  the  single  exception 
of  that  Sardes  road),  no  examples  have  yet  been  found.  The 
districts  of  Asia  Minor  in  which  Hittite  monuments  occur  with 
such  frequency  as  to  argue  the  local  prevalence  at  some  period  of 
either  Hattic  power,  ot  at  least  Hattic  cultural  influence,  are  first,  the 
vicinity  of  Yuzgad  in  the  north-western  corner  of  Cappadocia,  where 
stand  the  ruins  of  Boghaz  Keui  and  Euyuk  Alaja;  secondly,  the 
central  Cappadocian  district  round  Mount  Argaeus,  whose  capital 
in  later  times  was  Mazaca-Caesarea;  and  thirdly,  all  the  districts 


which  lie  under  the  north  face  of  the  Taurus,  from  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Iconium,  in  the  west,  to  the  Euphrates,  near  Melitene, 
in  the  east.  These  latter  districts  contain  four  considerable  groups 
of  such  monuments,  the  Phrygian  or  Iconian,  the  Lycaonian  or 
Tyanitic,  the  Anti-Tauric  and  the  Melitenian.  Between  the  first 
group  and  the  sparse  fringe  of  north  Phrygian  Hittite  monuments 
mentioned  above  lies  a  wide  gap;  but  between  the  southern 
groups  linking  monuments  occur,  mostly  marking  natural  tracks 
of  inter-communication.  Thus,  for  example,  the  Kuru  pass  across 
the  Anti-Taurus,  and  the  valley  of  the  Tokhma  Su,  which 
respectively  connect  the  Mazaca  group  with  the  Anti-Tauric 
and  the  Melitenian  groups,  contain  Hittite  remains.  Whether 
any  (and  if  so,  which)  of  these  divers  groups  of  Anatolian 
monuments  belong  to  the  Hattic  Imperial  Age  will  be  dis- 
cussed later. 

In  Syria,  Hittite  remains  occur  generally  over  the  whole 
northern  part,  from  the»foothills  of  the  Taurus  at  Marash  to  the 
middle  Orontes  valley  at  Restan;  and  from  the  Amanus  range  at 
Zenjirli  to  the  Euphrates  at  Samosata  and  Carchemish.  They  have 
not  yet  been  found  in  the  classical  Cilicia  west  of  the  Amanus 
range,  nor  on  this  range  itself;  nor  again  in  the  lower  Orontes 
valley  (Antioch  district);  nor  at  any  point  in  the  mountains  west 
of  this  river.  Nothing  distinctively  Hittite  has  been  reported  yet 
on  the  upper  Orontes  above  Restan,  On  the  left  bank  of  the 
Euphrates,  however,  enough  monuments  have  been  found  at 
several  points  to  prove  that  Hittite  civilization  prevailed  at  a 
certain  period  in  a  long  stretch  of  north-western  Mesopotamia 
extending  opposite  Carchemish  from  Birejifc  (classical  Zeugma) 
to  Tell  Ahmar  (Assyrian  Til-Barsip)  and  still  farther  south.  For 
inner  Mesopotamia  (the  Mitannian  region)  we  have  as  yet  but 
uncertain  evidence.  Sculptures,  excavated  at  Tell  Halaf  near 
Ras  el-Ain,  show  clear  affinity  to  early  Hittite  art;  but  they  are 
of  very  rude  style  and  (so  far  as  known  at  present)  are  unaccom- 
panied by  Hittite  inscriptions  of  any  type. 

A  third  source  of  Hittite  history  is  furnished  by  written  and 
plastic  records  of  foreign  states  and  peoples,  which  were  con- 
tiguous to,  and  in  relation  with,  the  Hittite  area.  Those  of  the 
Egyptian  kingdom  from  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  to  the  XXIst 
Dynasty,  covering  a  period  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  years, 
refer  frequently  to  wars  and  negotiations  with  Hatti;  and  a  mass 
of  cuneiform  correspondence  pertaining  to  the  Egyptian  Foreign 
Office  during  the  later  reigns  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  which  has 
been  found  at  Tell  el-Amarna,  the  capital  of  Amenhotep  IV, 


throws  light  not  only  on  the  Hatti,  but  on  other  peoples  in  their 
sphere  of  influence  or  upon  their  borders.    See  p.  128. 

We  have  recovered  also  from  the  Semitic  Mesopotamian  states 
cuneiform  records  which  refer  to  Hatti  and  their  neighbours. 
Babylonian  historical  compilation s,  written,  in  post-Hittite  times, 
to  relate  traditional  events  of  remote  ages,  supply  almost  the  only 
evidence  available  at  present  for  Hittite  history  before  the  Hattic 
Imperial  Age  (see  vol.  i,  p.  561),  The  Assyrian  records  in  question 
are  in  the  main  contemporary  with  the  events  they  record,  and, 
therefore,  subject  to  discount  on  grounds  only  of  ex  par te  tenour, 
or  obscurity.  Those  which  refer  to  parts  of  the  Hittite  area  or  to 
actual  Hattic  peoples  range,  with  interruptions,  from  the  latter 
part  of  the  second  millennium  to  the  seventh  century  B.C.  Further 
there  are  Hebrew  references  in  O.T.  to  Hittites  (Heth).  Their 
date,  bearing  and  significance  are  so  uncertain  that  they  are  best 
reserved  for  later  consideration  in  connection  with  Syrian  Hittite 
history,  both  early  and  late  (vol.  m)*  Lastly  may  be  cited  a  few 
statements  and  memories  of  Greeks,  which  have  possible  bearing 
on  Hittites,  together  with  some  mentions  of  Hatti  and  Hittite 
lands  in  the  *Vannic'  cuneiform  records  of  the  kingdom  of 
Urartu,  which  lay  east  of  the  northern  Hittite  area. 


In  northern  Cappadocia  a  Hattic  monarchical  state  has  left 
written  monuments  of  itself,  from  an  uncertain  early  period,  to 
the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  During  this  latter  century 
and  the  one  preceding  it,  records  of  another  power,  the  Egyptian, 
with  which  the  Hattic  monarchy  clashed  in  a  phase  of  imperial 
expansion,  add  intermittent  witness.  For  the  existence  and 
history  of  that  monarchy  before  the  fifteenth  century  possible 
evidence  is  given  by  the  documents  from  its  capital,  Hattushash 
(Boghaz  Keui),  which  are  couched  in  native  languages.  There 
is  reason  to  find  in  these  documents  the  names  of  several 
monarchs,  and  to  discern  interregnal  periods1.  Even  if  these 
kings  did  not  represent  successive  generations,  they  may  reason- 
ably be  presumed  to  have  filled  much  more  than  a  century  pre- 
ceding 1430  B.C.,  which  is  the  approximate  date  of  the  accession 
of  Hattushil,  father  of  Shubbiluliuma,  It  must  have  been  from 
one  of  these  fifteenth  century  monarchs  that  the  Hattic  envoys 

1  The  names  of  some  of  the  monarchs,  of  whom  practically  nothing  can 
usefully  be  predicated  yet  except  their  existence,  are  given  in  the  Synchro- 
nistic List  at  the  end  of  this  volume. 


came,  who,  about  1469  B.C.,  met  the  Pharaoh,  Thutmose  III,  In 
or  near  the  Syrian  Taurus.  See  p.  76  sq* 

What  the  origin  of  the  Flattie  society  and  state  may  have  been 
is  a  question  at  present  unsolved.  No  really  primitive  archaeo- 
logical material  has  come  to  light  in  any  part  of  eastern  Asia 
Minor — nothing,  for  example,  representing  so  early  a  stage  of 
culture  as  is  illustrated  by  the  lowest  strata  of  remains  at  Hissarlik, 
or  even  by  some  early  Bronze  Age  objects  from  Mysian  and 
Pisidian  tombs  (see  p.  554  sq.*).  As  for  written  records,  Baby- 
lonian references  to  Hattic  invasions  of  Mesopotamia,  during  the 
third  millennium  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  second,  will  not  be 
good  evidence  for  Cappadocian  Hatti  until  further  light  has  been 
thrown  on  the  source  of  those  invasions.  They  may  have  started 
from  another  Hattic  region,  e.g.  Syria  or  north  Mesopotamia 
(see  vol.  i,  p.  561).  But  besides  the  evidence  of  the  earlier  Boghaz 
Keui  archives  there  are  certain  Assyrian  references  to  be  reckoned 
with;  and  also  a  particular  class  of  documents,  which,  if  not 
written  by  Assyrian  scribes,  betray  strong  Assyrian  influence  in 
Cappadocia  and  reveal  an  intimate  connection  between  this 
country  and  Mesopotamia  in  the  first  part  of  the  second  millen- 
nium and  even  at  earlier  dates.  The  documents  in  question  are 
cuneiform  tablets,  couched  In  a  provincial  dialect  of  Assyro- 
Babylonian,  and  judged,  on  various  grounds,  to  be  older,  and 
generally  much  older,  than  the  fifteenth  century  B.C.  They  have 
already  been  referred  to  in  vol.  i  (see  pp.  453  sqq^.  To  supple- 
ment what  has  there  been  given,  it  should  be  said  that  a  few  have 
been  procured  in  Cappadocia  Itself,  e.g.  at  Kara-Euyuk,  about 
1 1  miles  E.N.E.  of  Kaisariyeh  (Mazaca),  and  at  Boghaz  Keui 
(these  last  not  in  the  process  of  scientific  excavation).  But  the 
greater  part  of  a  total  now  amounting  to  thousands  has  been 
obtained  from  traders  in  Kaisariyeh  or  Constantinople,  who 
have  given  their  testimony — for  what  It  Is  worth — that  the 
tablets  hail  from  Cappadocian  sites.  Most  of  these  are  said  to 
come  from  Kara-Euyuk  (p.  253,  ancient  Kanes?).  Two  or  three 
isolated  specimens  have  been  found  outside  Cappadocia,  e.g.  one 
near  Mosul.  One  tablet,  bought  in  Constantinople,  bears  the 
imprint  of  a  royal  signet,  that  of  Ibi-Sin,  king  of  Ur;  and  prac- 
tically all  recent  students  find  that  both  the  script  and  the  proper 
names  in  this  document  accord  with  those  of  the  Illrd  Dynasty 
of  Ur  (i.e.  about  twenty-fifth  century  B.C.). 

If  so  early  a  date  be  accepted  for  any  members  of  this  class  of 
documents,  it  will  stand  to  reason  that,  at  the  least,  a  Cappa- 
docian society  of  that  age  maintained  commercial  relations  with 
C.A.H.II  17 


southern  Mesopotamia,  could  read  and  write  cuneiform,,  and 
understood  Assyro-Babylonian;  or,  at  the  most,  that  the  Illrd 
Dynasty  of  Ur  had  a  colonial  empire  embracing  Cappadocia.  The 
dialectical  peculiarity  of  the  language  used  tells  (according  to 
some  Assyriologists)  against  the  possibility  of  these  documents 
having  been  written  by  true  Mesopotamians,  whether  colonists 
or  soldiers;  but,  at  the  same  time,  the  frequent  occurrence  of  the 
element  Ashur  in  their  proper  names,  and  also  their  general 
type,  witness  to  a  degree  of  intimacy  between  Cappadocia  and 
Assyria  which  argues  political  supremacy  exercised  by  the  latter. 
At  all  events,  Cappadocian  society  had  begun,  in  the  first  part  of 
the  second  millennium  at  the  latest,  to  practise  regular  trade 
with  Assyria,  and  was  so  powerfully  influenced  by  the  latter's 
civilization  that  already  it  was  advanced  in  culture  according  to 
the  standards  of  its  time.  We  can  postulate  with  confidence, 
therefore,  a  period,  probably  lengthy,  of  Semitic  influence  before 
the  Hattic  in  Cappadocia,  and  find  in  th«tt  fact  adequate  reason, 
not  only  for  the  conspicuous  lack  of  Hittite  pictographic  inscrip- 
tions of  early  type  in  that  area  (nothing  has  yet  been  found  in 
relieved  script  in  northern  Cappadocia  except  short  labels  and 
one  long  text  on  the  Nishan  Tash  at  Boghaz  Keui),  but  also  for 
the  Cappadocian  official  use  of  cuneiform  script  in  Hattic  imperial 
times,  and  for  the  Assyrian  character  of  the  art  which  produced 
the  earliest  Cappadocian  Hittite  monuments  known  to  us. 

Early  documents,  found  by  German  excavators  at  Kalacat 
Sherkat  (Ashur),  convey  more  than  a  hint  of  Assyrian  domina- 
tion exercised  intermittently,  if  not  continuously,  over  parts  of 
eastern  Asia  Minor,  which  would  account  for  this  Semitization 
of  Cappadocian  society.  Assyrian  expansion  north-westward 
seems  to  date  back  into  the  third  millennium;  and,  unquestion- 
ably before  the  middle  of  the  second,  armies  despatched  from  the 
middle  Tigris  were  raiding  the  southernmost  confines  of  Cappa- 
docia and  had  attained,  at  any  rate,  the  city  of  Arinna,  even  as  an 
Egyptian  army  also  would  do  in  the  fifteenth  century  (if  the 
'Araina*  of  Thutmose  III  is  the  same  place).  But  the  view  that 
they  went  on  to  penetrate  central  and  northern  Cappadocia 
depends  at  present  on  the  interpretation  of  a  claim  made  by 
Shamshi-Adad  III  (his  date,  at  latest,  is  In  the  seventeenth 
century)  that  he  reached  the  shore  of  the  'Great  Sea'  and,  in  a 
country  called  Laban,  set  up  a  monument  of  himself.  Some  com- 
mentators confidently  find  this  locality  on  the  coast  of  the  Black 
Sea,  where  Sinope  long  preserved  a  tradition  of  an  *  Assyrian r 
or  *  Syrian*  occupation  (perhaps  this  only  means  Hattic).  Others, 

XI,  n]  ORIGIN  OF  THE  HATTI  259 

with  perhaps  better  reason,  think  that  the  Assyrian  king  speaks 
of  the  coast  of  Syria  (see  vol.  i,  p.  568),  No  further  record  of 
Assyrian  adventure  in  Cappadocia  is  known  till  the  Hattic  Imperial 
Age  itself,  when  in  the  fourteenth  and  thirteenth  centuries  suc- 
cessive thrusts  by  Ashur-uballit  II,  and  also  by  the  first  great 
king  of  the  Shalmaneser  name,  carried  Assyrian  arms  into  the 
Taurus  (compare  also  pp.  241,  260  and  320), 

Whether  all  or  any  of  those  Semitized  Cappadocians  of  the  third 
millennium  and  the  early  part  of  the  second  were  of  Hattic  race, 
cannot  be  determined  yet.  Even  if  the  published  interpretation  of 
the  native  documents  from  Boghaz  Keui  already  cited  be  accepted, 
we  cannot  carry  the  Hattic  dynasty  back  earlier  than  1580.  There 
is  some  reason  to  think  that  during  most  even  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  Cappadocian  Hatti  were  not  completely  indepen- 
dent of  Assyria,  and  we  have  other  reasons,  but  of  less  cogency, 
for  believing  that  Boghaz  Keui  was  not  their  original  seat,  but 
that  Hattic  kings  had  Teigned  elsewhere,  either  at  Arinna  or  at 
Karsatira  (Garsaura,  afterwards  Archelais  and  now  Akserai),  on 
the  eastern  edge  of  the  Axylon  plains. 

Equally  insoluble  is  the  question  whence  the  Hatti  originally 
had  come.  Were  they  an  'Asianic*  people,  who  conquered  with 
bronze  imported  from  the  Caucasus  ?  Were  they  Alarodians  from 
beyond  the  Caspian?  Were  they  an  Indo-European  folk  from 
Iran  or  beyond  ?  Semitic  influence  is  evident  in  the  Cappadocian 
dialect;  but,  so  far  as  we  know  at  present,  it  is  illustrated  rather 
by  borrowed  words  than  by  such  structural  modification  of  the 
language  as  would  argue  an  admixture  of  true  Semitic  race.  The 
Indo-European  element  is  now  considered  to  have  been  the 
dominant  caste,  as  it  also  was  in  the  land  of  Mitanni,  with  which 
the  Cappadocian  Hattic  dynasty  had  many  relations.  But  the 
prevailing  language  of  Mitanni,  an  example  of  which  we  possess 
in  a  long  cuneiform  letter,  found  at  Tell  el-Amarna,  is  not  Indo- 
European,  but,  according  to  most  philologists,  akin  to  Georgian 
(see  vol.  i,  p.  469).  Until  more  is  known  with  certainty  about  the 
prevailing  language  of  Cappadocia  in  the  earlier  part  of  the 
second  millennium,  no  progress  can  be  made  towards  a  settlement 
of  this  question  of  Hattic  origins;  and  since  even  that  language 
may  not  have  been  the  native  tongue  of  the  Hatti  (if  these  were 
indeed  only  a  conquering  minority),  we  may  then  not  be  much 
wiser  on  this  particular  point.  But  we  shall  know  at  any  rate  who 
the  bulk  of  the  Cappadocians  were.  Present  evidence  points  to 
north-west  Mesopotamia  and  the  Taurus  as  earlier  homes  of  the 
Hattic  element. 

17— a 



The  first  sure  historical  light  is  shed  by  retrospective  Hattic 
documents  of  the  fourteenth  and  thirteenth  centuries  B.C.  They 
indicate  that,  more  than  a  century  before  the  earliest  of  them  was 
written,  a  Hattic  monarchy,  ruling  apparently  from  a  north 
Cappadocian  centre,  already  exercised  dominant  influence  in 
south  Cappadocia,  in  northern  Syria,  and  even  on  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  middle  Euphrates.  A  king,  Dudkhalia,  who  was 
penultimate  predecessor  of  Shubbiluliuma  and  reigned  round 
about  1450  B.C.,  had  relations  with  the  Cataonian  principality  of 
Hanigalbat  and  with  Aleppo.  His  successor,  Hattushil,  warred  vic- 
toriously with  the  last-named  power,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
of  Harrian  origin.  These  kings  had  the  Harri,  a  Mesopotamian 
and  north  Syrian  people  (see  vol.  i,  p.  312),  for  neighbours,  and 
Kissuwadna,  a  principality  lying  west  of  Hanigalbat  (see  p.  272), 
in  their  pocket.  Whether  their  dominance  had  been  established 
by  conquest  from  the  north  or  had  survived  from  an  earlier  stage 
of  Hattic  residence  in  the  south,  we  do  not  know:  but,  in  either 
case,  it  amounted  to  a  wide  enough  territorial  power  to  justify  us 
in  speaking  of  a  proto-Hattic  imperial  period,  preceding  the 
historical  one,  usually  so  called. 

The  second,  or  historic,  imperial  period  was  inaugurated  by 
Hattushil's  son,  Shubbiluliuma,  who  succeeded  somewhere  about 
1400  B.C.1.  There  had  been  a  crash  in  the  last  part  of  his  father's 
reign  and  all  the  south,  including  even  Kissuwadna,  had  shaken 
itself  free  under  a  revival  of  Harrian  leadership.  As  records  of 
Ashur-uballit  II  inform  us,  Assyrian  forces  began  to  raid  un- 
checked about  1415  B.C.  across  the  Euphrates  and  into  the  Tauric 
principalities.  Shubbiluliuma  restored  the  earlier  dominance  of 
the  Hatti  in  south  Cappadocia,  grappling  Kissuwadna  firmly  to 
his  allegiance  on  terms  less  easy  than  it  had  enjoyed  before  the 
revolt,  and  he  prevailed  against  the  prince  of  another  Tauric 
state,  Arzawa,  who  had  been  in  independent  correspondence  with 
Egypt.  It  is  also  claimed  for  him  that  he  forced  the  Harri  to 
obedience;  and  this  people  appears  later  as  confined  to  the  Meso- 
potamian  side  of  the  Euphrates. 

1  The  dates  adopted  by  German  editors  of  the  Boghaz  Keui  archives  are 
all  later  than  those  given  here.  Ascribing  the  treaty  made  by  Hattushil  with 
Ramses  II  to  the  latter's  twenty-first  regnal  year,  to  1271  B.C.,  they  place 
Shubbiluliuma's  accession  in  1380,  Murshil's  1345,  Mutallu's  1315, 
Hattushil's  1272.  The  battle  of  Kadesh  they  date  to  1287.  Another  com- 
putation (followed  by  R.  Campbell  Thompson,  see  p.  238)  dates  Shub- 
biluliuma  at  1411  and  Murshil  at  1355. 


How  long  a  period  this  process  of  imperial  restoration  took 
we  have  no  means  of  determining;  but  it  may  reasonably  be 
presumed  that  not  till  it  was  complete  would  the  Hattic  king 
have  ventured  through  the  Tauric  passes  into  Syria,  to  try 
conclusions  with  greater  powers  claiming  spheres  of  exclusive 
influence  there — Mitanni  and  Egypt.  He  had  a  strong  body 
of  federal  troops  with  him,  when  the  time  for  Syrian  conquest 
arrived.  To  reform  the  Hattic  confederacy  as  a  power  of  offence 
must  have  taken  some  time;  Shubbiluliuma's  appearance  in 
Syria  (with  this  event  anything  like  continuous  Hattic  history 
begins)  can  hardly,  therefore,  have  been  before  the  end  of  the 
first  decade  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  may  have  been  as  late 
as  1380  B.C.  Records  of  his  successors  speak  of  Shubbiluliuma  as 
the  Great  King  par  excellence,  the  Founder  of  his  House.  This 
fame  may  be  owed  to  his  later  success  in  establishing  foreign 
empire  after  restoring  the  old  Cappadocian  primacy  of  the 
dynasty :  but  it  is  possible  also  that  he  was  the  first  of  all  Hattic 
kings  to  free  himself  from  subordination  to  Assyria. 

Shubbiluliuma  spent  some  time  in  north  Syria  raiding  and 
subjugating  local  chieftains  in  defiance  of  the  susceptibilities  not 
only  of  remote  Egypt,  but  also  of  the  nearer  Mitannian  kingdom. 
Whether  originally  or  not  he  had  set  out  to  try  conclusions 
with  this  latter  Mesopotamian  power,  which  had  possessions 
west  of  the  Euphrates,  he  found  now  that  he  had  no  choice 
but  to  force  an  issue  upon  it.  Therefore,  presently,  with 
Harri  co-operating,  he  crossed  the  river  into  Ishuwa  and  thence 
marched  against  Alshe  and  then  against  Tushratta,  king  of 
Mitanni,  brother-in-law  of  Amenhotep  III.  It  would  be  interesting 
to  know  how,  at  that  time,  the  state  of  Carchemish  regarded  both 
the  action  of  the  Hattic  invader  in  Syria  and  his  attack  on 
Mitanni.  Its  prince  does  not  figure  by  name  in  our  records  of  this 
conquest;  but,  if  he  was  himself  of  old  standing  Hattic  race,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  he  joined  forces  with  Shubbiluliuma. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  certain  cultural  change,  which  excavation 
at  Carchemish  has  shown  to  have  taken  place  in  the  second  half 
of  the  second  millennium  B.C.  (see  vol.  in),  is  to  be  dated  as  far 
back  as  the  fourteenth  century,  then  it  will  appear  more  probable 
that  an  unrecorded  capture  and  reconstitution  of  Carchemish 
either  now,  or  in  the  year  following,  has  to  be  credited  to  Shub- 
biluliuma (the  name  of  the  town  appears  in  a  mutilated  record  of 
this  king's  movements  after  his  conquest  of  Mitanni),  and  that 
it  was  only  from  this  epoch  forward  that  Carchemish  became 
Hittite,  More  will  be  said  later  on  this  point  in  connection  with 


both  the  Hattic  treaty  concluded  with  Ramses  II  and  the  earliest 
history  of  north  Syria, 

Tushratta  of  Mitanni  seems  to  have  been  successful  in  his 
first  engagements  with  the  Hattic  forces;  but  in  the  end  he  was 
obliged  to  retire  north-eastwards  and  suffer  his  kingdom  to  be 
ravaged  so  thoroughly  that,  though  ultimately  it  obtained  peace 
without  submitting  to  worse  terms  than  the  acceptance  of  a  client 
position,  the  support  of  Egypt  was  lost.  The  independence  of  the 
dynasty  also  was  permanently  impaired,  and,  shortly  afterwards,, 
Tushratta  died  a  violent  death,  leaving  his  successor,  Mattiuaza, 
to  accept  Shubbiluliuma's  terms,  and  see  his  territory  infringed 
on  the  west  by  the  Hatti,  and  on  the  east  by  the  Assyrians,  who, 
ultimately,  were  to  overrun  the  whole*  See  pp,  122,  301  sq. 

Shubbiluliuma  returned,  after  an  interval  of  unknown  duration, 
to  Syria  and  marched  into  Aleppo.  Partly  now,  partly  before  his 
Mitannian  campaigns,  he  seems  to  have  imposed  his  suzerainty 
on  all  the  other  petty  princedoms,  tribai  states,  and  urban  and 
village  communities  among  which,  so  far  south  as  IJoms,  Syria 
had  been  parcelled  out  under  the  nominal  overlordship  of  a 
distant  Pharaoh.  We  can  establish  no  chronology  of  its  conquest 
by  the  Hatti  (except  that  Kinza  was  not  attacked  till  after  the 
king's  entry  into  Aleppo),  either  from  Hattic  archives  or  from 
the  Amarna  Letters,  for  lack  of  criteria  for  classifying  those 
documents,  except  in  large  groups  according  to  the  reigns  in 
which  they  were  written  or  received.  Nor  can  we,  with  certainty, 
place  on  the  map  more  than  two  or  three  of  the  several  districts 
that  they  mention  in  this  connection,  We  may  say  only  that 
Shubbiluliuma  did  enter  and  force  to  his  allegiance  the  following 
lands,  (r)  Nukhashshi^  whose  prince,  Sharrupshi,  held  out  long  for 
his  suzerain  in  Egypt.  Conjecturally,  his  domain  has  been  placed 
in  the  Killis  district,  north  and  west  of  Aleppo;  it  may  have 
included  all  north-west  Syria,  with  the  town  of  Samal  (Zenjirli), 
of  which  no  express  mention  is  made  in  any  document  of  this 
period.  A  mutilated  copy  of  Shubbiluliuma's  eventual  treaty  with 
Sharrupshi  exists,  (a)  AUna^  which  we  cannot  place  more  closely 
than  somewhere  in  the  north-eastern  region  of  Syria;  it  had  owed 
allegiance  formerly  to  Mitanni.  (3)  Khalpa^  Khalman  or  Halaby 
which  is  Aleppo  with,  no  doubt,  the  whole  Kowaik  basin. 
(4)  Niy  or  Nia,  whose  prince,  Takuwa,  and  his  brother,  Akit- 
Teshub,  bear  names  of  Amorite  sound.  Half-a-century  or  more 
before  this  period,  under  Thutmose  III,  Niy  was  spoken  of  as  at 
the  extreme  limit  of  the  Egyptian  range,  which  extended  to  the 
Euphrates  near  Carchemish  and  to  the  Taurus.  Its  remoteness, 


coupled  with  its  former  subjection  to  Mitanni  and  its  probable 
Amorite  character,  suggests  that  it  lay  on  the  eastern  edge  of 
Syria  proper,  some  way  down  the  right  bank  of  the  Euphrates, 
below  Carchemish.  (5)  Katnay  which  we  know  to  have  been  on 
the  farther  side  of  the  Euphrates,  in  the  valley  of  the  Lower 
Khabur.  A  Semitic  state  (probably),  it  proved  hard  for  the  Hattic 
king  to  persuade  or  force  to  submission;  and  its  prince,  Aki-izzi, 
was  still  at  large,  unrepentant  and  appealing  to  Pharaoh  for 
support,  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Amenhotep  IV  (about 
1373  B.C.,  see  p.  310).  (6)  Kmza?  a  state  of  apparently  superior 
importance,  whose  prince,  Shutatarra,  offered  stout  resistance  at 
first.  But  he  seems,  with  his  son,  Aitakkama,  not  to  have  been 
long  in  accepting  the  new  suzerainty,  and  the  son  became  the 
leading  ally  and  agent  of  Shubbiluliuma  in  the  south.  The  precise 
location  of  Kinza  is  a  puzzle;  but  since  its  prince's  name  recalls 
the  Sutu,  prominent  in  later  accounts  of  Assyrian  raids  down  the 
Khabur,  and  since  it^was  able  to  attack  directly  Tushratta's 
successor  in  mid-Mesopotamia,  it  seems  probable  that,  like  Katna, 
it  was  a  Semitic  trans-Euphratean  state,  lying  in  the  Belikh  basin 
over  against  Niy.  (7)  Tunip^  mentioned  also  in  Egyptian  and 
Assyrian  annals  as  in  or  near  Naharain,  was  almost  certainly  in 
the  lower  valley  of  the  Sajur,  where  its  name  is  still  attached  to  a 
tell.  (8)  Lapana  was  perhaps  the  same  district  as  Labnana,  men- 
tioned in  annals  of  Tiglath-pileser  IIL  Apparently  it  lay  beyond 
(west  of)  the  Orontes,  and  should  be  some  part  of  the  Lebanon 
range,  whose  name  seems  to  be  a  survival  of  it;  perhaps  it  was  the 
northernmost  part,  Jebel  Ansariyeh.  (9)  Zinzar  and  RukM%ziy 
which  cannot  be  placed;  the  former  name  probably  belongs  to  the 
north-east,  or  even  to  Mesopotamia. 

The  only  other  important  facts  about  this  conquest  of  north 
Syria  and  north-western  Mesopotamia  of  which  we  can  be  reason- 
ably sure,  are  that  Akizzi  (Aki-izzi),  prince  of  Katna,  formed  a 
league  of  local  chiefs  and  procured  a  fresh  revolt  of  the  Harri  in 
order  to  stay  Shubbiluliuma's  progress,  but  in  vain;  and  that  he 
was  defeated  either  by  the  Hattic  king  himself,  who  appears  to 
have  gone  in  person  across  the  Euphrates  again,  or  by  Aitakkama, 
of  Kinza,  who,  after  some  shilly-shallying,  illustrated  by  the 
Amarna  correspondence,  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  HattL  With 
the  collapse  of  this  league,  Shubbiluliuma's  way  lay  open  into  the 
block  of  Amorite  territory  which  then  occupied  all  central  Syria, 
including  Kadesh,  but  not  the  Lebanon  littoral;  but  invasion 
seems  to  have  been  forestalled  by  the  submission  of  Azira  (Aziru), 
paramount  sheikh  of  the  Damascus  district,  who  tardily  agreed 


to  an  onerous  tribute  (see  also  pp.  302,  309).  Even  Pharaoh  pre- 
ferred negotiation  to  fighting.  A  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded 
and  signed  by  Shubbiluliuma  and  Amenhotep  III,  shortly  before 
the  latter's  death  (or  by  his  successor?).  It  held  good  through 
subsequent  Egyptian  reigns  till  it  was  denounced  or  ignored  by 
Seti  I,  who,  after  Shubbiluliuma's  death,  made  more  than  one 
effort  to  recover  the  empire  which  Ikhnaton  had  lost. 

At  some  date,  not  earlier  than  1360  B.C.,  Shubbiluliuma  died, 
and  after  an  interval  of  some  years,  filled  by  struggles  between 
the  heir,  Arnuwandash  (Arandas)  and  his  brother  Murshil  (called 
in  Egyptian  M-r-s-r),  the  latter  secured  the  throne.  A  cuneiform 
document  which  chronicles  his  first  ten  royal  years  has  been 
found  at  Boghaz  Keui.  Since  it  is  not  in  Babylonian,  hardly  any- 
thing can  be  read  from  it  with  certainty  except  proper  names; 
but  its  frequent  mention  of  what  seem  to  be  north  Syrian  places 
and  princes  serves  to  assure  us  that  the  affairs  of  at  least  as  large 
an  area,  as  had  concerned  Shubbiluliurm,  continued  to  engage 
the  attention  of  his  successor.  Carchemish,  several  of  whose 
princes  (?)  are  named  in  Murshil's  annals,  evidently  adhered  to 
the  allegiance,  which  voluntarily  or  under  duress  it  had  given  to 
Shubbiluliuma;  and  from  a  treaty  with  Rimisharma,  king  of 
Aleppo,  we  know  that  this  city  also  remained  faithful.  Kissuwadna 
had  been  sufficiently  chastened  by  MurshiFs  father  to  be  admitted 
to  free  clientship  again  as  an  autonomous  principality  on  condition 
of  its  having  the  same  friends  and  enemies  as  the  Hatti,  and 
sending  help  to  the  latter's  wars  whether  with  the  Harri  or  with 
Arzawa,  which  seem  to  have  been  its  neighbours  on  east  and  west. 
The  treaty  between  Shunashshura,  its  king,  and  (presumably) 
Murshil  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  copy  made  by  the  latter's 
successor.  It  provides  for  the  abolition  of  frontier  fortifications. 
The  Amorites  of  mid-Syria  were  the  chief  breakers  of  the  peace. 
Murshil  maintained  his  father's  policy  towards  Mitanni,  whose 
value  as  a  buffer  between  the  Hattic  dependencies  and  the  growing 
Assyrian  power  on  the  middle  Tigris  prescribed  cultivation  of 
good  relations.  Hardly  less  valuable  in  view  of  the  Assyrian 
menace  (see  pp.  238  sqq.)  was  the  friendship  of  the  Kassite 
kings  of  lower  Mesopotamia,  which,  as  we  gather  from  later 
Hattic  records,  had  previously  been  sought  and  obtained  by  the 
Hattic  monarchy. 

At  what  precise  date  Murshil  died  we  do  not  know;  probably 
not  before  1330.  His  son,  Mutallu  (Muwatallis)  succeeded,  and 
soon  was  at  open  odds  with  Seti  I  of  Egypt,  whose  thrusts  north- 
ward were  followed  by  a  southward  Hattic  counter-thrust  up  the 


Orontes  valley.  Seti  was  succeeded  about  the  close  of  the  century 
(or,  according  to  another  reckoning,  in  1292)  by  Ramses  II.  Prob- 
ably that  vigorous  southward  offensive,  which  carried  the  Hatti 
past  Kadesh,  was  not  achieved  till  Seti's  death;  for  it  is  when 
a  throne  is  vacant  in  the  east  that  aggression  upon  distant  frontiers 
usually  happens.  In  any  case,  by  Kadesh,  at  or  near  the  modern 
Tell  Nebi  Mandib,  above  the  southern  end  of  the  Lake  of  Horns, 
in  Ramses'  fifth  regnal  year,  the  armies  of  the  rival  suzerains 
of  Syria  met  in  a  pitched  battle,  of  which  the  Egyptian  account 
has  long  been  famous.  This  narrative  is  the  composition  of  a 
court  poet  and  hardly  historical  material;  but  a  fragmentary  Hattic 
account  of  the  same  events,  found  at  Boghaz-  Keui,  seems  to  con- 
firm some  particulars  of  it  (see  pp.  142  sqq^).  The  result  of  the 
engagement  alone  matters  here.  The  Hattic  king  and  his  federals 
were  not  dislodged  from  Kadesh;  the  Egyptians  withdrew  again 
to  Palestine,  The  two  powers  were  still  in  touch  on  the  same 
frontier,  in  northernmost  Galilee,  when  Mutallu,  who  died  by 
violence,  was  no  longer  reigning,  and  Ramses  had  sent  up  two 
(or  three?)  more  armies  to  try  to  restore  the  Egyptian  position. 
Finally,  in  his  twenty-first  regnal  year,  Pharaoh  accepted  a  treaty 
of  permanent  peace,  on  terms  uti  j>os$idetis^  with  Hattushil  the 
Second  (or  perhaps  Third),  the  brother  and  successor  of  his 
opponent  at  Kadesh. 

The  earlier  part  of  HattushiFs  long  reign,  which  did  not 
close  till  far  on  in  the  thirteenth  century,  saw  the  acme  of  this 
Hattic  imperial  phase;  in  his  later  years  decline  began.  More  of 
his  archives  than  of  any  other  Hattic  king  have  been  unearthed, 
and  enough  of  the  documents  are  couched  in  Babylonian  for  us 
to  be  surely  informed  about  the  general  course  of  events  and  the 
direction  of  Hattic  imperial  energies.  Syria,  down  to  the  north 
Palestinian  border,  was  now  an  exclusively  Hattic  sphere  of 
influence  and  a  source  of  Hattic  revenue.  Since,  moreover,  the 
Kassite  king  of  Babylon,  as  a  letter  proves,  regarded  Hattushil  as 
responsible  for  the  desert  tribesmen,  we  may  infer  that  the  Hattic 
king  was  recognized  overlord  also  of  the  Amorite  settled  elements 
in  Syria,  for  instance  those  which  then  held  the  oasis  of  Damascus 
(cf.  p.  240).  Hattushil  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  court 
of  Babylon  and  assumed  the  tone  of  an  equal  in  writing  to 
Pharaoh — a  tone  sufficiently  justified  by  the  treaty  of  alliance, 
already  mentioned,  which  Egypt  made  with  him  about  the  tenth 
year  of  his  reign. 

This  famous  treaty  is  so  worded  as  to  appear  an  equal  compact, 
obligations  of  defence  and  offence,  and  extradition  of  political 


and  'unknown*  (servile?)  fugitives  being  reciprocal;  but  never- 
theless there  are  two  points  about  it  which  possibly  imply  some 
recognition  of  inferiority  by  the  Hattic  party.  The  first  is  that 
Hattushil  (both  versions  of  this  clause,  Hattic  and  Egyptian,  are 
mutilated)  asks  of  Pharaoh  a  favour  in  regard  to  his  own  suc- 
cessor; the  second,  that  the  first  overtures  for  alliance  were  made 
almost  certainly  from  the  Hattic  side,  an  express  statement  of 
Ramses  to  that  effect  being  supported  by  the  Hattic  version. 
The  first  draft  of  the  treaty  was  composed  at  Hattushash  and 
submitted  to  Pharaoh,  inscribed  in  cuneiform  on  a  silver  plate. 
There  has  been  found  on  two  clay  tablets  at  Boghaz  Keui  what 
is  probably  part  of  that  draft,  written  before  the  metal  was  en- 
graved. The  Egyptian  text,  of  which  we  have  two  imperfect 
copies,  is  a  hieroglyphic  rendering  of  a  Babylonian  text,  the  same 
in  substance  as  the  original  Hattic  draft;  but  its  phraseology  has 
been  revised  to  suit  Pharaonic  susceptibilities.  The  list  of  towns, 
however,  whose  gods  are  called  by  Hattq^hil  to  witness  (we  have 
only  the  Egyptian  text  of  this  clause  and  it  is  defective),  implies 
that  Ramses  recognized  Hattic  dominion  over  four-fifths  at  least 
of  Syria.  The  'land  Hatti'  and  the  'land  Misri/  which,  in  the 
fourth  clause,  are  each  guaranteed  by  the  sovereign  of  the  other 
immune  for  ever  from  invasion,  are  not  defined;  but  the  citation 
of  the  goddess  of  *D~r'  (i.e.  Tyre)  by  Hattushil  implies  that 
Ramses  had  been  reduced  to  accept  Palestine  as  sole  "remainder 
of  the  Egyptian  empire  in  Asia.  The  only  other  Syrian  city  in  the 
list,  whose  identification  is  possible  at  present,  is  Halab  (Aleppo); 
see  further,  p.  149  sg. 

It  has  been  observed  with  surprise  that  Carchemish  does  not 
appear  in  that  list.  Three,  if  not  four  proper  names,  however,  are 
missing  from  our  text  after  the  citation  of  Halab^  while  certain 
others  are  imperfect;  and  it  may  be  that  the  phrase  *  Astarte  of  the 
land  of  Hatti/  which  occurs  in  what  should  be  the  Syrian  section 
of  the  list,  implies  and  involves  the  capital  of  a  region  which  later 
Assyrian  scribes  would  always  call  Hatti-land.  Were,  however, 
the  omission  of  Carchemish  certain,  we  should  have  to  presume 
one  of  two  explanations.  Either  Carchemish  had  by  then  been 
absorbed  into  HattushiFs  home  territory,  and  become  a  state 
directly  governed  and  no  longer  federal;  or  it  had  fallen  tem- 
porarily under  some  non-Hattic  power,  probably  Assyria.  The 
last  alternative  is  far  from  impossible.  Shalmaneser  I  was  on  the 
Middle  Euphrates  at  or  about  the  date  of  this  treaty  (according 
to  the  generally  accepted  chronology  of  his  annals)  and  was 
raiding  across  the  river  into  Melitene  (Hanigalbat)  and  Kumani, 

XI,  m]  END  OF  HATTIC  EMPIRE  267 

north  of  Taurus.  In  any  case,  Assyrian  westward  expansion  forces 
itself  on  our  attention  about  this  time  (see  p.  241  sy.).  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  it  provoked  Hattushil's  overture  to 
Egypt;  for  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Kadashman-Enlil,  Kassite 
king  of  Babylon  (a  copy  of  it  in  Babylonian  was  found  at  Boghaz- 
Keui),  betrays  apprehension  of  Assyrian  aggression  about  two 
years  before.  As  the  menace  from  the  east  increased  Hattushil 
sought  to  draw  his  bond  with  Egypt  tighter,  and,  some  thirteen 
years  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  sent  one  of  his  daughters 
to  the  harem  of  Ramses.  A  cuneiform  copy  of  a  letter  from 
Naptera,  the  latter*  s  queen,  to  Pudukhipa,  queen  of  Hattushil, 
alludes  to  the  treaty  as  a  guarantee  of  peace  between  Egypt  and 
Hatti.  It  is  of  peculiar  interest  that  Pharaoh  should  have  asked 
his  Hattic  friend  to  supply  him  with  smelted  iron.  A  copy  of  the 
reply,  stating  that  at  the  moment  none  was  to  hand  in  the  magazines 
in  Kissuwadna,  has  been  found  at  Boghaz  Keui  (p.  272).  This 
correspondence  offers  i^  a  very  close  date  for  the  "introduction  of 
iron  in  bulk  into  Asia  Minor,  and  thence  into  Egypt,  where 
it  had  been  hitherto  a  rarity  used  by  jewellers. 

Hattushil's  reign  ended  before  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century.  Probably  he  predeceased  the  aged  Ramses  by  some 
twenty  years.  A  son,  Dudkhalia  (cf.  Tid'al,  vol.  i,  p.  236), 
succeeded.  We  know  little  about  either  his  reign  or  that  of  his 
son  and  successor  Arnuwandash  (Arandas);  but  a  fragment  of 
his  annals  exists,  conveying  the  interesting  assurance  that 
Carchemish  had  returned  to  the  Hattic  federation — if  it  ever 
had  left  it;  and  from  another  document  we  learn  that  Aleppo  was 
still  in  the  Hattic  sphere  of  influence.  Neither  of  HattushiFs 
successors  is  noticed  in  non-Hattic  records,  nor  is  the  next  and 
last  king,  a  son  of  Arnuwandash,  called  Dudkhalia,  like  his 
grandfather.  Since  a  reasonable  computation  of  time  for  the 
duration  of  three  reigns  after  that  of  Hattushil  II  would  bring 
the  story  to  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  a  well- 
known  record  of  Ramses  III  states  that  'Hatti'  had  'not  stood 
before'  a  horde  which  subsequently  devastated  Kedi  (the  Cilician 
plain),  Carchemish,  Arvad  and  Alashiya,  it  is  probable  that 
Dudkhalia  was  in  actual  fact  the  last  king  of  the  dynasty  of 
Shubbiluliuma,  and  the  last  Hattic  prince  of  north  Cappadocia. 

If  the  appearance  of  this  horde  on  the  Egyptian  frontier  be 
dated  about  the  year  1190  (though  this  will  depend  upon  the 
chronology  of  Ramses  II),  its  conquest  of  the  north  Cappadocian 
Hatti  must  be  placed  some  two  or  three  years  earlier — possibly 
even  more.  (We  have  to  observe  that  it  must  be  concluded 


that  north  Cappadocian,  and  not  Syrian,  Hatti  are  in  question 
here,  because,  in  the  list  of  conquered  territories  evidently  enumera- 
ted from  north  to  south,  *  Hatti'  is  divided  from  Carchemish  by 
the  name  Kedi.)  The  names  of  this  horde's  tribal  constituents, 
given  by  the  Egyptian  record,  leave  the  question  of  its  origin 
obscure.  *  Hatti'  themselves  appear  in  the  list  (and  also  are  to  be 
identified  by  their  facial  type,  in  Egyptian  reliefs  representing 
the  invasion) ;  but  they  have  not  the  prominence  accorded  to  them 
in  records  of  the  previous  Egyptian  dynasty.  Mentioned  along 
with  other  peoples,  e.g.  men  of  Kedi,  who  also  are  stated  not  to 
have  *  stood  before'  the  horde,  and  with  Amorites,  they  have 
sunk  to  a  subordinate  position  in  the  service  of  recent  conquerors. 
It  is  doubtful  how  many  of  the  strange  peoples,  enumerated  as 
sharing  in  the  attacks  on  Egypt,  were  concerned  in  the  first 
movement  of  this  horde,  and  the  problem  of  the  origin  of  their 
names — Pulesati,  Shakalsha,  Zakkara,  Denyen,  Uashasha — still 
awaits  an  entirely  convincing  solution  (see  pp.  275^.).  Some 
part  of  the  elements  which  attacked  Egypt  came  in  ships.  These 
may  really  have  been  maritime  peoples,  or  they  may  have  taken 
to  the  sea  only  for  the  occasion,  after  securing  transport  at  Arvad 
or  elsewhere  on  the  Syrian  coast.  If  the  Hattic  capital  had  been 
its  first  objective,  the  original  horde  may  be  presumed  to  be  of 
northern  composition;  but  whether  its  elements  came  from 
western  or  from  northern  Asia  Minor,  or  not  rather  (as  is  equally 
probable)  from  a  Caucasian  or  Armenian  region^  must  remain 
a  matter  of  opinion. 

Thus,  according  to  present  knowledge,  the  history  of  the  Hattic 
Imperial  State  closes  with  the  thirteenth  century;  and  it  is  from 
about  1 200  B.C.  that  we  have  to  look  back  over  such  evidence  as 
can  be  gathered  from  its  monuments  and  records  and  those  of 
its  neighbours  about  its  composition,  organization  and  culture. 
Hattic  *  empire*  was  certainly  of  the  type  which  prevailed  in 
western  Asia  before  the  Sargonid  development  of  the  Assyrian 
empire  and  the  rise  of  Persia.  Only  a  few  provinces  were  ruled  by 
direct  action  from  the  centre.  Beyond  them  lay  a  belt  of  federated 
client-states,  which  were  left  to  manage  their  own  internal  affairs, 
provided  they  observed  their  suzerain's  external  policy  and 
followed  him  to  war.  Beyond  these  again  were  states  within  a 
*  sphere  of  influence,'  bound  to  tributary  acknowledgment,  as  the 
price  of  immunity,  and  expected  to  give  the  suzerain  passage  and 
supplies  on  his  lawful  occasions.  When  the  empire  was  at  its 
height  under  Hattushil  II  the  federated  client  category  comprised, 
in  all  probability,  those  cities  and  districts  whose  patron-deities 


were  called  to  attest  his  treaty  with  Ramses;  and  if  we  had  its 
fifteenth  clause  complete,  we  should  know  all  their  names.  But 
there  would  remain  the  difficulty,  insuperable  at  present,  of 
identifying  more  than  a  small  proportion  of  them  with  known 
localities,  and  especially  of  determining  what  relation  the  named 
cities  bore  to  districts.  That  is  to  say,  we  should  still  not  know 
which,  if  any,  city-names  imply  the  clientship  of  known  districts 
— for  example,  we  should  not  be  certain  which  (if  any),  not  only 
of  the  Syrian  states  reduced  by  Shubbiluliuma  (none  except  Halab 
is  named  expressly  in  the  clause  in  question),  but  also  of  the  chain 
of  states  lying  immediately  north  of  the  Taurus  (none  of  these  is 
men  tioned,  though  Arinna  maybe  presumed  to  cover  Kissuwadna), 
were  involved. 


Our  estimate  of  the  degree  of  civilization  attained  by  the 
Hattic  empire  will  depend  to  some  extent  upon  our  answer  to 
the  question.  Which,  if  any,  of  the  known  monuments  of  Hittite 
art  are  to  be  ascribed  to  its  period?  The  other  evidence  would 
certainly  lead  us  to  expect  that  most  of  these  were  made  in  the 
Imperial  Age.  This  theocratic  society  of  the  Hatti  knew  and  used 
the  diplomatic  script  and  language  of  its  time,  observed  inter- 
national usages,  and  was  expert  in  metallurgy,  armed  up  to  the 
highest  contemporary  standard,  and  sufficiently  organized  to  keep 
land-registers  and  public  inventories  of  temple  furniture.  It  is 
believed  also  to  have  had  codified  law.  Two  lengthy  clay  docu- 
ments from  the  Boghaz  Keui  archives  have  been  deciphered1 
more  or  less  completely  and  convincingly  as  parts  of  a  criminal 
code  recalling  in  many  respects  that  of  Hammurabi,  notably  by 
the  rights  given  to  women  and  slaves,  the  control  of  prices,  the 
regulation  of  agriculture  and  inheritance,  and  the  penalties  pre- 
scribed for  sexual  offences.  That  such  a  society,  in  its  period  of 
imperial  expansion,  should  not  have  practised  monumental  art  at 
its  chief  centres  of  power  and  population  is  hardly  credible.  On 
the  sites  of  several  of  these  centres — at  Boghaz  Keui,  Euyuk 
Alaja,  KizH  Hissar  (Tyana),  Marash,  Jerablus  (Carchemish)  and 
many  more,  as  well  as  in  their  neighbourhoods — examples  of 
monumental  art  do  exist,  carved  either  on  the  living  rock,  or  on 
free  stones.  Their  relations  and  affinities  cannot  be  discussed 
here;  but  it  may  be  said  shortly  that,  if  the  monuments  are  judged 

1  Reference  to  this  publication  is  given  in  the  Bibliography.  The  trans- 
lation must  be  regarded  at  present  as  too  conjectural  for  historical  use  to  be 
made  of  details  of  the  code. 


by  comparative  standards  of  style  and  execution,  the  most 
primitive  are  the  gateway-lions  of  Boghaz  Keui,  the  dado-reliefs 
and  the  sphinxes  of  Euyuk,  and,  possibly,  some  sculptures  of 
northernmost  Syria  and  mid-north  Mesopotamia.  Second  in  the 
evolution  come  the  rock-sculptures  of  Yasili  Kaia,  of  Ferakdin 
(Arinna?),  and  perhaps  of  Melitene  (Hanigalbat),  of  Giaur  Kalessi 
in  Galatia  and  of  the  pass  of  Nymphi  in  Lydia.  In  the  third 
place  rank  the  *  King's  Gate'  relief  at  Boghaz  Keui,  most  of  the 
Tyanean  and  Iconian  reliefs,  and  the  earlier  sculptures  discovered 
by  the  excavators  of  Carchemish;  and  in  the  fourth  and  last  place, 
the  later  Syrian  Hittite  sculptures. 

In  the  second  of  the  Cappadocian  groups  we  see  a  fully-formed 
peculiar  art;  but  it  is  not,  to  all  appearances,  divided  by  a  great 
interval  of  time  from  that  of  the  first  group.  Clear  evidence  of 
earlier  and  later  periods  of  building  has  been  observed  at  both 
Boghaz  Keui  and  Euyuk.  If  the  monuments  of  the  first  artistic 
group  belong  to  Shubbiluliuma's  time,  Irhose  of  the  second  are 
naturally  to  be  ascribed  to  the  period  of  Hattushil,  This  is  the 
date  most  usually  assumed  for  the  rock-sculptures  of  Yasili  Kaia. 
Some  critics,  however,  have  found  in  their  style  such  close  analogies 
to  the  arts  of  the  late  Assyrian  empire  and  of  the  late  Ramessid 
period  in  Egypt,  that  they  have  refused  to  refer  them  to  any 
period  earlier  than  the  eleventh  century  B.C.;  and  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  their  close  resemblance  to  Syrian  Hittite  sculptures 
and  to  certain  metal  objects  of  the  Syrian  'Cremation  Period,* 
which,  on  comparison  with  Cypriote  parallels  and  sculptures 
from  Zenjirli,  can  hardly  be  pushed  back  as  far  as  1000  B.C., 
supports  a  post-Imperial  date.  On  the  other  hand,  the  foreign 
features  observed  in  Yasili  Kaia  art  can  be  explained  by  a  prior 
Assyrian  style,  revealed  by  the  German  excavations  at  Ashur,  and 
by  influence  of  an  earlier  Egyptian  art  than  the  later  Ramessid; 
and  it  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  the  appearance  of  types  of 
Hattushil's  time  two  or  three  centuries  later  in  Syria,  if,  as  will 
be  seen  in  vol.  m,  there  is  reason  to  ascribe  most  of  the  Hittite 
monuments  of  Syria  to  an  immigrant  people  which  imported  a 
culture  learned  by  earlier  generations.  In  point  of  fact,  however, 
our  knowledge  of  Hattic  art  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  does 
not  depend  on  monuments  of  disputed  date.  We  have  precise 
chronological  evidence  from  seal-impressions  stamped  on  cunei- 
form tablets  in  that  century,  while  their  clay  was  still  wet  and 
unbaked,  i.e.  at  the  time  at  which  they  were  written.  Several  of 
these  stamps  show  figures  of  kings  or  gods  executed  in  the  Yasili 
Kaia  style.  Therefore,  when  objections  to  the  monuments  of  the 

XI,  iv]  HITTITE  ART  271 

Second  Hittite  group  being  ascribed  to  the  Hattic  Imperial  Age 
are  balanced  against  arguments  on  the  other  side,  we  can  appeal 
not  merely  to  the  a  priori  improbability  that  this  Age  should  have 
been  responsible  for  no  great  Cappadocian  monuments,  but  to 
positive  evidence  in  favour  of  Yasili  Kaia  having  been  carved  in 
the  reign  of  Hattushil  or  some  other  Hattic  king  of  the  thirteenth 
century  B.C.  As  for  Syria,  its  Hittite  monuments,  as  well  as  most 
of  those  in  south-eastern  Asia  Minor,  must  be  reserved  for  con- 
sideration in  a  later  connection  (cf.  below,  p,  427  sq^). 

According  to  our  classification,  then,  the  sculptures  at  Yasili 
Kaia  and  Boghaz  Keui;  at  Ferakdin  and  in  its  near  neighbourhood ; 
some  at  Melitene;  those  at  Giaur  Kalessi,  at  the  Midas  City,  and 
in  the  Kara  Bel  near  Nymphi,  these  all  are  witnesses  to  Cappa- 
docian culture  under  the  Hattic  empire;  and,  therefore,  account 
can  be  taken  unreservedly  of  their  testimony  to  Hattic  religion, 
manners,  armament,  facial  type,  fashion  of  dress  and  so  forth. 
Both  Yasili  Kaia  and  Ferakdin  appear  to  record  the  conjunction 
or  the  fusion  of  two  cults*  The  procession  which  advances  from 
the  left  at  Yasili  Kaia  is  headed  by  a  male  who,  usually  bearing 
a  bow,  is  the  most  common  and  characteristic  of  Hattic  divine 
figures.  He  is  certainly  the  Hattic  war-god,  Tarkhun.  The  right- 
hand  procession  is  headed  by  a  goddess,  the  same,  without 
doubt,  who  appears  enthroned  at  Ferakdin  and  Euyuk.  She 
should  be  that  Sun-goddess  of  Arinna  who  enjoyed,  in  the  Hattic 
Imperial  state,  honour  as  great  as  the  chief  god's.  At  Ferakdin 
a  male  votary  adores  this  god,  and  a  female,  the  goddess.  We 
may  guess  the  mortals  to  be  Hattushil  himself  and  his  queen, 

What  may  have  become  of  Hattushash  and  the  Cappadocian 
realm  of  the  Hatti  after  the  opening  of  the  twelfth  century  must 
be  left  for  discussion  in  the  next  volume,  where  questions  con- 
cerning the  Syrian  Hatti  of  Carchemish  and  neighbourhood,  as 
well  as  the  Palestinian  *  Children  of  Heth*  (Gen.  xxiii),  may  also  be 
dealt  with  more  appropriately  than  here*  But  before  the  considera- 
tion of  the  Hatti  of  Asia  Minor  is  concluded,  a  word  may  be  said 
about  the  principal  states,  north  of  the  Taurus,  which  appear  to 
have  been  subject  to,  or  allied  with,  them. 

Those,  whose  local  situations  can  be  guessed  with  reasonable 
probability  and  of  which  anything  important  is  known  beyond 
names,  have  all  been  mentioned  already.  Four  probably  lay  under, 
or  in,  the  Taurus,  namely  Hanigalbat,  Kissuwadna,  Arzawa  and 
Tyana  (or  an  unnamed  state  of  which  this  city  was  the  capital); 
two  to  the  north  of  these,  Kash  or  Kashkai  (Gashga)  and  Karsatira 


(Garsatira).  Between  these  last  two,  in  the  Argaeus  district,  was 
another  state  whose  capital  city  bore  later  the  name  Mazaca  and 
perhaps  at  an  earlier  period  and  on  a  different  site,  that  of  Kanes. 
Of  all  these  states,  those  lying  farthest  west,  Tyana  and  Garsaiira, 
and  those  farthest  east,  Hanigalbat  and  Kash,  appear  to  have 
been  less  dependent  on  the  Hatti  than  the  central  states,  Kissu- 
wadna,  Arzawa  and  the  Argaeus  district,  through  the  first  and 
last  of  which  lay  military  ways  from  north  Cappadocia  to  Syria. 

Kissuwadna  is  assumed  here  to  have  been  situated  to  the  south 
of  the  Hattic  home-state  and  in  the  Anti-Taurus.  This  location, 
which  is  not  accepted  by  all  modern  authorities,  rests  on  two 
kinds  of  inferential  evidence.  First,  on  a  reasonable  probability 
that  Arinna,  its  chief  holy  city,  is  to  be  identified  with  'Araina/ 
which  an  Egyptian  army  reached  during  a  north  Syrian  campaign, 
and  'Aruna,'  which  Assyrian  arms  reached  through  Melitene 
(Hanigalbat).  Second,  on  the  association  of  Kissuwadna  with  the 
Harri  and  Aleppo  in  Hattic  official  documents — an  association 
not  only  political  but  geographical.  On  these  two  grounds  alone 
it  seems  impossible  to  place  it,  as  has  been  proposed,  in  north 
Cappadocia  or  Pontus,  and  to  suppose  that  the  sea,  which, 
according  to  the  boundaries  specified  in  Murshil's  treaty,  it 
touched  at  one  point,  can  have  been  the  Black  Sea.  Indeed  the 
very  argument  relied  upon  by  those  who  place  it  in  the  north — 
the  mention  of  it  in  HattushiPs  letter  to  Ramses  II  as  a  land  where 
iron  was  stored  (p.  267) — perhaps  favours  a  southern  position :  for 
did  not  Hattushil  intend  to  convey  that  he  had  no  iron  to  hand 
at  the  moment  at  a  Kissuwadnian  port  from  which  he  would 
naturally  export  to  Egypt?  Such  a  port  might  have  been  on  the 
Issus  gulf,  to  which  an  Anti-Tauric  state  would  have  had  access 
by  the  Sarus  basin.  On  this  theory  of  its  location  Kissuwadna 
must  have  contained  another  important  religious  centre  besides 
Arinna  (possibly  at,  or  near,  Ferakdin),  namely  Kumani  (Comana 
Cappadociae,  at  Shahr  in  the  Anti-Taurus),  which  Assyrian 
records  mention  as  though  it  were  independent. 

A  state  or  people  called  Tabal  or  Tibal  appears  in  later  Assyrian 
records  in  some  part  of  what  had  been  Kissuwadna.  Hebrew 
genealogists  coupled  its  name  (as  Tubal)  with  Meshech  (Ezek. 
xxvii,  13);  and  probably,  like  this  latter  state  (or  people),  which 
makes  a  first  appearance  in  history  about  1150  B.C.,  Tibal  was 
established  in  these  parts  only  after  the  Hattic  catastrophe. 
Assyrian  forces  reached  it  through  north-eastern  Cilicia  (p.  247). 

Arzawa,  whose  prince,  Tarkhundaraba,  had  corresponded  with 
Amenhotep  III  before  being  constrained  to  accept  Shubbilu- 

XI,  iv]          LESSER  STATES  OF  E.  ASIA  MINOR  273 

liuma's  overlordship  and  send  his  contingent  to  the  Syrian  war, 
became  so  intimately  connected  with  the  Hatti  that  its  archives 
appear  among  those  found  at  Boghaz  Keui.  Since  it  seems  to 
have  lain  some  distance  to  the  south  of  the  Hattic  homeland,  a 
situation  is  proposed  for  it  in  the  Cilician  Taurus,  where  proper 
names  compounded  with  the  divine  element,  Tarkhu,  sur- 
vived to  late  times.  In  any  case  it  lay  near  enough  to  Egypt  to 
make  mutual  correspondence  easy  and  natural.  The  mention  of 
it  in  MurshiFs  treaty  with  Shunashshura  implies  that  it  was  a 
neighbour  of  Kissuwadna;  but  the  absence  of  its  name  from  all 
known  Assyrian  records  suggests  that  it  lay  beyond  the  ordinary 
range  of  Assyrian  campaigning — probably  well  over  to  the  west 
in  Cilicia  Tracheia,  where  it  may  have  included  Isauria  and  the 
Iconian  district. 

Tyana  is  not  mentioned  in  any  certainly  deciphered  passage 
of  a  Hattic  document;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that,  both  before  and 
after  1200  B.C.,  it  was  o**e  of  the  most  important  places  in  western 
Asia.  All  the  Hittite  monuments  which  have  been  discovered  in 
its  district  seem,  however,  to  belong  to  a  period  of  non-Hattic 
domination  subsequent  to  the  downfall  of  the  Cappadocian 
empire.  We  must  conclude  therefore  that  the  Hatti  never  absorbed 
Tyana  sufficiently  to  'Hattize'  its  society;  but  that  later  it  became 
the  centre  of  some  other,  perhaps  a  Mushkian,  power,  which  had 
adopted  Hittite  culture  at  a  previous  stage  of  its  history. 

About  the  two  eastern  states,  Hanigalbat  and  Kash,  we  hear  a 
good  deal  from  Assyrian  sources.  The  first  appears  to  have  been 
attached  to  the  Hattic  empire  by  a  very  weak  bond,  which  was 
frequently  broken.  The  second  was  a  constant  object  of  Hattic 
expeditions,  military  or  otherwise;  and  published  records  of 
Boghaz  Keui  make  it  clear  that  it  remained  an  enemy  state  im- 
perfectly subjugated,  of  greater  size  and  importance  than  any 
other  in  Cappadocia,  and  a  constant  cause  of  Hattic  apprehension. 
Hanigalbat  is  shown  by  sculptures  and  inscriptions  found  in  the 
*Lion  Mound'  at  Ordasu,  near  Malatia,  to  have  had  Hittite 
culture;  but  it  is  not  stated  in  any  document  to  have  been  con- 
quered by  a  Hattic  king,  nor  is  it  mentioned  (nor  any  city  in 
it)  in  Hattushil's  treaty  with  Egypt  as  either  Hattic  client  or 
ally.  Lying  far  over  to  the  east,  where  the  Euphrates  is  easily 
crossed  above  the  Taurus,  it  frequently  saw  Mesopotamian  forces, 
whether  Assyrian  or  Mitannian,  appear  within  its  borders,  and 
perhaps  it  passed  for  a  time  under  the  domination  of  Ashur- 
uballit  or  his  successor,  when  Shubbiluliuma  was  marching  into 
Syria,  as  it  would  again  under  that  of  Shalmaneser,  when  Hattu- 

C.A.H.  IT  18 

274          THE  HITTITES  OF  ASIA  MINOR          [CHAP.  XI,  iv 

shil  II  was  making  his  peace  with  Ramses.  It  seems  certainly  to 
have  had  some  connection  with  Kash — in  the  twelfth  century  an 
Assyrian  record  groups  it  with  that  state  and  with  Gurgum, 
which  lay  immediately  south  of  Taurus — and  to  have  shared 
Kashite  policy  and  fortunes,  or  even  perhaps  to  have  been  occupied 
during  a  certain  period  by  'Kashkians,'  Kash  also  was  not  Hattic 
either  in  race  or  in  normal  political  allegiance;  not  can  it,  on 
present  evidence,  be  reckoned  within  the  Hittite  area,  although 
it  lay  contiguous  to  the  Hattic  home  state;  for  eastern  Cappa- 
docia,  north  of  the  Tokhma  Su,  has  yielded  no  Hittite  remains. 

As  for  Mazki  or  Mushki  (Hebrew,  Meshech),  which  armies 
of  the  later  Assyrian  empire  used  to  attack  from  Khilakku 
(central  Cilicia),  this  people  or  state,  which  appears  to  have 
been  of  first-rate  importance  in  eastern  and  central  Asia  Minor 
during  the  twelfth  and  succeeding  centuries,  is  not  mentioned 
either  in  any  Hattic  document  or  in  the  earlier  Assyrian  records 
at  present  available.  It  must,  therefore?  be  presumed  to  have 
been  post-Hattic.  There  is  good  reason  to  regard  Tyana,  after 
1 200  B.C.,  as  either  its  capital  or  one  of  its  chief  centres;  and 
possibly  in  the  name,  Mazaka,  we  have  evidence  of  the  earlier 
presence  of  Mushki  (Mazki)  in  the  Argaeus  district. 




vNE  of  the  most  Important  enquiries  in  the  ancient  history 
of  the  Near  East  relates  to  the  explanation,  in  the  light  of 
modern  archaeological  research,  of  the  Egyptian  records  of  con- 
nection, peaceful  or  hostile,  with  certain  seafaring  tribes  of  the 
Mediterranean  coasts,  apparently  Cyprus,  the  southern  coast  of 
Asia  Minor,  Crete,  and  the  Aegean.  This  enquiry  is  intimately 
connected  with  the  question  of  the  racial  identity  of  the  Philistines, 
who  appear  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  important  of  these  tribes, 
and  to  have  settled  in  Palestine  after  the  repulse  of  an  attack 
which  they  made  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  III,  about  1190  B.C. 
(see  p.  1 74  sy.).  The  discovery  of  the  origin  of  this  hitherto  enig- 
matical people,  who  always  appear  in  the  O.T.  narratives  as 
foreigners  totally  distinct  from  the  Semitic  inhabitants  of  Pales- 
tine, is  due  to  the  decipherment  of  the  Egyptian  records. 

Not  the  least  notable  discovery  of  the  older  Egyptologists 
was  the  identification  of  these  tribes  as  bearing  names  similar 
to  those  of  peoples  of  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  and,  apparently, 
even  Italy,  that  are  famous  in  classical  tradition.  Thus,  even 
Champollion,  the  pioneer  of  Egyptology,  writing  before  1832,  not 
only  identified  the  Philistines  of  biblical  tradition,  but  also  recog- 
nized the  lonians  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  II  as  allies  of  the 
northern  people  whom  he  called  'Scheto/  afterwards  known  to 
be  identical  with  the  Hatti  of  the  Assyrians  and  the  biblical 
Hittites.  In  1857  Birch  identified  Keftiu  with  the  biblical  Caphtor, 
either  Crete,  or,  preferably,  Cyprus.  In  the  same  year  Brugsch 
identified  the  Keftians  preferably  with  the  Cretans  rather  than  the 
Cyprians  j  the  Shardana,  he  was  certain,  came  from  the  farther 
Mediterranean,  not  from  the  Palestinian  coast,  and  the  Pulesati 
(Purasati  or  Pelishti)  were  the  Philistines,  as  Champollion  had 
said.  Ten  years  later  de  Roug£  wrote  his  epoch-making  article 
(Revue  Archeologique^  1867)  which  for  the  first  time  asserted  the 
historical  identity  of  these  tribes  en  Hoc:  identifying  the  Masa  as 
Mysians,  Luka  as  Lycians,  Dardeni  as  Dardanians,  Akaiwasha 

18 — z 


as  Achaeans,  Turska  as  Tyrrhenians,  Shakahha  as  Siculi,  and 
Shardina  as  Sardinians.  De  Rouge  certainly  conceived  of  the 
three  last  tribes  as  coming  from  Itaty,  Sicily  and  Sardinia.  Herein 
he  was  followed  by  Chabas  in  his  Etudes  sur  FAntiquite  historique 
(1873).,  after  t*16  death  of  de  Roug6,  who  had  never  been  able  to 
complete  the  task  which  he  had  set  himself  of  following  up  his 
identification  into  the  maze  of  Greek  legend.  Chabas  adds  to  his 
Italians  the  Daanau^  whom  he  calls  Daunians,  and  the  Uashasha^ 
mentioned  by  Ramses  III,  whom  he  calls  Osci.  He  forgot  that 
the  Osci  were  really  Opsci,  the  ^OTTLKOL  of  the  Greeks;  and  of 
course  philological  impossibilities  of  this  kind  were  eagerly  seized 
upon  by  the  opponents  of  the  new  knowledge,  who  were  specially 
strong  among  the  classical  scholars  of  Great  Britain  and  of  Ger- 
many. There,  Brugsch  now  made  a  groundless  attempt  to  prove 
that  all  these  tribes  were  not  Peoples  of  the  Sea  at  all,  but  inland 
folk  from  the  regions  of  the  Caucasus.  This  view  was  probably 
credited  in  this  country  for  a  generation.  cAlso,  Lenormant,  in  his 
ancient  history,  and  Gladstone,  in  his  Juventus  M.undiy  fantastically 
exaggerated  the  result  of  the  new  knowledge,  so  that  the  contribu- 
tion of  Egyptology  to  the  elucidation  of  the  early  history  of 
Greece  remained  under  a  cloud  until  Maspero  sifted  the  wheat 
from  the  chaff,  insisted  on  the  incontrovertible  facts,  and  pointed 
out  the  way  in  which  we  were  to  interpret  them.  Sir  Charles 
Oman,  in  his  History  of  Greece  (1890),  was  probably  the  first 
English  historian  of  Greece  to  accept  the  Akaiwasha  unreservedly 
as  Achaeans.  Since  then,  but  for  an  attempt  by  Prof.  Petrie  to 
prove  that  the  Akaiwasha,  and  other  allies  of  the  Mashauasha, 
or  Maxyes  (p.  166),  against  Merneptah  were  Libyans  like  them, 
the  general  identification  of  these  Peoples  of  the  Sea*  has  not 
been  challenged,  except  on  minor  counts.  It  is  now  commonly 
held,  therefore,  that  they  were  tribes  of  the  Mediterranean,  some 
of  them  Greeks  living  in  the  Aegean,  who  attacked  Egypt  in  the 
thirteenth  and  twelfth  centuries  B.C.,  having  already  appeared  on 
the  coasts  of  Syria  as  early  as  the  end  of  the  fifteenth. 

The  late  Egyptian  name  for  Greeks  generally  was  Oueeienin^ 
which  may  be  regarded  as  a  corrupt  form  of  *l<io)v  (Yawan),  or 
of  the  hieroglyphic  name  Ha-nebu  (presumably  pronounced  some- 
thing like  Ho-nim}y  which  was  used  for  "EXX^z/es  in  the  Ptolemaic 
Canopus  decree,  and  occurs  at  least  as  early  as  the  Vth  Dynasty 
(Pyramid  Temple  of  Sahure)  for  people  living  in  the  Delta,  It  is 
probable  that  it  originally  meant  'the  Marsh-people,'  and,  by  a 
process  familiar  to  those  acquainted  with  Egyptian  hieroglyphs,  in 
later  times  it  probably  came  to  mean  to  the  Egyptians  '  Lords  of 


the  North/  or,  perhaps, c  All  the  Northerners/  It  then  denoted  the 
Mediterranean  peoples  generally,  and  so,  eventually,  'Greeks'; 
but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  originally  It  meant  more  than 
non-Egyptian  inhabitants  of  the  Delta-coast,  perhaps  seagoers, 
perhaps,  indeed,  Mediterraneans.  In  any  case  it  is  probable  that 
direct  relations  existed  between  the  Egyptians  and  the  Cretans 
as  early  as  the  Egyptian  predynastic  period  and  it  is  certain  that 
they  existed  during  the  time  of  the  Old  Kingdom,  and  continued 
through  that  of  the  Middle  Kingdom  to  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
and  the  period  of  Cnossus.  This  we  know  from  the  evidence  of 
Cretan  archaeology1.  *Ha~nebu,*  we  may  conclude,  was  a  general 
term  for  Northerners,  and,  therefore,  for  Greeks. 

We  now  come  to  the  specific  historical  groups  of  the  men  of 
Keftiu  or  'Men  of  the  Isles/  and  the  'Peoples  of  the  Sea/  The 
latter  appellation  has  the  ancient  authority  of  a  description  of  the 
tribes  of  this  group  as  living  *in  the  midst  of  the  sea/  and  is  con- 
veniently restricted  to  t&e  tribes  who  warred  with  or  took  service 
in  Egypt  from  the  time  'of  Amenhotep  III  to  that  of  Ramses  III. 
The  'Men  of  the  Isles'  (this  name  is  used  as  an  alternative  for, 
or  as  a  description  of,  the  Keftians)  are  a  somewhat  earlier  group, 
which  appears  in  the  time  of  Thutmose  III  and  Amenhotep  II, 
and  does  not  reappear  afterwards.  This  fact  is  very  important,  in 
view  of  the  other  fact  that  these  Keftians  or  Men  of  the  Isles  were 
Minoans  (probably  from  Crete),  and  it  is  to  the  fourteenth 
century  that  we  must  ascribe  the  fall  of  the  Minoan  culture  in 
Crete  before  the  attacks  of  just  such  migratory  piratical  tribes 
as  the  'Peoples  of  the  Sea*  who  troubled  Egypt  for  so  long 
(p.  442^.), 

The  'Peoples  of  the  Sea'  were  not  Minoans:  they  did  not  wear 
the  Minoan  costume,  as  did  the  Keftians  and  Men  of  the  Isles. 
But  their  costume  was  that  worn  by  peoples  not  unknown  to  the 

1  It  would  now  seem  that  the  greatest  period  of  Minoan  culture  was  the 
Third  Middle  Minoan,  contemporary  with  the  latter  part  of  the  Egyptian 
Middle  Kingdom  (Xlllth  Dynasty  and  Hyksos  Period).  The  'Great 
Palace  period,'  contemporary  with  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty,  was  a  somewhat 
degenerate  rococo  time.  In  connection  with  the  relations  of  Crete  with  the 
Egyptian  Delta  must  be  noticed  the  theory  of  Weill  that  the  supposed 
submarine  moles  and  other  harbour  works  discovered  by  a  French  engineer, 
M.  Jondet,  at  Alexandria,  are  prehistoric,  and  the  work  of  Aegeans  (Ha- 
nebu?).  Sir  Arthur  Evans  accepts  WeilPs  view  in  The  Palace  of  Minos^  15 
but  it  is  rejected  by  M.  Jondet  himself  and  by  Hogarth  (Royal  Geog,  Soc. 
Journ.  1922,  p.  22  sq.\  whose  opinion  that  these  moles,  if  they  are  harbour- 
works  at  all  (which  he  doubts),  are  much  more  likely  to  be  of  Ptolemaic 
date  seems  entirely  justified. 


Minoans,  and  apparently  often  at  war  with  them :  we  see  instances 
of  the  Philistines  feather-cap  on  the  warriors  of  the  silver  vase  from 
Mycenae  and  the  corselet  of  the  Shardina  on  the  ivory  mirror- 
handle  with  the  Arimasp  from  Enkomi  (p.  292).  Earlier  still  we 
see  the  Philistine  headgear  on  the  Phaestus  Disk.  There  is  nothing 
Minoan  or  Keftian  about  the  Phaestus  Disk :  its  Lycian  or  Carian 
origin  is  assured.  The  classical  traditions  about  the  Carians  are 
here  of  service,  and  we  can  see  that  the  'Peoples  of  the  Sea' 
correspond  remarkably  to  the  Carian  thalassocracy  of  tradition 
with  which  Minos  the  Cretan  warred,  according  to  the  tradition 
preserved  by  Herodotus  and  Thucydides.  It  may  be  that  this 
tradition  preserves  in  an  inaccurate  form  a  reminiscence  of  early 
struggles  between  the  Cretans  and  those  'Carians'  of  the  Asia 
Minor  coast  who,  after  the  fall  of  the  Cretan  thalassocracy,  burst 
out  into  the  piratical  raids  on  the  neighbouring  coasts  and  islands 
which  are  mentioned  in  the  Amarna  letters  and  continued  until 
the  time  of  Ramses  III.  * 

The  Minoan  Keftians,  then,  must  be  sharply  distinguished  from 
the  Carian  and  Lycian  'Peoples  of  the  Sea,'  and  their  allies,  the 
Achaean  Akaiwasha  and  others.  It  is  therefore  difficult  for  the 
present  writer  to  accept  those  theories  which,  on  the  ground  of 
the  fact  that  the  'Peoples  of  the  Sea'  frequented  the  Syrian  coast, 
would  assign  to  them  a  preponderating  role  in  Phoenicia,  as 
Minoan  rulers  of  the  Semitic  inhabitants,  and  would  ascribe  the 
Phoenician  love  of  the  sea  to  Keftian  and  Minoan  influence  or 
even  blood.  It  seems  impossible  to  ascribe  Phoenician  sea-going 
to  'Carians.'  It  must  be  much  older  than  their  raids,  and  we  have 
no  historical  proof  of  any  'Carian'  rule  in  the  Phoenician  states. 
In  the  Amarna  letters  the  Phoenician  chiefs  appear  to  be  all 
Semites  with  Semitic  names,  and  the  Shekhlal  and  others  who 
frequent  their  ports  are  independent  pirates  or  mercenaries  in 
the  pay  of  Egypt.  Support  has  been  sought  for  the  theory  of 
Minoan  influence  on  Phoenicia  in  the  fact  that  the  land  of 
Keftiu  was  equated  by  Ptolemaic  historiographers  with  Phoenicia; 
but  there  is  nothing  Phoenician  about  the  appearance  of  the 
Keftians.  If  they  appear  depicted  by  the  Egyptians  in  costumes 
departing  considerably  from  the  Minoan  fashion,  and  approaching 
that  of  the  Syrian,  this  may  be  due  either  to  the  Cilician  origin  of 
these  particular  Keftians,  or  more  simply  to  inaccuracy  on  the 
part  of  the  Egyptian  artists.  In  the  earliest  representations  of  the 
Keftians,  those  in  the  tomb  of  Rekhmire  (p.  414),  they  are  dis- 
tinctly Minoan  Cretans,  with  the  characteristic  coiffure  of  the 
latter,  with  its  long  tresses  to  the  waist  and  fantastic  curls  on  the 

XII,  i]  THE  KEFTIANS  279 

top  of  the  head;  they  are  completely  different  from  that  of  the 
Semites,  who  never  wore  their  hair  so  long  or  dressed  in  this 
distinctive  wise.  Such  peculiar  personal  adornments  and  fashions 
of  dressing  the  hair  are,  as  all  students  of  ethnology  know,  matters 
of  tribal  custom,  and  extremely  important  as  criteria  of  race.  In 
the  tomb  of  Menkheperresenb,  too,  where  the  offerings,  though 
badly  drawn,  are  'as  clearly  objects  of  Minoan  Cretan  art,  as  in  that 
of  Sennemut,  the  characteristic  Cretan  coiffure  with  its  separate 
tresses  or  plaits  is  plain,  though  the  kilts  are  not  specially  Cretan 
in  character.  And  in  Hebrew  tradition  Caphtor  was,  if  not  cer- 
tainly identified  with  Crete,  at  all  events  closely  associated  with 
Cretans.  It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that  Keftians  may  have 
lived  as  far  east  as  the  Cilician  coast,  or,  more  probably,  that  the 
Egyptians  knew  of  tribes  there,  related  to  the  Cretans  or  migrants 
from  Crete  (like  those  who  had  undoubtedly  colonized  Cyprus 
before  1450  B.C.,  as  we  know  from  the  discoveries  at  Enkomi), 
and  called  them  by  the  same  name  as  they  did  the  Ctetans  proper. 
This  much  may  be  conceded,  although  the  Ptolemaic  identifica- 
tion can  only  be  regarded  as  an  error.  The  Ptolemaic  priests  are 
hardly  to  be  relied  upon  in  a  matter  of  this  kind,  relating  to  -a 
period  more  than  a  thousand  years  before  their  time,  when,  as 
here,  their  statements  conflict  with  conclusions  based  upon  our 
archaeological  and  historical  knowledge.  See  also  p.  438. 

The  first  mention  of  the  name  Keftiu^  in  the  form  Kefatiu^ 
occurs  in  the  papyrus  containing  the  prophecies  of  Ipuwer,  known 
as  *the  Admonitions  of  an  Egyptian  Sage'  (see  vol.  i,  p.  344).  As 
the  original  text  is  certainly  as  old  as  the  Middle  Kingdom,  if 
not  older,  the  mention  of  Kefatiu^  unless  it  is  an  interpolation,  is 
much  older  than  the  time  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty.  And,  in  fact, 
there  is  evidence,  as  already  mentioned,  for  early  relations 
between  Crete  and  Egypt  even  in  the  Vlth  Dynasty.  The  greatest 
vogue  of  the  name,  however,  was  within  the  narrow  limits  of  a 
single  century,  between  1500  and  1400  B.C.,  more  especially  in 
the  reign  of  Thutmose  III.  Now,  this  was  precisely  the  period  of 
the  most  elaborate,  but  already  decadent,  culture  of  Crete  which 
we  call  'Late  Minoan  I  *  at  Cnossus :  *Late  Minoan  II,'  the  second 
period,  being  hardly  observable  as  a  separate  epoch  elsewhere 
in  Crete  or  in  the  isles,  where  CL.M,  I/  changes  imperceptibly 
to  *L.M.  Ill/  It  may  be  that  at  this  time  Minoan  dynasts, 
hearing  of  the  renown  of  Thutmose  the  conqueror,  hastened  to 
send  him  ambassadors  with  gifts.  The  court-poet  makes  Amon  say 
in  the  triumphal  inscription  of  Karnak:  *I  have  come:  I  have 
caused  thee  to  smite  the  lands  of  the  West:  Keftiu  and  Asy  are 


in  fear.  I  have  caused  them  to  see  thy  Majesty  as  a  young  bull, 
firm  of  heart,  sharp-horned,  unapproachable/  Thutmose,  pre- 
sumably, never  approached  Crete,  or  even  Cilicia,  in  arms :  but  he 
could  regard  the  gifts  of  the  west  as  a  tribute  to  his  prestige,  as 
indeed  they  were.  Silver  vases  of  Keftiu-work  came  to  Egypt  as 
tribute  from  Syria:  no  doubt  the  Cretan  artists  had  an  extensive 
market  for  their  vases.  Ships  went  direct  to  Keftiu  from  the 
Phoenician  and  Delta  ports:  in  a  Theban  tomb-picture  of  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty  a  Phoenician  ship,  manned  by  Semites,  brings 
Mycenaean  (?)  pottery  to  Thebes.  The  Keftiu-ships  may  have 
been  Phoenician  or  Keftian,  probably  both:  we  have  no  proof  that 
the  Phoenicians  were  not  permitted  to  trade  in  the  Aegean  even 
in  Minoan  days. 

Under  Amenhotep  III  the  name  occurs  once,  under  the  XlXth 
Dynasty  twice  officially — in  one  case  in  a  list  of  subject  peoples. 
The  list  is  a  vague  and  general  one,  of  the  inaccurate  kind  not 
unknown  in  Egypt,  in  which  Tehennu  QLibya),  Naharin  (Syria), 
Ashur  (Assyria),  Sangara  (?  Babylonia),  Kheta  (Anatolia),  Keftiu 
(Crete)  and  Asy  (?  Cyprus  or  Asia  Minor  coast)  are  all  claimed  as 
subjects  with  little  justification,  and  certainly  none  in  the  case  of 
Kheta.  No  conclusion  as  to  the  precise  geographical  position  of 
Keftiu  can  be  drawn  from  such  a  conventional  list.  Also  there  are, 
so  to  speak,  *  unofficial'  references:  the  list  of  Keftian  names  on  a 
writing-board  in  the  British  Museum  (of  the  middle  of  the 
XVIIIth  Dynasty),  the  charm  in  the  Kefti-language  against  'the 
Asiatic  Disease/  also  in  the  British  Museum,  which  is  of  XVIIIth— 
XlXth  Dynasty  date  (though  it  used  to  be  considered  to  be  much 
later),  the  mention  of  a  Keftian  under  the  XlXth  Dynasty,  and 
then  silence1.  The  name  Keftiu  disappears  till,  the  Ptolemaic 
historiographer  says,  it  means  Phoenicia.  Does  not  this  disap- 
pearance agree  with  the  fact  of  the  overthrow  and  disappearance 
of  Minoan  culture  in  the  welter  of  the  'Peoples  of  the  Sea'? 

Whether  the  name  Keftiu  was  a  local  appellation  or  of  Egyptian 
origin  we  do  not  know.  An  Egyptian  explanation  of  it  as  'the 
Hinder-lands/  at  the  back  of  beyond,  so  to  speak,  is  possible,  but 
not  proven;  the  earliest  known  form,  Kefatiu^  is  in  favour  of  it. 

The  name  of  A$y>  associated  with  Keftiu  under  the  XVIIIth 
Dynasty,  has  usually  been  taken  to  be  an  Egyptian  mispronuncia- 

1  Another  translation  of  the  charm,  above  mentioned  would  make  Keftian 
an  *  Asiatic  language.'  If  this  rendering  is  correct  it  is  probably  merely 
another  instance  of  loose  and  inaccurate  Egyptian  description.  The  language 
quoted  may,  too,  not  be  really  Cretan  Keftian  at  all,  but  some  mock- 
Asiatic  jargon  which  the  Egyptian  scribe  called  *  Keftian/ 

XII,  i]  THE  PEOPLES  OF  THE  SEA  281 

tion  of  the  name  of  the  land  of  Alashiya  as  'As'ya*:  later  in  the 
dynasty  the  more  correct  form  Alesa  was  used.  The  land  of 
Alashiya  (the  biblical  Elishah?),  introduced  to  us  by  the  Amarna 
letters,  has  usually  been  taken  to  be  Cyprus,  where  in  later  times 
an  Apollo  Alahiotas  or  Alasiotas  was  worshipped.  Copper,  too, 
was  an  important  export  from  Alashiya  or  Alesa,  as  we  see  both 
from  the  letters  and  the  lists.  But  there  are  serious  arguments 
against  this  identification,  and  the  coast-land  of  Cilicia  seems  as 
likely  to  have  been  Alashiya  as  Cyprus.  At  all  events  the  identi- 
fication of  Asy  with  Alashiya  and  with  Cyprus  is  extremely 

It  is  quite  possible  that  the  Egyptians  of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty 
called  Cyprus  Tantinai^  which  would  be  the  same  as  the  later 
Assyrian  name  for  the  island,  Tatnana\  and  Asy  would  seem  rather 
to  be  the  mainland  of  Asia  Minor,  perhaps  west  of  Cilicia  and 
Alashiya,  and  the  name  may  simply  be  'Asia'  itself.  Neither  Asy 
nor  Alashiya  is  mentioned  after  the  XlXth  Dynasty.  Another 
name  contemporary  with  Keftiu  is  that  of  the  western  isles  of 
Utentiu\  but  it  is  quite  uncertain  whether  this  is  the  Libyan  coast, 
or  a  hint  of  Sicily  and  Italy,  or  even  a  misunderstanding  of  the 
name  Tinay  or  Yantinai  (Cyprus). 

Of  the  *  Peoples  of  the  Sea/  not  associated  with  the  Keftians,  the 
earliest  to  be  mentioned  are  the  Shardina^  Shekhlal,  Danuna  and 
Lukki  or  Luka^  who  first  appear  in  the  Amarna  letters.  The  fact  that 
the  name  of  Keftiu  does  not  once  occur  in  them  makes  it  unlikely 
that  it  was  Cilicia.  The  Shekhlal  (?  Shakalsha)  and  probably  the 
Shardina  are  Egyptian  mercenaries;  the  Luka  are  raiders  and 
spoilers  on  the  Phoenician  coast.  Danuna  is  a  land  at  peace  (p.  322). 
The  last  name  is  uncertain,  but  has  been  identified  with  the  biblical 
Dodanim  and  the  Greek  Danai.  The  supposed  mention  of  Yivana, 
i.e.  lonians,  in  one  of  the  letters  is  no  longer  maintained. 

Next,  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  II  we  have  the  allies  of  the  Hatti 
in  the  war  with  Egypt  (p.  141) :  L,ukay  Pidasa,  Masa,  T>ardenuiy 
Iliunna  (?),  Kalikisha  and  Mushant.  There  is  no  doubt  that  these 
allies  of  the  Hittites  lived  in  Anatolia,  and  it  is  still  a  legitimate  con- 
clusion that  these  peoples  were  Lycians,  Pisidians  (or  Pedasians?), 
Mysians,  Dardanians,  Ilians(?)  and  Cilicians — we  cannot  identify 
the  Mushant.  The  name  Iliunna  has  otherwise  been  read  (a)  Art- 
unna  and  identified  with  Oroanda,  or  (ff)  Maunna  and  identified 
with  Maeonia,  or  (c)  Tetwanna  and  identified  with  Yawan  (*Iao>z>), 
the  lonians.  Since  the  supposed  mention  of  Yivana  in  the  Amarna 
letters  is  to  be  rejected,  in  spite  of  the  tempting  nature  of  the 
identification  with  the  Ionian  name,  it  is  much  more  probable 


philologically  that  Ilion  and  the  Trojans  are  meant.  Excavation 
has  certainly  shown  us  that  Ilion  existed  then,  and  had  existed 
for  centuries  before  as  an  important  town.  The  Dardenui  can  only 
have  been  Dardanians,  whether  they  were  then  in  the  Troad  or 
not,  and  this  being  so,  the  Iliunna  or  Iriunna  are  naturally  Ilians, 
and  the  Masa  probably  Mysians  of  the  Hellespontine  region. 
That  the  Luka  were  Lycians  is  evident  from  their  mention  both 
here  and  in  the  Amarna  letters,  where  they  appear  as  piratical 
raiders  of  Alashiya,  Their  name  is  no  doubt  native,  and  does  not 
show  that  there  were  then  in  the  Mediterranean  Aryan  Greeks 
who  handed  their  name  on  to  the  Egyptians  in  a  Greek  form  as 
c  wolf-folk'  (XVKOS),  appropriate,  no  doubt,  though  that  appella- 
tion would  have  been.  The  only  name,  however,  by  which,  as  we 
learn  from  their  inscriptions,  they  knew  themselves  is  Trmmli 
(Trymii^  Te/^ttXat).  Cf.  p.  9. 

The  Luka  reappear  in  the  alliance  of  the  sea-peoples  with  the 
Libyan  Mashawasha  or  Maxyes  in  the^reign  of  Merneptah  (c« 
1225  B.C.),  and  associated  with  them  were  Shardina^  Shakalsha^ 
Tursha  and  Akaiwasha^  *  Northerners  coming  from  all  lands/  It 
is  noticeable  that  (if  the  word  karnata  means  foreskin/  and  not 
simply  penis-sheath,  'codpiece')  they  are  specially  described  as 
uncircumcised.  Here  we  meet  with  the  Shardina  and  Shakalsha, 
not  as  mercenaries,  but  as  enemies,  and  with  them  the  Tursha. 
It  was  natural  that  these  three  should  have  been  identified  as 
Sardinians,  Sikels  and  Tyrsenians,  and  that  the  Akaiwasha  should 
have  been  hailed  as  Achaeans,  And  although  the  Shakalsha  are 
more  probably  Sagalassians  of  Pisidia  than  Sikels,  the  Shardina 
and  Tursha  were,  in  a  sense,  Sardinians  and  Tyrsenians.  That  is 
to  say,  they  were,  as  Maspero  brilliantly  surmised,  Sardinians  and 
Tyrsenians  on  the  way  to  and  not  yet  settled  in  Sardinia  and 
Italy;  Sardians  from  Sardes  and  Tursci  from  Lydia — the  Tyr- 
rhenians who  emigrated  from  Asia  Minor  to  Italy,  as  Herodotus 
tells  us  and  as  archaeology  testifies.  It  is  remarkable  how  tradition, 
archaeological  evidence  and  Egyptian  historical  data  thus  agree 
in  confirming  this  origin  of  Etruscan  civilization  in  Asia  Minor 
and  the  probable  racial  kinship  of  the  Etruscans  to  the  Hittites. 

As  for  the  all-interesting  Akaiwasha,  what  especially  puzzled 
the  classical  scholar  was  the  suffix  -ska.  This  was  explained  for  the 
first  time  in  1901  by  the  present  writer  as  the  Asianic  ethnic 
suffix  known  in  Lycian  as  -axa  or  -axi  (the  town  name-termination 
-acrcros  as  in  Sagalassos),  while  the  ~na  suffix  was  shown  to  be  the 
other  Asianic  ethnic  suffix  -nna  (the  town  name-termination  -^8a, 
as  in  Oroanda);  cf.  p.  16.  He  was  followed  in  this  conclusion 

XII,  n]  THE  ACHAEANS  283 

three  years  later  by  Weill,  who  subsequently  drew  attention  to 
another  explanation  which  would  make  Akaiwash(a)  the  same  as 
'A^atcis,  with  an  old  nominative  plural  in  -co?.  The  Egyptian  word 
may  well  have  been  vocalized  Akaivosh*^  but  the  other  explanation 
seems  more  probable,  and  is  generally  accepted.  The  equation  of 
the  Greek  ^  with  k  or  g  apparently  presents  no  difficulty  since  we 
have  the  reverse  equation  in  the  Assyrian  Khilakku — KtXuces; 
and  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  early  Greek  ^  was  not  a 
guttural  h  but  an  aspirated  k  (i.e.  k  +  K).  Such  an  aspirate  could 
easily  be  omitted  in  a  foreign  transcription  of  a  name. 

On  these  grounds,  therefore,  it  is  by  no  means  beyond  the 
bounds  of  probability  that  the  Akaiwasha  who  invaded  Egypt  in 
the  reign  of  Merneptah  were  really  of  the  race  of  the  Achaeans, 
who  now  make  their  first  appearance  in  history  as  a  small  band 
of  chance  rovers,  *  fighting  to  fill  their  bellies  daily,7  as  the 
Egyptian  record  pithily  puts  it. 


The  next  mention  of  the  sea-tribes  is  thirty  years  later,  in  the 
great  invasion  of  c.  1194  B.C.,  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of 
Ramses  III  (p.  173).  This  appears  to  have  been  a  veritable  folk- 
wandering,  coming  both  by  land  and  sea  from  the  Aegean  Isles 
and  southern  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  round  by  Cyprus  and  the  Gulf 
of  Issus  to  Phoenicia  and  Syria,  thence  down  the  coast,  possibly  to 
the  very  border  of  Egypt,  where  the  Pharaoh  met  and  defeated  the 
migrating  tribes  in  the  Serbonian  marshes.  In  this  fight  Shardina 
fought  Shardina;  for  some  were  among  the  Egyptian  huscarles, 
and  others  were  free  vikings.  There  were  Tursha,  too,  on  the 
Egyptian  side.  Besides  Shardina^  the  barbarian  host  consisted  of 
Puhsati  (Purasatt),  Washasha^  Zakaray  (ZakkaT)^  Shakalsha,  and 
the  Daanau  or  Danaua,  whom  we  perhaps  know  already  as  fre- 
quenters of  the  Phoenician  coast,  nearly  two  centuries  before1, 

1  As  this  is  uncertain  (see  p.  281)  the  Danuna  may  be  a  new  appearance 
altogether.  The  Egyptian  authorities  for  the  names  are  the  inscriptions  of 
Ramses  III  at  Medinet  Habu  and  the  c  Great  Harris  Papyrus.'  Prof.  Breasted^ 
it  has  been  seen,  regards  the  fighting  as  having  taken  place  on  the  Phoe- 
nician coast  (p.  1 74  sq.).  The  Washasha  have  been  identified  with  Oasslans 
of  Caria  by  Maspero,  with  men  of  Issus  on  the  Syrian  coast  by  Sayce,  and, 
by  the  present  writer,  with  the  Oaxians  or  Fd%t,oi  of  Crete.  These  people 
came  from  farther  off  than  the  Gulf  of  Issus,  where  the  Egyptians  placed 
the  land  of  Kode,  and  where  probably  was  the  KLissuwadna  of  the  Egyptian 
and  Hittite  records  (S.  Smith5  Joiern.  Eg.  Arch.  1922,  p.  45  sq.).  There  is 


Despite  all  the  uncertainties,  these  tribes  were  evidently 
westerners,  and  cannot  well  have  come  from  anywhere  much  east 
of  the  Aegean.  The  Shakalsha  may  have  been  Pisidians  of  Saga- 
lassus.  The  Pulesati  TKOXS  clearly  a  people  of  the  south-west  corner 
of  the  Asiatic  mainland,  like  the  Luka,  men  with  the  distinctive 
armour  and  feather-crest  of  the  Lycians  and  Carians,  and  of  the 
same  race  as  the  latter.  According  to  the  Egyptian  record,  'The 
Isles  were  restless,  disturbed  among  themselves  at  one  and  the 
same  time.  No  land  stood  before  them,  beginning  from  Kheta 
(Cappadocia),  Kedi  (the  "circling"  of  the  Syrian  coast  at  the 
Gulf  of  Issus),  Carchemish,  Arvad  and  Alashiya.  They  destroyed 
them,  and  assembled  in  their  camp  in  the  midst  of  Amor 
(Palestine).'  Evidently  the  whole  of  Syria  was  overrun  as  far  as 
the  Euphrates  by  the  land-horde,  while  the  ship-men  kept  along 
the  coast,  overwhelming  Alashiya  on  the  way.  Then  a  halt  was 
called  in  southern  Syria  until,  no  doubt,  everything  around  had 
been  eaten  up;  and,  pressure  from  behind  increasing,  the  mass 
began  to  roll  forward  again  towards  Egypt,  with  the  result  we 
already  know. 

What  caused  this  migration,  very  different  from  the  previous 
fights  with  the  Hittite  allies  or  attacks  by  pirate  squadrons,  we 
do  not  know.  It  might  with  some  probability  be  assigned  to  the 
invasion  of  the  Bryges  or  Phrygians  from  Thrace,  who  may  have 
crossed  the  Hellespont  about  this  time  and  carved  out  for  them- 
selves a  land  from  the  possessions  of  the  Anatolians,  The  great 
kingdom  of  Hatti  now  fell,  whether,  as  the  Egyptians  thought, 
before  the  Philistines  and  their  allies,  who  would  be  retreating 
before  the  Phrygians,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  before  the  direct 
attack  of  the  Phrygians  themselves*  The  displaced  peoples  of  the 
Aegean  shore  and  the  hinterland  of  Lycia,  Caria  and  Pamphylia, 
would  naturally  take  their  way  eastward  farther  south  along  the 
coast  of  Cilicia. 

It  would  seem  that  the  Pulesati  and  their  allies,  baulked  in  their 
attempt  to  overrun  Egypt,  settled  down  in  the  Shephelah,  where 
we  find  the  Pelishtim  a  century  or  so  later  contending  with  the 
Israelites.  It  is  from  the  references  to  these  Philistines  in  the 
biblical  tradition  that  we  realize  their  character  as  alien  invaders, 
entirely  foreign  to  the  Semites,  and  see  how  inevitable  is  the 
conclusion  that  they  were  identical  with  the  Pulesati  of  Egyptian 

no  room  for  these  tribes  so  near  as  the  north  Syrian  coast.  Zakaray  used  to 
be  identified  with  the  Teu/epot,  but  the  v  is  a  difficulty,  and  Petrie  suggested 
that  they  might  be  men  of  Zakro  in  Crete:  the  name,  though  not  mentioned 
by  classical  writers,  may  be  very  old. 


history.  Of  their  allies  the  Zakaray  alone  reappear,  nearly  a 
century  later,  settled  farther  north,  at  Dor  (p.  380);  the  rest 
disappear.  From  a  reference  in  the  Harris  Papyrus  it  would 
appear  that  the  Washasha  were  left  behind  and  enslaved  in  Egypt. 
The  non-Semitic  name  Ziklag  may,  if  textually  correct,  be  con- 
nected with  the  Zakaray  (Zakkal),  or  even  with  the  Shakalsha. 
The  place  lay  in  the  *Negeb  of  the  Kerethim,  *  south  of  Philistia 
proper,  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  these  tribes  themselves  split 
up  after  their  defeat  and  escape  (cf.  p.  175). 

The  biblical  *  Cherethites '  is  apparently  synonymous  with 
'Philistines.'  *  Woe/  cries  Zephaniah  (ii,  5  sq.\  'to  the  people  of 
the  sea-coast,  the  folk  of  the  Kerethim !  The  word  of  Yahweh  is 
against  thee,  O  Canaan,  land  of  the  Philistines,  and  I  shall 
destroy  thee  that  thou  shalt  have  no  Inhabitant.  And  Kereth  (so 
we  should  read)  shall  be  dwellings  for  shepherds  and  folds  for 
flocks ! '  By  Ezekiel,  too  (xxv,  1 6),  the  Philistines  and  the  Kerethim 
are  included  in  a  comrrypii  denunciation.  Elsewhere  the  KeretK^ 
or  Cherethites,  are  mentioned  as  huscarles  of  king  David,  with 
the  Pelethl  or  'Pelethites/  who  may  simply  be  Philistines,  the 
form  (with  the  otherwise  inexplicable  omission  of  the  s/i)  being 
framed  In  order  to  produce  an  assonance  between  the  names. 
Now  the  name  Kerethi  (Kerethim  or  Cherethim)  is  translated  by 
*  Cretans  *  in  the  Greek  version  of  the  passages  from  Zephaniah 
and  Ezekiel  mentioned  above:  in  classical  days  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Palestinian  coast  were  certainly  of  opinion  that  they  were 
of  Cretan  origin,  and  the  Idea  was  generally  accepted  by  the  rest 
of  the  world.  For  example,  we  find  it  in  Tacitus,  who,  however, 
confuses  the  Jews  with  the  Philistines1,  Gaza,  where  Samson 
brought  the  pillars  of  the  temple  to  the  ground  upon  the  lords  of 
the  Philistines,  was  in  Roman  times  called  Minoa,  and  Its  god 
Marnas  ('our  Lord')  was  considered  to  be  the  same  as  Zeus  Kr^ta- 
genes  (Velchanos),  the  Minoan-Carian  Zeus  of  the  double-axe 
who  was  born  on  Ida,  nourished  on  Dicte  and  who  died  on  luctas. 
Such  traditions  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  the  result  of  a  Ptolemaic 
or  Roman  antiquarianism,  based  on  the  resemblance  of  the  name 
of  Crete  to  that  of  Cherethim,  which  persisted.  There  are  other 
connections  between  the  Philistines  and  Crete  besides  the  name 
of  Kerethi,  which  obviously  means  Crete  when  taken  in  con- 
junction with  the  other  evidence;  though  If  it  stood  alone  we 
might  regard  it  as  a  mere  coincidence,  in  which  case  Kereth!  and 
Pelethl  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  'the  Peoples  of  the  Sea.' 

1  *Iudaeos  Greta  insula  profugos  nouissima  Libyae  insedisse  memorant, 
qua  tempestate  Saturnus  ui  louis  pulsus  cesserit  regnis*  (Hist.  vy  z). 


The  name  and  identity  of  the  biblical  Caphtor  now  come  into 
consideration.  "Have  I  not  brought  Israel  out  of  Egypt  and  the 
Philistines  from  Caphtor?'  says  Amos  (ix,  7).  It  would  be  useless 
to  recapitulate  here  all  the  arguments  for  and  against  the  identity 
of  Caphtor  with  Crete,  since  the  days  of  Brugsch's  first  acceptance 
of  the  equation  in  1859.  Much  of  the  argument  in  favour  of  the 
identification  rests,  of  course,  upon  the  identity  of  Keftiu  with 
Crete.  The  name  of  Keftiu  has  naturally  been  identified  with 
Caphtor,  in  spite  of  the  final  r  (which  however  has  been  explained 
away  by  Egyptian  philologists).  The  Keftians,  described  as  such 
in  the  tomb  of  Rekhmire  at  Thebes,  are  Minoan  Cretans, 
whether  they  were  identical  with  'the  Men  of  the  Isles'  or  not. 
And  presumably  the  Minoans  of  the  tombs  of  Sennemut  and 
Menkheperresenb  are  Keftians  and  Cretans  too.  We  cannot  assert 
that  the  name  Keftians  was  given  by  the  Egyptians  to  the  kindred 
(Minoan  or  semi-Minoan)  peoples  who,  as  we  have  seen,  may 
have  lived  as  far  east  as  Cilicia,  although  khere  is  no  archaeological 
proof  that  they  did.  The  Minoans  of  Cyprus  would  no  doubt  be 
Keftians,  They  were  migrants  from  Crete.  It  is  therefore  most 
natural  to  regard  Caphtor  and  Keftiu  as  Crete.  In  view  of  the 
name  Kereth  and  the  classical  traditions  of  Philistia  it  would 
seem  probable  that  to  the  Hebrews  Caphtor  meant  Crete.  From 
there  they  came  to  Palestine.  'And  the  Avvim,  who  dwelt  in 
villages  as  far  as  Gaza,  the  Caphtorim,  who  had  come  forth  out  of 
Caphtor,,  destroyed  them  and  dwelt  in  their  stead*  (Deut.  ii,  23). 
In  the  book  of  Jeremiah  (xlvii,  4)  a  prophecy  against  the  Philistines 
declares  that  Yahweh  'destroyeth  the  Philistines,  the  remainder  of 
the  sea-shore  (or  isle)  of  Caphtor/ 

There  is  however  a  serious  difficulty  in  accepting  this  con- 
clusion without  modification.  The  Philistines  were  not  Keftians 
or  Minoans,  nor  were  the  Shardina,  Tursha,  or  Shakalsha.  Like 
the  Shardina  and  the  rest,  they  did  not  wear  the  Minoan  or 
Keftian  dress.  They,  apparently  wore  laminated  body-armour. 
The  Minoan  is  never  represented  wearing  any,  even  when 
fighting,  but  as  cuirasses  are  depicted  on  the  hieroglyphic  tablets 
of  Cnossus,  this  cannot  be  pressed.  The  Keftian  comes  to  Egypt 
as  a  peaceful  ambassador,  and  naturally  does  not  wear  armour. 
The  Philistine  carried,  not  the  typical  double-bossed  shield,  like 
the  figure  8,  which  the  Minoan  and  Mycenaean  used,  but  a 
smaller  round  shield,  like  that  of  the  Shardina,  Also  he  used,  not 
the  rapier-like  thrusting  Minoan  blade,  but  a  great  cutting  broad- 
sword, also  like  the  Shardina.  Finally,  his  headdress  was  altogether 
different.  He  wore  a  high  feather-crest  (the  Xo<f>o<$  of  the  Greeks, 


the  magiduta  of  the  Assyrians)  like  that  of  the  Carians  and  Lydians, 
beneath  which  no  hair  is  visible.  From  the  heads  on  the  Phaestus 
Disk,  which  certainly  represent  people  of  the  same  race  as  the 
Philistines,  it  would  seem  as  though  the  head  were  shaven,  a 
fashion  in  direct  contrast  to  the  unshorn  tresses  of  the  Minoan- 
Keftian  men. 

Hence,  the  Philistine  was  very  different  in  appearance  from  the 
Minoan  or  Keftian  of  Crete.  He  lived  at  a  later  time,  it  is  true, 
but  we  know  from  the  Phaestus  Disk  that  his  appearance  was  the 
same  in  Middle  Minoan  days  as  in  that  of  Ramses  III,  when  the 
Late  Minoan  period  was  nearing  its  end,  and  the  great  days  of 
Cnossus  were  past.  We  do  not  see  him  in  the  Cretan  representa- 
tions of  Minoan  Cretans.  He  appears,  probably  as  an  enemy  of 
the  Minoans,  on  the  silver  vase  from  Mycenae  with  the  well- 
known  siege-scene  embossed  upon  it,  and  here  he  carries,  appar- 
ently, a  rectangular  shield  resembling  a  Roman  shape  (see  p.  452). 
Where  he  came  from  in  reality  is  evident  from  his  costume.  With 
the  Shardina  and  Tursha  (the  latter  wear  a  similar  feathered  head- 
dress) he  came  from  the  south-west  angle  of  Asia  Minor  (p.  282). 
The  Shardina  was  on  his  way  from  Sardes  to  Sardo,  the  Tursha 
from  Lydia  to  Etruria.  It  is  possible  enough  that,  at  the  breakdown 
of  Cnossian  power  and  the  eclipse  of  Minoan  civilization,  the 
Carian  tribes,  among  them  the  Philistines,  may  have  occupied 
the  eastern  end  of  Crete;  and  if  Caphtor  is  to  be  confined  rigidly 
to  Crete,  we  must  suppose  that  they  came  to  Palestine  via  Crete. 
But  in  all  probability  Caphtor  is  not  to  be  confined  solely  to 
Crete,  but  meant  Crete  and,  in  general,  the  other  islands  and 
lands  in  its  vicinity,  Caria  and  Lycia  included.  If  so,  since  Caphtor 
can  hardly  be  other  than  identical  with  Keftiu,  the  latter  name 
may  have  meant,  also,  to  the  Egyptian,  not  necessarily  Crete  only, 
but  the  neighbouring  isles  and  lands  to  the  eastward,  though  the 
Keftian  proper  (the  inhabitant  of  the  real  Caphtor)  was  to  the 
Egyptian  a  Minoan,  which  the  Philistine  was  not.  It  may  be 
observed  that  one  of  the  parallels  between  Keftiu  and  the  Philis- 
tines is  the  Philistine  name  Achish  (the  biblical  form)  or  Ikaushu 
(Assyrian  records),  and  this  is  rightly  compared  with  the  Akashau 
(vocalized  by  some  as  *Ekosh')  which  occurs  in  the  Egyptian 
list  of  Keftian  names,  already  mentioned  (p.  280).  In  the  Septua- 
gint,  Achish  is  "Ay^ovs,  and  the  name  is  no  doubt  the  same  as 
the  famous  Trojan  Anchises:  i.e.  it  is  an  Asia  Minor  rather  than 
a  Cretan  name. 

Thus  we  perceive  that  tradition  brought  the  Philistines  ap- 
proximately from  their  real  home*  The  fact  that  the  Caphtorim, 


from  whom  the  Philistines  came  forth  (so  we  should  read  in 
Gen.  x,  14)  are  *  children  of  Mizraim*  is  evidently  merely  a 
political  figure:  the  Philistines  were  historically  tributaries  of 
Egypt  after  their  defeat,  at  all  events  until  the  time  of  David,  and 
no  doubt  their  later  political  leanings  were  generally  Egyptian. 
Accordingly,  the  Caphtorim  (and  Caslukhim)  from  whom  they 
sprang  were  also  regarded  as  politically  akin  to  Egypt.  To  take 
the  reference  in  any  other  than  a  political  sense  seems  impossible; 
we  cannot  regard  the  Philistines  as  having  come  forth  out  of 
Egypt,  except  in  so  far  as  they  did  so  when  they  were  ejected 
pell-mell  by  Ramses  III,  presumably  from  the  Delta  (see  p,  283, 
and  note  i,  above).  That  they  really  came  from  Lycia  and  Caria 
is,  as  we  have  seen,  the  only  view  we  can  take. 

The  question  now  arises,  If  the  Philistines  were  not  Cretans  at 
all,  how  are  we  to  account  for  the  classical  traditions  of  Cretan 
connection?  Although  there  was  undoubtedly  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  Aegean  and  the  Carian  races5*to  which  the  Philistines 
must  have  belonged,  one  does  not  as  yet  know  that  it  was  a 
fundamental  one*  On  the  contrary,  the  relationship,  between 
what  we  know  of  Minoan  religion  and  that  of  Anatolia  forbids 
us  to  suppose  that  there  need  have  been  much  difference  between 
Cretan  religious  beliefs  and  customs  and  those  of  Lycia  and  Caria 
(p.  9  jy,).  Were  not  the  gods  of  the  bull  and  the  double-axe  as  much 
at  home  at  Labraunda  in  Caria  as  in  the  Labyrinth  of  Cnossus? 
With  the  Minotaur  went  Minos,  and,  given  a  traditional  identi- 
fication of  Caphtor  with  Crete,  it  would  easily  be  possible  for 
Minoan  traditions  to  appear  at  Askalon  or  Gaza,  and  for  the 
latter  place  to  receive  the  name  Minoa,  Derceto  or  Atargatis  no 
doubt  had  her  close  analogues  in  Caria  and  Lycia  as  well  as  in 
Crete*  And  not  only  do  we  find  Cretan  traditions  in  Philistia: 
the  legend  of  Perseus  and  Andromeda,  which  was  located  there, 
is  connected  with  Lycia,  not  with  Crete.  The  Carian-Aegean 
element  in  the  religion  and  the  traditions  of  the  Philistine  coast 
is  evident,  and  such  an  element  would  easily  come  to  be  regarded 
as  Cretan.  Moreover,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Zakaray 
(or  Zakkaf)  and  the  Washasha  have  both  been  regarded  as 
genuine  Cretan  tribes,  though  their  allies  were  not.  We  have, 
unfortunately,  no  representations  of  them  to  show  whether  they 
wore  Minoan  dress.  But  a  genuine  Cretan  element  among  the 
allies  is  not  to  be  excluded,  and  is  no  doubt  responsible  for  the 
name  of  the  Kerethi  or  Cherethim,  who  ought  perhaps  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  Philistines  proper,  the  'PelethL* 




The  Cretan-Carian  colony  in  Palestine  seems  thus  sufficiently 
assured  to  be  regarded  as  a  historical  fact.  Although  after  the  rise 
of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  it  ceased  to  be  powerful  as  a  political 
entity,  yet  the  foreign  blood  long  remained  distinguishable,  and 
marked  off  the  inhabitants  of  the  *  coast  of  the  Caphtorim*  as 
distinct  from  the  other  men  of  Canaan.  Unless  we  are  to  under- 
stand that  a  local  Semitic  dialect  is  meant,  the  language  continued 
to  be  distinct  at  Ashdod  until  the  time  of  Nehemiah  (xiii,  24). 
This  would  find  a  parallel  in  the  survival  of  Eteocretan  in  the 
east  of  Crete  until  the  fourth  and  third  centuries  B.C.,  as  we  know 
from  the  inscriptions  of  Praesus.  Achish  (Ikaushu)  and  other 
Philistine-Keftian  names  occur  in  the  eighth  century  Assyrian 
records;  but  the  rest  are  Semitic,  and  it  is  inherently  probable 
that  any  exclusiveness  tlj^it  may  have  prevailed  at  first  eventually 
broke  down,  and  that  by  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  although  Ashdod 
may  have  preserved  its  speech,  and  although  the  name  of  Kereth 
and  the  Kerethim  still  persisted  on  the  coast,  the  rest  of  Philistia 
spoke  Semitic,  and  the  people  were  indistinguishable  from  the 
Semites  around  them.  On  the  other  hand,  we  must  not  forget 
that  the  coast-land  of  Palestine  was  always  exposed  to  strangers 
from  the  Mediterranean  lands  (see  pp.  302  sq^  379)* 

Certainly  the  place-names  and  the  gods  of  the  conquered 
country  were  taken  over  without  objection  by  the  conquerors. 
The  same  thing  has  recurred  so  far  as  place  and  river  names  are 
concerned,  especially  the  latter,  in  Great  Britain.  And  in  the 
ancient  world  the  gods  of  the  land  remained  always  the  gods  of 
the  land.  In  the  west  they  have  become  gnomes  and  kobolds, 
phucas,  pixies  and  fairies.  In  Canaan  the  Philistine  took  over  the 
Baal  of  Gaza,  later  identified  with  Zeus  Kretagenes  (Velchanos), 
the  Baal-zebub  of  Ekron,  the  Astarte  (Ashtoreth)  of  Beth-shean, 
the  Derceto  or  Atargatis  of  Askalon  (evidently  identified  with 
Dictynna  or  Britomartis),  and  the  Dagon  of  Gaza  and  Ashdod, 
who  was  apparently  a  Semitic  Canaanite  god  (see  vol.  i,  p.  232). 
Dagon  was  no  importation  of  the  sea-rovers  from  the  west,  though 
he  may  have  been  identified  by  them  with  their  aXtos  y£pwvy 
Nereus  or  Triton,  or  the  Poseidon  of  the  lonians  himself. 
•  R.  A.  S.  Macalister  has  noted  that  temples  of  some  size  are  first 
mentioned  in  the  Bible  in  connection  with  the  Philistines,  and 
one  might  regard  the  temple  as  one  of  their  foreign  ideas  which 
they  brought  into  the  land,  but  for  the  fact  of  the  other  and  older 

C-A.H.II  I^ 


Influences  of  Babylon  and  Egypt.  The  present  writer  has  observed 
that  the  theatre  or  rather  the  'theatral  area/  as  Sir  Arthur  Evans 
calls  It,  which  was  so  marked  a  feature  of  the  palaces  of  Cnossus 
and  Phaestus,  seems  to  have  been  introduced  by  the  Philistines, 
together  with  the  gladiatorial  games  that  took  place  in  it,  to  judge 
from  the  biblical  account  of  the  exhibition  of  Samson  in  the 
temple  of  Gaza  (Judg.  xvi,  27):  'Now  the  house  was  full  of  men 
and  women ;  and  all  the  tyrants  of  the  Philistines  were  there;  and 
there  were  upon  the  roof  about  three  thousand  men  and  women, 
that  beheld  while  Samson  made  sport/  The  passage  almost  gives 
one  a  shock,  when  one  remembers  the  Cnossian  fresco  of  the 
Cretan  lords  and  ladies,  with  the  crowds  of  men  and  women, 
intermixed  in  this  un-Semitic  wise  that  the  Jewish  writer  em- 
phasizes purposely,  represented,  in  summary  outline,  no  doubt  as 
looking  on  at  the  sports  of  the  boxing  and  bull-grappling  (ravpo- 
Ka9ai}fia).  The  suggestion  has  also  been  made  that  these  brutal 
sports  spread  among  the  Hebrews,  as  when  in  2  Sam.  ii,  14,  the 
young  men  arise  to  play  before  Abner  and  Joab :  'and  they  caught 
every  one  his  fellow  by  the  head,  and  thrust  his  sword  in  his  fellow's 
side :  so  that  they  fell  down  together/  This  is  strongly  reminiscent  of 
the  scenes  on  the  famous  *  Boxer  Vase  *  from  Hagia  Triada  in  Crete1* 

On  the  whole,  however,  we  find  little  trace  of  Philistine  influ- 
ence in  Hebrew  religion  or  in  other  branch  of  culture.  Various 
attempts  have  been  made  to  discover  Greek  words  in  Hebrew 
which  have  come  in  through  the  Philistines,  but  they  break  down 
on  the  probability  that  the  Philistines  did  not  speak  Greek,  but 
Lycian  or  Carian.  One  can  doubtfully  regard  seren  (sarri),  the 
title  of  the  Philistine  city-chiefs,  as  the  same  word  as  tyrant 
(rvpawos),  only  on  the  supposition — very  probable  in  itself — 
that  this  word  was  borrowed  from  the  older  Aegean  pre-Hellenic 
speech.  Caphtor^  meaning  a  crown  or  chaplet  and  so  a  pillar- 
capital,  recalls  caputy  capital.  But  in  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  it  is  unwise  to  speculate  upon  connections  between 
Hebrew,  Aegean  and  other  languages  (see  above,  pp.  12  sqq^ 
253).  A  word  like  pillegesh,  *  concubine'  (TraXXa/as,  pellex)y  is 
obviously  only  a  later  loan-word. 

Political  ideas  in  Palestine  seem  to  have  owed  as  little  to 
the  invaders,  who  do  not  appear  to  have  contributed  anything 
new  to  Semitic  culture  in  this  respect.  Confederations  of  cities 
were  no  new  thing  in  Syria;  and  we  cannot  say  that  the  political 
organization  of  the  Philistines  is  more  distinctly  reminiscent  of 
Greek  than  of  Semitic  culture.  They  took  over  the  Canaanite 
1  See  Hall,  Ancient  History  of  Near  East>  p.  418. 


cities,  apparently  retaining  their  old  names,  and  five  of  them 
(Gaza,  Askalon,  Gath,  Ashdod  and  Ekron)  formed  an  alliance 
or  Pentapolis,  as  it  would  be  called  in  Greece,  each  city  under  its 
own  seren.  There  was  no  overlord,  but  apparently  the  seren  of 
Gath,  who  is  called  'king/  was  president  of  the  confederation. 
Two  other  towns  were  probably  founded  by  the  invaders  them- 
selves: Ziklag  (see  p.  285),  and  Lydda  (Ludd),  which  does  not 
happen  to  be  mentioned  in  the  older  Egyptian  lists  of  Canaanite 
towns,  and  perhaps  is  the  same  name  as  the  Cretan  Lyttos> 
meaning  *hill,'  or  may  be  a  settlement  of  Ludim  from  Lydia, 
though  no  Lydians  are  mentioned  in  the  Egyptian  record. 
Macalister  instances  Beth-car  as  possibly  meaning  *  House  of  the 
Carian':  this  may  or  may  not  be  a  re-naming.  Other  old  native 
towns  which  w;ere  not  members  of  the  Pentapolis  were  also 
important  Philistine  centres,  as  Beth-shemesh,  while  Beth-shean, 
away  in  the  Jordan  valley,  commanding  the  entrance  to  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon,  was  PhilisSne  at  the  death  of  Saul  (i  Sam.  xxxi). 

The  organization  of  the  Philistine  was  a  military  one.  They 
were  hated  invaders,  uncircumcised  foreigners,  and  they  knew 
that  their  existence  depended  on  the  repression  of  the  older 
inhabitants,  so  far  as  these  had  not  moved  out  of  their  pale.  We 
see  what  a  strangle-hold  they  kept  upon  the  hill-country  of  Judah 
and  Israel  until  their  power  was  broken  by  David.  For  the  history 
we  have  to  rely  wholly  upon  the  biblical  narratives.  From  these 
it  would  seem  that  for  a  century  the  Philistines  remained  more  or 
less  quiescent  in  their  newly-occupied  territory,  and  their  con- 
federated state  gradually  took  form.  Then  came  the  period  of 
warlike  domination  over  southern  Palestine  between  the  battles 
of  Ebenezer,  when  the  Ark  was  captured  in  the  days  of  Samuel, 
and  David's  victory  at  Baal-perazim  (2  Sam.  v).  Subsequently  we 
have  the  appearance  of  the  warriors  of  the  Philistines  and 
Cherethites  as  mercenary  guards  of  the  Jewish  king,  just  as 
the  Shardina  had  served  Pharaoh  in  the  past.  Mercenary  service 
was  as  characteristic  of  the  tribes  of  southern  and  western  Ana- 
tolia then  as  it  was  in  later  times :  the  Carian  or  Pisidian  was  the 
Swiss  of  ancient  history.  See  below,  p.  380^. 

During  the  period  of  Philistine  *  oppression,*  we  are  told,  the 
conquered  people  was  disarmed:  *  there  was  no  smith  found 
throughout  all  the  land  of  Israel :  for  the  Philistines  said,  Lest  the 
Hebrews  make  them  swords  or  spears'  (i  Sam.  xiii,  19).  This 
was  a  very  remarkable  precaution  to  take,  and  amid  much  that  is 
difficult  in  the  biblical  narrative,  we  need  not  doubt  the  historical 
character  of  the  statement.  It  is  the  more  interesting  because  it 


probably  means  that  the  Hebrews  were  forbidden  to  forge  any 
weapons  of  iron^  not  bronze.  The  use  of  iron  was  now  making  its 
way  swiftly  in  the  ancient  world.,  and  the  edge  of  the  iron  weapon 
was  being  felt  on  the  battlefield.  The  Palestinian  and  Syrian  wars 
of  the  XVIIIth  Dynasty  had  been  fought  by  Egyptians  and 
Syrians  who  used  bronze  weapons  exclusively.  In  the  time  of 
Ramses  II  iron  is  beginning  to  appear  in  the  armament  of 
Egypt's  enemies.  We  can  see  that  it  is  very  probable  that  the 
dubious  success  of  the  Egyptians  in  their  Hittite  wars  was  at 
least  partly  due  to  the  possession  of  the  new  and  more  efficient 
weapon  by  the  northerners.  The  Egyptians  were  very  desirous 
of  acquiring  iron,  the  lack  of  which  considerably  handicapped 
them.  We  find  Ramses  himself  negotiating  for  iron  with  a  Hittite 
king,  who  diplomatically  puts  him  off  with  what  was  probably  a 
lie,  that  there  was  no  iron-working  going  on  in  Kissuwadna  at  the 
time  (cf.  pp.  272,  $24).  TheShardina,  as  mercenaries  or  enemies, 
still  used  bronze  blades,  as  also  did  the -Philistines  at  first.  But  at 
the  time  of  the  struggle  with  David  we  have  traditions  that  their 
offensive  armament  was  of  iron.  Goliath's  spearhead  was  of  iron. 
The  mention  of  iron  might  be  regarded  as  an  interpolation,  but  it 
is  probable  enough  that  by  the  beginning  of  the  tenth  century  B.C. 
their  bronze  weapons  had  finally  given  way  to  iron.  Meanwhile, 
it  would  be  an  obvious  precaution  on  their  part  to  prevent  the 
Israelites  from  forging  weapons  of  the  new  and  dangerous  metal. 
Defensive  armour  was  still  of  bronze. 

It  has  often  been  noted  how  European  was  the  armour  of 
Goliath^  with  its  helmet  and  scale-cuirass  of  bronze,  and,  especially, 
the  greaves  of  bronze  (^aX^o/cx^^uSes),  things  entirely  unknown 
to  the  Egyptian  or  Syrian  warrior,  and  specifically  Greek.  De 
Roug6  thought  that  he  had  discovered  greaves  in  the  description 
of  the  Akaiwasha,  which  would  have  been  a  notable  discovery: 
they  would  indeed  have  been  £  well-greaved  Achaeans'  (cufcvTj^uScs 
'Amatol).  But  the  Egyptian  word  in  question  properly  means  a  kind 
of  knife  or  razor.  The  Philistine  however  was  greaved,  and  in  this 
connection  there  is  great  interest  in  the  pair  of  bronze  greaves  of 
about  this  period  (about  twelfth— tenth  century  B.C.),  the  oldest 
Greek  greaves  known,  that  were  found  at  Enkomi  in  Cyprus. 
Goliath,  indeed,  must  have  been  conceived  as  looking  very  like 
the  griffin-slaying  Arimaspian  on  the  ivory  mirror-handle  from 
Enkomi,  whose  dress  is  absolutely  that  of  the  Shardina  and 
Pulesati  of  the  Egyptian  monuments  (p.  278).  The  shield  is  not 
mentioned,  but  we  can  imagine  it  *like  a  tower *  (r/v'TG  irvpyos),  com- 
pleting the  Homeric  picture.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  armoured 


warrior  from  the  west  impressed  his  memory  indelibly  on  the 
minds  of  the  Hebrews. 

In  a  word,  the  Philistine  is  a  curious  parallel  to  the  mailed 
western  crusader  of  later  times;  but  in  spite  of  their  prowess  the 
East  vanquished  them  both,  and  the  defeat  of  western  dominion 
at  the  Horns  of  Hattin  in  1187  A«D'  was  *n  this  respect  an  in- 
evitable repetition  of  Baal-perazim. 

Actual  relics,  other  than  pottery,  of  the  stay  of  these  exotic 
conquerors  of  early  days  are  not  many  in  Syria  and  Palestine. 
An  important  find  has  been  made  in  the  Lebanon,  by  C.  L. 
Woolley,  of  late- Mycenaean  graves  with  pottery  which  can  only 
be  regarded  as  relics  of  the  occupation  of  Amor  of  which  the 
Egyptian  records  speak  (p.  174).  It  has  also  been  supposed  that 
the  camps  of  Mishrlfeh,  near  Horns,  and  Tell  Seflnet  Nuh  are 
those  of  the  Philistines  and  their  allies  'in  the  midst  of  Amor/ 
It  has  been  objected  that  such  camps  were  entirely  foreign  to 
Anatolians  and  Aegean^,  and  that  the  theory  of  these  being 
Philistine  is  quite  impossible.  But  there  is  no  proof  whatever  that 
camps  of  the  kind  were  not  as  well  known  to  Anatolians  and 
Aegeans  as  to  Syrians.  A  much  more  valid  argument  is  that  the 
Philistines  and  their  allies  hardly  maintained  themselves  long 
enough  in  central  Syria  to  be  able  to  build  such  camps.  We  may 
be  well  advised,  therefore,  in  not  claiming  them  as  actual  relics 
of  the  Philistines,  though  of  course  they  may  have  been  occupied 
by  them  on  their  way  south1, 

In  the  south  there  are  signs  of  Aegean  architecture  in  certain 
buildings  at  Gezer  and  at  Tell  es-Safi  (Gath),  which  have  the 
characteristic  Cretan  light-well.  The  supposed  Philistine  graves 
discovered  by  Macalister  at  Gezer  are,  in  all  probability, 
Philistine,  but  of  a  comparatively  late  period.  It  seems  difficult 
to  date  them  earlier  than  about  800  B.C.  The  foreign  burial 
customs  were  evidently  still  kept  up.  It  is  remarkable  that  so  few 
traces  of  definitely  Aegean  burials  have  been  found*  One  reason 
probably  is  that  the  Philistines  largely  burnt  their  dead,  following 
the  new  northern  custom  that  had  come  in  with  the  Age  of  Iron. 
Their  pottery  is  of  the  late  or  sub-Mycenaean  type  associated  in 
Greece  with  incineration. 

The  most  important  relic  of  the  foreign  domination  is  the 
quantity  of  this  native-made  pottery,  imitating  the  Mycenaean, 

1  There  seems  to  be  no  particular  reason  for  supposing  these  camps  to  be 
of  Hyksos  origin,  or  anything  else  but  native  Syrian  or  Hittite  (Anatolian), 
unless,  of  course,  as  is  probable  enough,  the  Hyksos  were  themselves  simply 
North  Syrians  in  the  main. 


that  has  been  found  at  Gezer,  Tell  es-Saff,  cAin  Shems  (Beth- 
shemesh)  and  Askalon1.  Much  imported  IVIinoan,  Mycenaean, 
and  Cyprian  pottery  has  also  been  found,  dating  mostly  from  the 
pre-Philistine  period.  This  need  not,  and  in  the  case  of  the 
Minoan  ware  obviously  does  not,  belong  to  the  Philistines,  but 
could  be  imported  by  the  Canaanites  as  it  was  by  the  Egyptians. 
During  the  period  of  occupation  it  no  doubt  was  also  imported 
by  the  Philistines.  But  the  local  imitation  of  Mycenaean  pottery 
stands  on  a  different  footing.  It  is  evidently  the  manufacture  of  a 
population  accustomed  to  pottery  of  Aegean  shape  and  decora- 
tion, and  desirous  of  continuing  its  own  style.  This  'sub- 
Mycenaean  '  ware,  which  we  may  call  definitely  Philistine,  is  very 
characteristic  of  the  town-strata  of  this  period,  and  may  be  dated 
about  1200— 1000  B.C.  We  find  close  parallels  to  its  decoration 
and  form  in  the  latest  Mycenaean  ceramic  styles  from  Palaikastro, 
near  Zakro,  at  the  eastern  end  of  Crete.  This  is  perhaps  significant, 
if  the  Zakaray  came  thence  (p.  284  n.),  a^id  if  the  Philistines  were 
in  eastern  Crete  before  they  passed  on  eastwards.  Similar  ware 
has  also  been  found  in  Crete  at  Phaestus,  in  Cyprus,  at  Assarlik 
in  Caria,  in  the  island  of  Calymnus  and  elsewhere,  with  the  same 
characteristic  late-Mycenaean  'bird'  and  ' metope '  motives  of 
decoration,  and  of  the  same  forms.  In  Greece  this  latest  Mycena- 
ean ware  is  already  associated  with  the  use  of  iron  and  the  practice 
of  burning  the  dead. 

We  are,  therefore,  entirely  justified,  on  grounds  of  tradition 
and  of  archaeological  discovery,  in  regarding  the  Philistines  as 

1  Unfortunately,  before  the  foreign  origin  of  this  local  pottery  was 
realized,  Bliss  and  Macalister  had  described  It  in  Excavations  in  Palestine 
as  *  Palestinian'  of  the  p  re-Israelite  period,  and  in  Gexer  Macalister  still 
(1912)  speaks  of  it  as  belonging  to  the  'Second  Semitic  period.*  This  am- 
biguous term  does  not,  however,  mean  that  he  conceives  it  as  made  by 
Semites;  he  recognizes  its  Mycenaean  character.  The  pottery  in  Excavations^ 
plates  35—44,  and  Ge^er^  plate  clxii,  for  instance,  is  ordinary  late-Mycenaean. 
The  coloured  plate,  Gezery  no.  clxiii,  shows  the  distinction  between  the 
sub-Mycenaean  'Philistine'  and  the  native  'Arnorite*  styles,  which  are 
both  represented.  Dr  Duncan  Mackenzie,  in  his  reports  on  Beth-shemesh, 
definitely  settled  the  status  of  this  ware  as  Philistine,  and  Prof.  Macalister 
agrees  (The  Philistines.,  p.  122).  This  pottery,  indeed,  would  by  itself  be 
sufficient  to  prove  the  Aegean  origin  of  the  Philistines.  It  is  difficult  to 
connect  the  Philistine  pottery  with  the  Achaean  (Phythian- Adams,  Jeru- 
salem School  of  Archaeology,  Bulletin  3,  1923)  without  considering  first 
other  possible  relationships,  and  the  direct  derivation  of  the  Philistines  from 
the  Balkan-Danubian  region  with  the  Achaeans  (tt.)  finds  a  difficulty  in 
the  appearance  of  Philistines  on  the  Phaestus  disk  in  the  Middle  Minoan 
period,  not  later  than  1600  B.C. 


Mediterraneans  of  Lycian-Carian  origin,  who  passed,  very  pos- 
sibly after  a  temporary  occupation  of  eastern  Crete,  along  the 
Asia  Minor  coast  as  part  of  a  regular  folk-wandering  caused  by 
the  Phrygian  invasion,  till  they  reached  Palestine,  where,  after 
their  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Ramses  III,  they  settled  in  the 
historical  Philistia. 

The  latest  mention  in  any  Egyptian  record  of  the  Peoples  of 
the  Sea,  as  such,  is  that  of  the  settlement  of  Zakaray  at  Dor,  in 
the  report  of  Wenamon  (p.  192).  In  all  probability,  however,  the 
Philistine  name  occurs  later  as  the  Egyptian  equivalent  of  TLaXai- 
orriPT)  (=  Philistia)  as  in  the  inscription  of  Petisis,  *  messenger 
to  Canaan  and